Abstract
In West African countries, borders create opportunities for informal networks of trade and exchange. Some of the women involved in activities across the borders operate without official permit. Thus, they engage in transactional sex with those who may facilitate their movement across borders. The study examines sexual relations in cross-border trade and their implications for HIV spread in Nigeria. The study was carried out at Seme, a border town between Lagos, Nigeria, and Republic of Benin. The qualitative method was used to collect data for the study. Forty women who were cross-border traders were selected for focus group discussions; they were stratified into four sessions based on the type of goods, age, and years of experience. In-depth interviews (IDIs) were used to elicit information from three drivers and 16 security agents. The study revealed that some of these women used sex as a means of negotiation with border officials to avoid their goods being confiscated, whereas others had extramarital affairs with some of the officials for financial gains and protection. None of the women interviewed used condom during her last sexual intercourse preceding the survey. More than two-thirds of the respondents had heard about HIV/AIDS, but believed that they were not at risk of infection due to their ignorance. The study concluded that the observed sexual relationships may act as conduit for HIV and sexually transmitted infections (STIs) into both Nigeria and Benin, as these create sexual networks that may stretch over a wide geographical area. There is a need for mobile education programs targeted at this high-risk group.
Introduction
African economy records an estimate of 60% informal trade yearly (Berger & Byvinie, 2003; Economic Commission for Africa, 2010; Fapounda, 2012; International Labour Organization [ILO], 2006). In recent times, the harsh economic recession and frequent political instability in some countries in sub-Saharan Africa have compelled a significant number of Africans to seek alternative livelihood strategies, involving high-risk activities such as seeking for opportunities in foreign lands and engaging in cross-border trade (CBT) with neighboring countries (“Informal Cross-Border Trade,” 2010; Puppa, 2018). Informal trade is an essential component of Africa’s economy, but it is largely undocumented and government disapproves of it because it leads to revenue loss and difficulty in regulating the activities of those who engage in it (Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations [FAO], 2017). The sub-Saharan region records a high volume of trade within its borders on a daily basis (Brenton et al., 2013). Gender of all ages, religion, and ethnic nationalities involve in both legal and illegal trades. As such, women control significant numbers of small-scale enterprises and have been seen to be successful in their line of businesses (Banwo, 2004; Cadot et al., 2011; ILO, 2006). Within the context of migration, these women have been observed as mothers and breadwinners for their family members, including their older parents (Baldassar, 2014). Apparently, participation in informal cross-border trade (ICBT) has become a survival strategy employed by women to sustain their household as most men lose their jobs due to economic recession (Jawando et al., 2012).
Borders have, over the years, provided opportunity for economic activities and improvement of well-beings through trading. With such opportunity, quite a number of women are now involved in CBT, engaging in a whole range of goods and services which has created informal distribution networks and credit systems that sustain livelihood (Ndiaye, 2012). Women involvement and participation in CBT in Western and Central Africa is estimated at 60% (Afrika & Ajumbo, 2012). ICBT has been ongoing for many decades and it is seen as one of the opportunities for sustaining livelihood in a continent that formal employment is difficult to get (FAO, 2017). Nigerian borders provide attractions and opportunities where both men and women meet for commercial activities. Various factors have continued to drive the growth of ICBT in Nigeria, including growing poverty, unemployment, declining living standards, rigorous import control imposed on legal business, and survival strategies (Jawando et al., 2012). A good number of women in this business are often not recognized and do not have official permit to operate along these routes. They are faced with difficulty in accessing traveling documents or trading licenses; they are overcharged by customs officials; they do not have adequate knowledge of official procedures; and they waste excessive time at the borders (FAO, 2017). These women trade in goods such as rice, frozen foods (turkey, chicken etc.), okrika (secondhand clothes and shoes), groundnut oil, and petrol, to mention but a few. They go through illegal routes of water and bush areas to avoid customs officials. Many times the customs officials request for bribe and sexually harass them. Sometimes, when they are unable to meet their demands, they forfeit their goods to these customs officials and other security agents along the borders. As observed by Dunkle et al. (2004) and Mojola (2014), economically disadvantaged young women without the means of sufficient income are more likely to be coerced into transactional sexual relationships with older and more affluent men who are carriers of HIV/AIDS. The Joint United Nations Programme on HIV and AIDS (Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS [UNAIDS], 2015) found that, in developing countries, one in every three sexually active young women is involved in sexual relationship with a partner that is more than 5 years older. As the majority of these women are illiterates and economically disempowered, they also face increased difficulty in negotiating for protective sex with their partners and often fall victims of sexual exploitation (Austin et al., 2017).
