Abstract
This study aims to describe the reflection of the Dindang Maayun Anak song in the Banjar culture in South Kalimantan. The Dindang song contains linguistic units containing cultural functions and meanings in the Banjar community. Therefore, ethnolinguistic analysis was conducted through intralingual and extralingual equivalences. Subsequently, cultural semantic analysis is used to examine the cultural reflection in this study. The researchers recorded 53 stanzas of the dindang song, based on which 16 data were classified as words/terms, 9 data were classified as phrases, and 6 data were classified as sentences, reflecting local culture. The analysis showed that the Dindang Maayun Anak song reflects (1) the religious way of life-based on the Baiman, Bauntung, and Batuah philosophies as the implementation of Iman, Islam, and Ihsan teachings. (2) Trading, raising, and catching fish, alongside farming based on the economic system and livelihoods in the wetland, and (3) knowledge of nature, flora, and fauna. It also reflects the (4) parenting patterns based on the Baiman, Bauntung, and Batuah philosophies, (5) living equipment and technology that supports their economic system and livelihoods, (6) Banjar language as a lingua franca and means of expressing beliefs, knowledge, evaluation, and feelings. Furthermore, the Baiman, Bauntung, and Batuah philosophy is conceptualized differently by the traditional leader, Kesultanan Banjar (non-formal leader), formal (government) leader and modern education expert in South Kalimantan. The reflection of the three B’s is a prayer (for ordinary people), a motto (in a local government, and a school vision.
Introduction
The Banjar people (Urang Banjar) are a tribe that dominates the territory of South Kalimantan, Central Kalimantan, and a part of East Kalimantan. Large Banjar populations are also found in Riau, Jambi, North Sumatra, and Peninsular Malaysia due to their migration to the Malay Archipelago in the 19th century (Daud, 1997). Banjar entities were formed into three groups: Banjar Kuala, Banjar Batang Banyu, and Banjar Pahuluan (Saleh, 1983). This grouping also affects the language used.
In communicating, most Banjar people use the Banjar language (Hapip, 1978, 2017; Kawi, 2002). Banjar is an Austronesian language from the Malay family spoken as a mother tongue by the Banjar tribe in South Kalimantan, Indonesia. It is an oral literary language divided into two major dialects, Banjar Kuala and Banjar Hulu. Banjar language is one of the native languages in Kalimantan, with broad coverage over Central, East, and South Kalimantan. Almost all Dayak speakers can communicate in Banjar language, making it a lingua franca in the three regions (Hapip, 1978; Sunarti, 1978; Suryadikara, 1981), causing the number of speakers to exceed the actual Banjar people. Besides South Kalimantan, the originally tribal language has become a lingua franca in other areas, such as Central and East Kalimantan, alongside the Indragiri Hilir Regency in Riau (Haris, 2004).
Language is considered a valuable human heritage. The existence of language is a sign of the progress of civilization in certain ethnic communities. The Banjar language functions as a means of communication and cultural expression for the community, especially in their oral traditions.
One of the inherited oral traditions in the Banjar community is the Dindang, comprising children’s songs or lullabies. Dindang means humming a song before bed or for children’s games. The song can be in poetry or rhymes and are sung using the typical notation of Banjar songs. Dindang songs are an oral tradition in South Kalimantan, Indonesia. One of the popular songs is the Dindang Maayun Anak (Marfuah, 2014), mostly expressed using the Banjar language, alongside some Arabic insertions, due to the contained Islamic moral teachings. The Dindang lyrics contains request, prayer, education, an introduction to religion, and advice. The lyrics of Dindang have referential, expressive, directive, and esthetic functions. Parents intend the lyrics’ utterances as a prayer for their children to be pious, blessed with lots of sustenance, and given the strength of faith. The essential thing in the lyrics is the cultural meaning passed on from generation to generation, both written and oral. Because without being inherited from generation to generation, the tradition will be extinct. Due to the inheritance of the tradition, Dindang in the children’s baanyun is included in the religious tourism calendar of South Kalimantan.
The noble values in the Dindang are regional wealth that needs to be instilled in the younger generation. The function of the Dindang in Banjarese society is part of strengthening oral literary works known as Baandai or Badudu, which is the same as a lullaby. This song is played when holding children and grandchildren with great affection until the child falls asleep in the swing. Dindang is playing and singing. Until now, the song’s creator is unknown because it was born orally and passed down orally. Dindang Maayun Anak contains philosophical-essential words: Baiman, Bauntung, and Batuah (three B’s). Ethnopedagogically in Banjar culture, education is based on the principle of the Three B’s (Baiman, Bauntung, and Batuah). The educational content of Baiman is that parents should teach religious knowledge, especially on (a) the pillars of faith and Islam, prayer, obedience to parents, and pious children, and (b) reciting the utterance of La illaha illalah Muhammad Rasulullah (There is no God but Allah, and the Prophet Muhammad is the messenger of Allah) when putting children to sleep. Someone who is a condition of Bauntung has good fortune and benefits for others. Someone in the state of Batuah is to be a human being with dignity, even to a certain degree, a karamah (grace). However, humans are generally expected to have at least noble dignity in this world and hereafter. This third stage combines human benefit in worldly practice and hereafter practice based on strong faith and qualified knowledge. The three B’s have been used as philosophical foundations in socio-religious activities, formal education, and local government.
