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One of the paradoxical reasons for the 2008 financial crash was that the competition between the Western and Eastern blocs was played out and won not militarily but rather on the grounds of economic efficiency. Because the primacy of the West had been established by economics and not armaments, not only did the West forgo the construction of a new global governance, but it also failed to reinforce the existing one, which might have avoided the risks of unbridled capitalism. The 20-year period between 1989 and 2008 highlighted a radicalization of the capitalist model on which developed Western societies were based, together with a distorted conception of the corporation. The relationship between democracy and free market is asymmetrical: democracy cannot survive without a free market, while the free market functions even in the absence of democracy. In fact, one of the reasons why several Italian banks such as Intesa Sanpaolo were less affected by the 2008 crisis than other institutions around the world was precisely that they relied less on financial risk than on credit. However, the West seems to have now lost the capacity of vision that the United States and the founding fathers of the European Union demonstrated at the end of the Second World War. Must the West, therefore, resign itself to a marginal role in world affairs, or does it still have a chance to regain an influential role in a fairer and more solidarity-orientated global order?
The project consists of a study of selected works by two authors who have not been connected or compared before, experimental poet Elio Pagliarani and
The primary purpose of this article is to examine how the theme of money developed in the work of the key early 20th-century Italian modernist writers Giovanni Papini, Aldo Palazzeschi, Giovanni Boine, and Carlo Michelstaedter. It also studies the connection between the theme of money and two central concepts in modernist literature: the crisis in the concept of objectivity, and the interpretation of reality as a continuous flow that rejects every possible conceptualization. I argue that money was a metaphor for the crisis of objective truth, a symbol for an existence that had lost all perspective from which to judge and order reality.
Un esame delle opere di Jhumpa Lahiri induce a chiedersi come possano essere rappresentate varie forme di identità diasporica tramite la narrativa, e quello che tali forme significhino se rapportate a culture diverse, create tramite lingue diverse, oppure recepite da lettori di comunità diverse. Qui, certe opere come
La maggior parte della critica che si è finora occupata del romanzo di Antonio Tabucchi,
Prendendo spunto dai concetti di libertà e responsabilità propri dell’esistenzialismo, da testi teorici sull’etica della traduzione, da un’analisi testuale di
This article examines Fellini’s use of Petrarch and Ariosto in
L’attività degli sceneggiatori è raramente sottoposta a un’analisi mirante a individuarne un profilo “autoriale” che, come viene abitualmente fatto per i registi, ne metta in luce stilemi ricorrenti e interessi tematici. L’articolo si propone di esaminare l'attività di sceneggiatore di Vincenzo Talarico. II tratto caratteristico di questo giornalista e scrittore è identificato nel contrasto fra l’attrazione per la retorica e l’atteggiamento sarcastico nei confronti della retorica, e quindi nella volontà di demolire con l'ironia le maschere pubbliche che coprono i vizi privati degli individui. Tale contrasto può essere sintetizzato da un lato dalle sue comparse, in qualità di interprete, in vari film nei quali si è calato nella parte di un avvocato dall’eloquio ampolloso e dai gesti enfatici, e dall’altro nella frequente presenza, nei film da lui sceneggiati, di scene in cui un discorso celebrativo e retorico viene continuamente interrotto, oppure contrappuntato da commenti sarcastici. Talarico, che Indro Montanelli definisce “specializzato nell’arte di mormorare”, ha spesso collaborato alla scrittura di film in cui venivano prese di mira le pose monumentali del fascismo. Anche nelle opere “di genere” (film comici, melodrammi) a cui ha collaborato si ravvisa la presenza di simili contrappunti. I film a cui ha partecipato prevedono spesso lo smascheramento di personaggio dotati di una doppia faccia. L'articolo esamina dettagliatamente le collaborazioni cinematografiche di Talarico, mettendole a confronto con alcuni testi letterari dello stesso autore (in particolare, le pagine su Tersite nel testo
Claude Lefort, French philosopher and activist, exponent of the anti-totalitarian moment in France, has developed an original theoretical proposal on democracy and totalitarianism. When he distanced himself from the creed of the proletarian revolution as an instrument of understanding of human action, he focused on the understanding of the political as a space in which the social emerges, in which it takes shape. The idea that society acquired a unity through the revolutionary project was overturned by the knowledge that the social cannot be contained; it cannot be the object of appropriation and unification through action or knowledge without threatening freedom and the existence of society itself. Democratic political society can only be heterogeneous, in which the conflict cannot be resolved precisely because the various interests in society are irreducible and asymmetrical. Machiavelli, in the Lefortian thinking, had identified the sense of the political at the beginning of his institution, in which the division and disagreement between classes are the foundation of social relations. This view is opposed to the classical conception of dissent as a moment of collision between passions and reason, where the disorder compromises the political structure. Social conflict indeed is an irreducible resource for the existence of human relations, public space and political society. In the clash between two realisms, Lefort shelved the Marxist one to deepen the turmoil of the ‘divine Machiavelli’, replacing in his theoretical vision the Machiavellian idea of the political as a social dimension to the Marxist dominance of the production forces; the political is the way in which society represents its legitimacy and presupposes conflict as inescapable, a way to guarantee political freedom. Plurality and irrepressible diversity will be instruments for guaranteeing democracy.