“Cross-border trade within Africa in the last decade has received limited attention in public policy and theoretical distinction among Economists, than cross-border conflicts and flows of refugees” (Central Asia Regional Economic Cooperation, 2007). Women cross-border traders in the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) subregion have only succeeded in getting out of poverty; they are still faced with other obstacles. It has been found out that more than 30%of the households in this region are headed by a female whose earnings provide most of the income for the household (African Human Development Report, 2012). However, the life of a woman in ICBT has continued to be very difficult because of the longer hours on the road away from their family and their exposure to risks, violence, and intimidation (“Informal Cross-Border Trade,” 2010). Constantly, “women in CBT face continuous harassment by customs officials, confiscation of their goods, corruption, sexual abuse, exploitation of their inadequate knowledge, inadequate public and private transportation, poor security, robbery and lack of financial services” (FAO, 2017; Jawando et al., 2012; Makombe, 2011).
Unemployment has driven many young women to CBT, thus representing an important aspect of economic instability with relevance for explaining comparative trends in the unequal burden of HIV among women in CBT. As the majority of these women travel for long hours and are subject to the preceding risks, they may be prone to transactional sex with people that facilitate their migration processes such as drivers, immigration and customs officials, police, and other security agents. Although some of these women are compelled to involve in transactional sex in some of these trade axis to gain favor or get across borders due to the nature of their trade, most often they are accused of promiscuity and are often stigmatized for being gone for long periods (Randriamaro & Budlender, 2008). The situation of these women makes them powerless and highly susceptible to sexually transmitted infections (STIs), including HIV. Although access to basic infrastructure affects both sexes in Africa, women in developing countries seem to be at a more disadvantaged position in terms of access to health care such as the ability to acquire health-enhancing resources and services like primary health care, family planning advice, contraceptives, and sex education (Austin & Noble, 2014; Clark & Peck, 2012).
Campbell (2000) noted that “social norms allow for male hegemony on issues of sexual and reproductive decision-making than the restriction on female sexuality.” Subsequently, women are forced to remain monogamous and are often denied opportunity to demand for sex, determine their family size, or recommend the use of condoms with their partners (Meekers & Klein, 2002). Sexual decision-making affects social bond with partners. As noted by Olutayo (2005), the “patriarchy nature of African societies have made women to be regarded as second class citizens and hence economically dependent on men.” Previous studies have concentrated on coping strategies (Jawando et al., 2012) and challenges of women in informal trade (Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 2006), among others. The poor attention paid to the activities of women in ICBT, the limited amount of information about their activities and inappropriate knowledge about HIV/AIDS may increase their indulgence in high-risk behaviors with likely implication for the spread of HIV/AIDS. Arising from the above backdrop, the objective of this study is to find out sexual exchanges among women in CBT and their perpetrators with implications on HIV/AIDS infections in Lagos State, Nigeria. This exchange has implications for the actors who face the risks of contracting sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) and HIV/AIDS when they engage in sexual exchange which further increases the spread of STIs and HIV/AIDS. To this end, the study looked into the network of relationship between women in informal cross-border trades (WICBT) and security operatives along the axis, and identified the socioeconomic background of WICBT, their awareness of HIV/AIDS, as well as the risk of contracting STDs in the axis.