Dindang Maayun Anak was initially sung when parents or caregivers put children/infants to sleep soundly, accompanied by good prayers. The function of Dindang in Banjar society is (1) for entertainment, namely (a) when comfortable playing at home, (b) to entertain and joke, (c) to entertain children so they do not cry, and (d) to entertain so they can forget for a moment the problems of life that they faced, and (2) as a tool for children’s education, namely, to educate them (a) to be obedient to both parents, (b) to have good character, (c) to be filial piety to both parents, (d) to have strong faith, (e) not to speak impolitely, and (f) not to be whiny. Dindang tradition is carried out to get blessings using certain tools, places, and particular ways. Nowadays, local people use Dindang to communicate values, especially elements of religious and philosophical values, expectations, and beliefs of the social group its members belong to.
Similar studies to this research are the following studies. Aryan (2018) researched Sasak Songs. This research examined the meaning of culture for the Sasak tribe in several folk songs using an ethnolinguistic approach. Indrawati (2020) also researched the Banjar and Dayak Cultures through the Novel entitled Jendela Seribu Sungai by Miranda Seftiana and Avesina Soebli. This research found that the Banjar and Dayak cultures displayed various traditions and customs of both communities and implemented phrases to be the living guidelines of the Banjar and Dayak people. Touseef and Papas (2019), through the Urdu Tadhkirah Tradition, revealed the existence of marginal mystics who marked the religious memory of this heritage city of the Pakistani Punjab. Therefore, the ethnolinguistic approach is considered appropriate for this study. The ethnolinguistic approach is, of course, based on the theories of ethnolinguistics,
The Dindang Maayun Anak song is analyzed from the ethnolinguistic perspective by presenting the relationship between language and culture. The language used is part of the culture (Mu’in, 2018). These songs are both a cultural component and a central network through which the other components are expressed (Duranti, 2020). The language used in the song reflects the Banjar tradition and culture (Mu’in, 2019). It is the symbolic representation of people and involves their historical and cultural backgrounds, approach to life, and ways of living and thinking (Duranti, 2020; Mu’in et al., 2021).
Ethnolinguistics is the study of the language structure or vocabulary of certain ethnic communities from a cultural point of view (Baehaqie, 2017). Ethnicity refers to a group’s common ancestry or evolving shared values and customs transmitted through generations, primarily in the family. On the other hand, an ethnic group comprises people with a distinct cultural heritage, manifested in their manner of communication, religion, dress, food habits, and other mannerisms (Riggs & Tweedell, 1984). Baehaqie stated that ethnolinguistics is a branch of linguistics that can be used to study the structure of the language and language vocabulary of specific ethnic communities based on the perspective and culture of the speaking community to uncover or reveal the culture of a particular community (2013). In addition, Ethnolinguistics covers the relationship between language and culture, communicative practices, and cognitive models of language and thought, describing and understanding the role of language in shaping how group members relate to the world, to one another, and to others (Riley, 2008).). In summary, ethnolinguistics is a science that studies the characteristics of the languages of various ethnic groups and their distribution and functions. It works in the context of socio-cultural situations and the relationship between language and society.
The study of language from a cultural perspective utilizes ethnoscience. Methodologically it is adequate to reveal aspects of human knowledge that guide their daily behavior. Ethnoscience emphasizes the knowledge system that shows the group survives in a particular ecological niche. By definition, ethnoscience refers to the knowledge possessed by a nation, more precisely, a particular ethnic group or social group. In connection with ethnoscience, knowledge of the language is the easiest way to arrive at the knowledge system of a society.
Language related to culture is studied ethnolinguistically. The ethnolinguistic birth is closely related to the “Sapir-Whorf” hypothesis. The “Sapir-Whorf” hypothesis is linguistic relativism inspired by Boas’ thought. The theory states that human language shapes or influences the environment of human perception of the reality of its environment or that human language affects the environment in processing and making categories of the surrounding fact (Salzman et al., 2012).
People’s views on their surrounding environment can be conditioned by their language. The physical environment in which a society lives can be reflected in its language, normally in the structure of its lexicon - the way distinctions are made utilizing single words. Our language may condition our view of the physical environment. The social environment can also be reflected in language and often affect the vocabulary structure (Trudgill, 2000). Man uses language to communicate and to interact with one another. In reality, he is not free from rules of using language agreed by speech communities in which he lives and interacts with the other community members according to the values and other cultural aspects. Society’s values can influence its language.