Literature Review
Having casual sexual relations and sex for incentive purposes is considered common among mature adults of both sexes and oftentimes in the past was not connected to the use of condoms. Sexual intercourse, ideally, is a matter of choice between two consenting adults. Over the years, however, power discrimination as well as financial and emotional reliance of women on their partners has become major obstacles to decision-making on sex. Engaging in sex in exchange for cash, goods, services, commodities, or privileges to meet the needs and aspirations of the parties concerned is called transactional sex (see Chatterji et al., 2005; Dunkle et al., 2004). Transactional sex refers to “non-marital, non-commercial sexual relationship where money and gift are exchanged, primarily from men to women” (Mojola, 2014, p. 35). Transactional sex also denotes an economically motivated relationship or occasions when sexual encounters differ from sex work in the sense that neither party considers the encounter as a formal commercial exchange (Dunkle et al., 2004). Other definitions of transactional sex argue that it is based on actual or anticipated material gain, which clearly differentiates transactional sex from transactional acts that are likely to occur in a gender-stratified relationship and that are also predicated on other factors such as love, marriage, or emotional support (Jewkes et al., 2012). In the African context, transactional sex is seen as the material exchanges to everyday sexual relationships. It is different from “commercial sex” and prostitution practices which are accompanied with stigmatization connotations (Blommaert, 2014; Cole, 2007; Hunter, 2004).
Hunter (2004) identifies three factors leading to transactional sex. The first is “the privileged economic position of men in society, that is rooted with their access to the most profitable or rewarding sections of the formal and informal economy as well as to resources such as housing, cars, money etc.” The second is “masculine discussions that place a high premium on men having multiple sexual partners.” The third, by contrast, relates to an expression of women’s agency: women engaging in transactional sexual relationships not as passive victims but rather “to access power and resources in ways that can both challenge and reproduce patriarchal structures.”
Literature review on the factors influencing transactional sex among young men and women in Africa suggests that young unmarried men and women are more likely to engage in transactional sex than older and/or married men and women (Chatterji et al., 2005). Other studies on transactional sex also affirm that, among the youth, engagement in transactional sex relationships has both economic and consumer purposes.
In transactional sex, material gain or favor is the overriding factor. Women receive varieties of items hinged on their survival such as cash, favor, connection, rent and food, fashionable clothing, electronics, consumer goods, and other goods that boost their social status (Masvawure, 2010; Miller et al., 2011). Women who freely give away sex without receiving anything in exchange usually face rebuke from family members and are often accused of devaluing their sexuality (Groes-Green, 2013; Wamoyi et al., 2011). The fish-for-sex is a good example of transactional sex in which women in developing countries provide sex for traveling migrant workers in exchange for fish, favor, or other goods, which they sell for money or use for their family upkeep (Fox, 2010; Mojola, 2011; Smith, 2012). Due to the influence of alcohol, loneliness, desire for entertainment, and sexual urge as a result of long stay away from home, women often provide the sexual pleasure in exchange for other monetary and material support (Fox, 2010; Mojola, 2011). However, women who receive support or gifts from a partner risk accusations of materialism or promiscuity if their motives are perceived as purely for monetary gains rather than for affection (Strebel et al., 2013).
Studies in sub-Saharan Africa have shown that economically motivated sexual relationships and encounters called “transactional sex” have significantly contributed to women’s risk of acquiring HIV through heterosexual transmission (See Hunter, 2004; Pettifor et al., 2005). Transactional sex may make these women engaging in the practice especially vulnerable to HIV infection. Also, gender norms and unequal power relations between men and their female partners undermine condom negotiation and increase the likelihood that the men will have outside sexual partners, thus increasing the females’ HIV risk (Eaton et al., 2003; Luke, 2003; Pulerwitz et al., 2002). Also, a large body of research emanating from sub-Saharan Africa indicates that although economically motivated relationships and transactional sex are attached to women’s relative lack of socioeconomic resources, these behaviors are also related to partnership prowess and sexual behaviors that may boost the risk of HIV and STI transmission (Dunkle et al., 2010).
Theoretical Framework
Social exchange theory is used as the theoretical leaning to explain sexual exchange among women and security officials along the border areas. The social exchange theory was popularized in the 1960s but became part of the family sciences toward the end of the 20th century. This theory was given prominence in the work of sociologists such as Blau (1964), Homans (1961), and Thibaut and Kelley (1959), who worked on the rational assessment of self-interest in human social interaction. The theory is premised on the fact that humans in social situations choose behaviors that maximize their possibility of meeting self-interests in those situations. Social exchange theory explores the relations between two parties by looking at the costs and benefits of each party involved in the relationship. Interactions continue if each of the party gains more than it loses. A reciprocal relationship exists if each person gives something to the other party and also gains something in return. The importance of what is gained and what is exchanged depends in part on the choices or interests of the individuals and in part on the agreement reached. The theory considers sex as “purely a female resource.” When sexual contact exists between a man and a woman, it is believed that the woman is giving something of great worth or value to the man and expects respect, love, commitment, and items of monetary values in return. What is given by the man in terms of nonsexual resources depends on the value set by the culture of the society and the status of the woman and her family background in the society. The transactional sex that exists along the border areas between some women in ICBT could be said to be on the basis of costs and benefits. The cost is what the women give (in this case their bodies for the officials to get what they want) in exchange for preventing their goods from being confiscated by security officials along the border post and other gains that may not be easily quantified. This exchange has implications for actors on both sides who face the risks of contracting STDs and HIV/AIDS, which further increases the spread of STIs and HIV/AIDS.
Method
Study Location
The study locations comprised a border town between Lagos and Republic of Benin called Seme. It is a major settlement and it is some 10-min drive from Badagry, the Nigerian coastal town close to Cotonou in Benin Republic. Study population included the border officials, drivers, and the WICBT in the Seme border town of Nigeria. On a daily basis, about 300 to 700 of these women ply the Seme border town to transact business and during peak or festive periods the population rises between 700 to 2,000 (Mordi, 2011). The age composition of the women ranges from 18 to 60 years. The choice of this location is based on the fact that it is one of the busiest borders in Nigeria and also witnesses a large volume of trading activities on a daily basis.
Method of Research Approach
The research used a qualitative approach to study the network of relationships between WICBT and other security operatives along the axis. It also considered the socioeconomic background of the respondents as well as their awareness and risk of contracting STDs. We selected a total of 40 WICBT for focus group discussions (FGDs) and 19 security officials and drivers for in-depth interviews (IDIs). The selection was based on the insight that the participants were regular traders who had been involved in trading activities for a period of 5 years and above and cut across the age range of 18 to 60 years. The security officials chosen were those who had worked within the border areas for at least 2 years and were familiar with the WICBT. The drivers were those who had been plying the border axis for 5 years and above and who understood the terrains.
Sample Design
The study adopted a purposive sampling technique to select the respondents for the different qualitative data collection methods. They were purposively selected based on the fact that they met the criteria for the study and also engaged in ICBT in the last 5 years and above. The choice of this category of women was influenced by the interest in bringing to public knowledge the effects of this transactional sex with severe implications for HIV/AIDS. The FGDs were stratified into five different sessions based on types of goods, age, and years of experience. Sampling size could not be determined due to the fact that the total population of women involved in this trade is unknown. The women were divided into five groups consisting of eight women each. Due to the nature of their business, data gathering took about 3 months, from March to June 2016. The participants were selected based on the type of commodity traded. The snow balling method was used to identify these groups of people because of their itinerant nature. The purpose of the research was explained to their leaders and the participants. Although the interview guide for the FGDs had been carefully structured ahead, the responses from the participants were based on their objective and subjective reflections of their experiences along the border areas. The source created valuable insight to the topic under investigation. Also, IDI was employed to collect information from three drivers, five customs, four immigration officers, four policemen, and three other security agents. This method created another insightful face-to-face interaction for observing the attitude, behaviors, and mood of the respondents on questions raised. Two participants were identified from the FGDs and were used as case stories based on their experiences in ICBT.
Methods and Instruments of Data Collection
A combination of qualitative data collection methods were employed for this study. We conducted five sessions of FGDs for WICBT consisting of eight women per session. IDIs were conducted with 19 different security operatives including customs, immigration, and police officers and other security agents as well as drivers operating on the border axis.
Methodological Tools.
Note. FGD = focus group discussion; WICBT = women in informal cross-border trades; IDIs = in-depth interviews.
Data Analysis
The qualitative data collected were sorted and compiled after returning from the field on each day. For the FGDs and IDIs, the data were analyzed using the NVivo 11 software. The data were transcribed and quoted verbatim from the recording from the field. Data collected were stored in separate files and coded and later compiled and triangulated according to nature, types, and characteristics of information received from the field. The study complied with the rules guiding research ethics and sought and obtained permission from the university ethical committee. Consent forms were administered to all the participants and those who could read were asked to sign the consent form, whereas those who could not thumb-printed on the consent form. The participants were also allowed to withdraw from the study without compulsion.
Results of Findings
Socioeconomic Characteristics of Respondents
As shown in Table 2, 20%of the respondents did not have formal education, whereas more than half of the participants had secondary education. It was also surprising that 10%of the respondents had postsecondary education. This is quite different from the previous studies such as Friedrich Ebert Stiftung’s (2006) study that reported that the majority of WICBT have a low or zero literacy level. Also, half of the participants were between 30 and 39 years of age, whereas only 12.5%were between 40 and 49 years. This is an indication that the majority of these WICBT were still in their reproductive ages. Apart from contracting STDs and HIV/AIDS therefore, they were also likely to get pregnant. On the type of goods traded in, two-thirds of the participants traded in secondhand materials (clothes and shoes), followed by food stuffs and toiletries (37.5%), among which were rice, groundnut oil, frozen foods, soaps, and can juice. Only 2.5%of the women traded in new cloths. The ethnic distribution reflects the fact that all the main ethnic groups were involved in the CBT; however, most of the respondents that participated in the interview were Yoruba. The main reason may not be unconnected with the fact that the study was carried out around a Yoruba-speaking area. Marital status of the respondents complements the fact that the women were involved in this trade to support household income: 50%of the participants were married, whereas the others were widowed (12.5%) and single (12.5%). Duration of involvement in CBT shows that the business had been in operation for a long period of time. Half of the respondents had been in this business for more than 10 years. It is also an indication that the business is lucrative despite the risks.
Sociodemographic Characteristics of FGD Respondents.
Note. FGD = focus group discussion.
Risks and Challenges
As every business has its own risk and challenges, the participants were asked about the risks involved in the trade. The major challenge which the women considered paramount was the seizure of their goods by the law enforcement agencies as most of the goods were prohibited items not covered by import policy. In some cases, these goods may be among goods allowed to be imported, but as they did not have the importation license on those items, it became an offense carrying such goods across the border. The majority of the women also did not have the legal documents to pass through the border.
One immigration officer had this to say: It has been observed for several years that cross-border traders do not have the legal documents needed to facilitate such trade. Most of these women do not have ECOWAS passports and international identity.
A custom officer said, It is not all the goods carried by these women that are contrabands; some are allowed by the government into the country once you pay the necessary importation duties and you can produce the importation license. There is a woman who is a major importer of peanut into this country. Nobody harasses or embarrasses her. She has all her documents.
Here are some of the responses by the FGD participants on the challenges faced from the custom officers. A woman explained thus, Several times, even our uncountable goods were seized by customs officers at checkpoints. Such seizure of goods was more intense during Olusegun Obasanjo’s administration where most seized goods, especially turkey, were buried and other goods burnt by border officials on instruction and directive.
A widow said, My goods—bag of rice worth more than N20, 000 ($140)—was on an occasion seized by customs officers and I was told to pay the sum of N10, 000($80) to release them for me. I understood quite alright that I either pay them the charges or sacrifice my body. Hence I forfeited the goods.
On a daily basis, these women had contacts with the border officials or security agents. As some of their trades were considered illegal by the governments (even if no law assuredly backed it), it was necessary for them to approach security agents to assist them in getting their goods across. In addition to the security agents, there was also the problem of transporting those goods across the border to their various destinations. This was another uphill task in the business. Most of these women explained that they could stay away from home for days, even when they did not have problems with custom officials, due to high transport fare or lack of vehicle to transport their goods. According to a 35-year-old woman, At times we can be here for days without having problems with the security officials but transportation problem—in most cases the high cost of transportation and the exorbitant charges by the drivers. It was a worse scenario during the fuel crisis. Some of us used motor cycles to transport our goods in bits out of the border town to Badagry.
The study found out from the drivers that the high cost of vehicles, extortion by the security agents, and maintenance of their vehicles are the reasons for the high transport fare. One driver noted, It is not our fault some of these women normally carry contrabands that you as a driver will not know. A driver has to settle customs, police, quarantine officers etc. Failure to bribe them may cause your vehicle to be confiscated. Tell me, where will I get 2.2 million naira ($24,000) to buy another bus?
Another driver said, Some of us bought these buses on hire purchase; we are to pay double the amount of the original price. Before we settle the owners, the custom, police, and conductors what do you think will remain for the drivers? The increase in the pump price of the petrol did not help the situation.
It was also pointed out that extortion of money by “Area boys” popularly called “omo onile” (land owners) was one of the challenges faced by the traders. The miscreants collected illegal taxes from these traders for putting their goods on their land. Failure to pay resulted in seizure of their goods and they may not be able to recover those goods. Other risks and challenges involved in this business are dehumanizing punitive measures by customs and security agents, having one’s personal life offered up for public scrutiny, extreme stress upon relationships with partners sometimes resulting in divorce, stress on peer relationships, or relationships with colleagues, and weakening of support network or being ostracized by friends, colleagues, or family members. It is important to also note here that there are other routes which are not legal that cross-border traders ply, all for the sake of escape and avoidance of border officials who may want to seize their goods. In addition, they may be attacked by border touts and thieves. Some of the responses from the interviews conducted are related below.
A married woman said, If I had enough capital I would have left this business, because of the dehumanizing treatment that we normally receive from customs. Even when you are ready to give your body, if you meet a difficult officer he will refuse any sexual advances.
A single female trader said, The way they search our bodies without considering that we are women is shameful. At times if they catch you along illegal route during patrol by the officials, you can be detained for a day or two before being released.
Income from the business helps support the family, improve status within the society, and even acquire property. It also serves as a means of livelihood for the majority of the participants. Women, particularly those who are heads of households and who have young children, are limited in their economic ventures and trading opportunities for reasons that include inflexible and unfriendly trading conditions and procedures and disproportionate sharing, by men and by society, of family responsibilities (Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 2006).
A few of the traders explained that they had become wives and friends of the security agents. According to a woman, For me, I engage in cross-border trade occasionally unlike before when I plied the border on a daily basis for foodstuff. But when I discovered I could not cope with the routine disturbance characterized by the trade mainly from border officials, I decided to run a restaurant business.
A Christian woman noted, We have customs officers as friends’ even soldiers and mobile police officers are our friends in this trade.
Knowledge and Attitude Toward STIs
Knowledge of STIs was high among the participants. The majority of the respondents had a good knowledge of STIs. Some of the STIs they mentioned include gonorrhea, syphilis, candidiasis, and HIV/AIDS. The most mentioned STI was HIV/AIDS. This may not be unconnected with the sensitization and campaign about HIV along the border routes. Some STI symptoms mentioned were blood in urine, abdominal pain, difficulty in passing out urine, discharge from vaginal or penis, itching in the genital area, pelvic pain, genital ulcers or open sores, inability to conceive, loss of weight, pelvic pain during intercourse, and swellings in the genital area. Also, the participants identified some of the modes of transmission of the STIs and HIV/AIDS to include unprotected sex, having multiple sexual partners, sharing of needles and unsterilized objects, and mother-to-child transmission (especially in the case of HIV), among others. A married woman described STIs as . . . diseases contracted from sexual intercourse. It does not matter whether you are married or not; once your partner has any one of them you can contract it from him or her.
A Muslim woman said, HIV is a bad disease that can be contracted through sexual intercourse, sharing of needles, blood transfusion and through mother to child as well as other methods.
A woman trading in frozen foods explained thus, We are harmless. We value our business. We make a living through the business. When our goods are seized by border officials at check points and we could not afford whatever is demanded such as money to release such goods we are often left with just an option and that is to harass them sexually. We will not have sexually transmitted infection as some of us know that we need to protect ourselves. Nobody wants to live the rest of her life in miserable conditions, more so with the level of awareness on HIV/AIDS.
This study confirms previous studies about the knowledge of STIs, especially HIV/AIDS, among the Nigeria populace (Adeyemi, 2011; Isiugo-Abanihe et al., 2012; Mojola, 2014; Nigeria Demographic and Health Survey, 2008). Despite the knowledge of modes of transmission, the majority of women believed that they were not at risk even when they indulged in behaviors that made them vulnerable to the disease. It was also observed that those who mentioned that they had experienced the symptoms of STIs did not seek appropriate medical attention; they sought traditional methods for treatment.
Sexual Exchange and Transactional Sex
Sexual exchange and transactional sex have been one of the issues underlying CBT among women. Most of the women interviewed explained that they had been harassed sexually by customs and other security agents and had also offered themselves for favor from security agents. These harassments ranged from unlawful touching, sexually suggestive looks or gestures, subtle or overt pressure or sexual interactions, insistent invitations for drinks, dinner, and dates, having one’s clothes pulled off or down, sexist comments, and threats of physical assault. Some of the participants expressed their ordeals at the hands of security agents as noted below.
A widow said, Often times while running this business, border officials, especially the junior custom officers, touch us unnecessarily and such act speaks about something. As such relationship develops, for those that eventually agree to go out with such official, it is very important that they must practice safe sex or else, they face the risk of STD and HIV/AIDS.
A 40-year-old woman said, All categories, young, old, single or married, provided you are plying the Lagos-Seme Border for one business or the other, you are bound to be harassed and it now depends on you if you want to be involved in such relationship. Some of us have ended up regretting such relationship as it is not based on genuine love, affections and commitment but purely based on deceit and greed—using what you have to get what you want.
A woman trading in frozen foods said, After the death of my husband two years ago, I decided to venture into cross-border trade dealing with used materials (Okrika wears) primarily to sustain my household (my husband left me with three dependent children). I was harassed sexually by a custom officer in the course of this job and before I knew it I became a wife of the custom officer for me to be protected and also change my status.
Apart from the cases of sexual harassment by security agents along the border axis, there is also transactional sex based on mutual assistance between the women and the security operatives. Some of these transactional acts have resulted into marriage between the parties, separation, and divorce. In trying to get protection, WICBT often enter into relationship with these officials to get favor, support, and assistance anytime they contravene the laws. As explained by one of the women in the FGDs, It is not always the time that the customs or other security agents harass us. Some of us willingly seduce these operatives to entice or force them to agree to engage in serious relationship with us. I have seen a woman just because she was desperate to go out with a custom official went diabolical and used charm to hook the man. At the end of the day, she became the mistress of the custom man and later used remote control on the man until the man divorced his legal wife and eventually married this woman.
Another woman in her 20s explained thus, Do not be deceived by what some of my colleagues are saying here; some of them are good examples of those that have been sexually harassed by customs and also those that have harassed customs official to get favour. If you have conducted this interview privately some of them may have opened up but because you have organized this group interview that is why they are saying this. One thing I know is that they know the implication of their action if they engage in unprotected sex or not. HIV/AIDS is real.
Also, most of the security agents affirmed that the issue of transactional sex is common between WICBT and security agents. One of the security agents, a custom officer in his 40s, shed more light on transactional sex: It is true that cases of harassment have been reported in the past and those erring officers were dismissed after cases of sexual harassment and extortion were established against them. To be frank with you, most often it’s the women who always seduce the officers by offering them gift and willingly offering their body to get favour. They even go diabolical just to get their targets. That is why you need God as your protector to survive in this our job. I think they harass us more than they claim we harass them.
Another security official, an immigration officer in his 50s, corroborated the view of the customs officer thus: I have had stories of transactional sex between WICBT and security officials and even drivers. What I know is that these WICBT also have some of these officials as lovers to ease their movement at the border and also to ensure that their goods are not confiscated. The truth is that in most cases it is the women who initiate the move and not the security officials. I’m not saying that officers do not make sexual advances at the women but it is common among the women. No officers will want to jeopardize his career and die untimely without using condoms. In any case, this relationship also leads to marriage as some of these women are either widow, single or separated.
It was observed that the participants were aware of the implication of STDs with implication for HIV/AIDS. It is also noteworthy that the respondents all agreed that sexual exchanges exist among the WICBT and security agents on the axis. However, what is not clear is the magnitude of this exchange in the form of transactional sex.
Discussion of Findings
Due to the economic meltdown and increasing rate of unemployment, some men who are supposed to be the heads of the family and breadwinners have lost their jobs, and women have been forced to take up income-earning tasks while continuing their domestic tasks. These changes now make women become breadwinners instead of homemakers; this touches the gender relations within poor households. Most of these women came into the cross-border business to support their families. It was discovered that despite the sexual harassment they still wanted to continue to do the business (see Case Story 1 and 2). They were of the opinion that it is better to continue in the business than to die of hunger. This has made values and relationship to be contested, renegotiated in silence and pain, and has further fueled violence within the households.
Poverty may dehumanize individuals to a point where issues of self-esteem and morality become secondary. The number of WICBT that seek favor through transactional sex relationship is gradually increasing more than those the security officials harass. Muzvidziwa (2001) reports that WICBT are being portrayed as “unpatriotic, economic saboteurs, anti-social humans and prostitutes.” It is believed that these women or traders undermine the economic well-being of the nation because government is not able to extract tax out of them; instead, they enrich customs and other security agents along their routes.
Some of the women interviewed used sex as a means of negotiation with the border officials to avoid their goods being confiscated, whereas others had transactional sex or extramarital affairs with some of the officials for financial gains and protection (see Case Story 2). The socioeconomic backgrounds of these women heighten their weakness. In trying to survive and avoid seizure of their goods, they are exposed to transactional sex and are more likely to become involved or coerced into unprotected intercourse. Their long sojourn from home and from the social support network of family and friends could create an environment for men and women to develop sexual relations. It was discovered from the interview that long absence from home by the security officers is one of the reasons they demand sexual gratifications from the traders. Social isolation increases the chances of engaging in high-risk sexual behavior which they may not engage in if they were with their partners. This finding also corroborates Fox’s (2010) and Mojola and Everett’s (2012) submission that, due to the influence of alcohol, loneliness, desire for entertainment, and sexual urge as a result of long stay away from home, women often provide sexual pleasure in exchange for other monetary and material support.
None of the women interviewed used condoms or any form of protection during sexual intercourse in the 6 weeks preceding the survey. This has serious implications for HIV/AIDS transmission. As the majority of these women have their husbands and the security officers have their partners, this may lead to transmission of STIs, including HIV, within the study population. Female long-distance traders or travelers experience disproportionately higher increases in unprotected casual sex and HIV/STI risk. Economic hardships may lead female migrants not to bargain for safer sex (Mojola, 2014; Yang, 2006).
Knowing the causes of infections does not translate to protection; this is one of the reasons for the new cases of HIV being discovered in the country. Despite the level of awareness and knowledge about the mode of transmission, the majority of the people still engage in risky behavior. Some who had STIs did not even take appropriate medical treatment. Some of them may have limited access to STIs and HIV services which may result in underestimating the consequences of HIV infections. As HIV is on the increase, it is important that this scourge is addressed promptly and effectively as the potential for the spread of HIV through sexual exchanges is eminent (Austin et al., 2017). This observed sexual relationship may act as conduit for HIV and STIs into both Nigeria and Benin as sexual networks that may stretch over a wide geographical area are created.
Conclusion
It is clear that sexual exchange exists among WICBT and security officials along the border areas. What is not known is the magnitude of this exchange. It is also evident that some are aware of HIV/AIDS, whereas some do not protect themselves when having sexual intercourse. Empirical research in recent years has shown that young women in their reproductive years in developing countries are the most vulnerable groups to HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS, 2015; World Health Organization, 2016). Women who contract HIV face series of health challenges, diminished quality of life, discrimination, and premature death (UNAIDS, 2015). Mobile populations such as WICBT may not have access to appropriate information and health education through newspaper, radio, and television and the available media programs may not have enough impact on this population who are at risk of contracting HIV/AIDS and STIs. Specifically, health programs must be designed to target this category of people. There is also the need to embark on poverty alleviation programs that will target this group of people, especially to reduce the scourge of HIV transmission in the country.
Footnotes
Acknowledgements
The research discussed in this paper was originally presented at the 27th International Union for Sexually Transmitted Infections (IUSTI) Europe Congress IUSTI Europe Congress during September 6–8, 2012 in Antalya, Turkey, an abstract of which was published in the conference proceeding of IUSTI.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