Chaika (1994, p. 155) states that “speech acts carry heavy social implication and will show how people use language to project an identity, and why someone is speaking the way he or she is.” In other words, people use language to project their cultures, to tell who they are and their purpose for using the language the way they do. Many things can be observed in the song of Dindang Maayun Anak, especially the cultural background of the use of pronounced words. The Banjar culture is reflected in words pronounced by the singers, where local terms characterize Banjar culture. The difference with the previous study lies in the interpretation of Dindang, which further explores the language to find cultural understanding. This view is closely related to the relationship between a society’s language structure and culture, namely the community that uses this tradition. The non-verbal language accompanying the chanting of Dindang is in the form of a swing made of a woman’s sarong, and the ends of the cloth are tied with a rope. The swing cloth consists of three layers. The top layer is sarigading or sasirangan (a typical Banjar woven cloth). The swing is decorated with palm tree leaves, coconut trees, bananas, cucur cakes, ring cakes, diamonds, and other decorations.
Therefore, the ethnolinguistic approach examines linguistic data to photograph and uncover the cultural phenomena of a particular ethnic community. The linguistic phenomenon is related to cultural elements, which include seven cultural elements. The seven elements of culture are (1) religious system, (2) social system, (3) knowledge system, (4) language system, (5) art system, (6) livelihood system, and (7) technology system. The characteristic of ethnolinguistic studies is seen in the object of study and method. The object of the study is the vocabulary or language structure of specific ethnic communities. The research method connects linguistic facts to cultural phenomena (Baehaqie, 2017, pp. 15–16).
The song in which there are essential-philosophical words: Baiman, Bauntung, and Batuah (known as Talu B (three B’s), and have been used as philosophical foundations in socio-religious activities, formal education, and government in Banjar society, are getting pushed by modern culture, even though the song of dindang reflect the identity of a culture of the community. Therefore, this research is essential to analyze the reflection of Banjar culture in Dindang Maayun Anak’s song. How language patterns reflect cultural patterns is necessary to study; hence the problem in this study concerned the Cultural Reflection of Song “Dindang Maayun Anak” in the Socio-cultural Life of the Banjar in South Kalimantan.
Thus, this study is intended to answer the following research questions.
What is the meaning of culture in the lyrics of the Dindang?
What are the implications of using Dindang lyrics in the life of the Banjar people?
Research Method
This study employed a qualitative descriptive method and ethnolinguistic analysis to examine Dindang song, which was understood as a linguistic unit containing cultural functions and meanings in the Banjar community. This research was conducted in five districts of South Kalimantan, namely Hulu Sungai Selatan, Hulu Sungai Tengah, Hulu Sungai Utara, Banjar, and Tanah Laut.The data collection techniques involved (a) participant observation of reciters when reciting the song of Dindang Maayun Anak, (b) recording and transcript of the song, and (c) documents and libraries analysis. The research data were qualitative: verbal data (terms, words, phrases, clauses, discourse), nonverbal data (cultural events, cultural expression), and empirical data. The primary data of this research were oral in the form of verbal and written data sources concerning the Dindang Maayun Anak song. The secondary data sources were obtained from important notes, articles, books, and previous research reports. The data obtained were analyzed via several stages: identification, classification, analysis, and interpretation. The intralingual equivalent method was used to analyze linguistic data of one language with several others. In contrast, the extralingual equivalent method was used to analyze extralinguistic elements, which connect language with different external entities (Mahsun, 2014). Linguistic units were understood based on cultural semantics as single units or their syntactic relationships between terms constructed in series of sentences/utterances; they were analyzed based on their lexical meanings and cultural meanings. Therefore, the analysis used a heuristic reading of utterances and hermeneutic interpretation.
Results
The researchers recorded 53 stanzas of the Dindang Maayun Anak song. In addition, there were 31 identified data reflecting local culture. Among those, 16 data were classified as words/terms, nine as phrases, and six as sentences. Therefore, all data were analyzed using linguistic units: words, phrases, and sentences (Tables 1–3).
Data in the Form of Words or Terms. Sixteen data classified as words/terms in the Dindang Maayun Anak song reflecting culture are as follows.
Data in the Form of Phrases. Nine data classified as phrases in the following Dindang Maayun Anak song reflecting culture are as follows.
Data in the Form of Sentences. Six data classified as sentences in the Dindang Maayun Anak song reflecting culture are as follows.
Discussion
The Dindang Maayun Anak song is closely related to parenting patterns, whose essence is ensuring children are humans with Baiman, Bauntung, and Batuah characteristics. Generally, the terms Baiman, Bauntung, and Batuah describe the Banjar people’s human conception and implementation of educational practices based on local wisdom. Children’s educational concept and practice is a treasure trove of the Banjar noble values. It manifests the knowledge produced, stored, applied, managed, and passed on by the ancestors to their descendants (Perdana, 2018; Sarbaini, 2016. A similar concept was expressed by Putera (2021) during an interview that baiman, bauntung, and batuah are three hopes/prayers that become one unit. Baiman relates to monotheism; bauntung relates to sustenance and better fortune; and batuah is connected with the prayer that continues from parents to the next generation. Its implementation in the future life of the child who is prayed for becomes a perfect person because of his good spiritual, social, and religiosity to create a qualified generation.
Meanwhile, the Dindang Maayun Anak song is integratively interpreted with all or at least some cultural components, namely (a) Religious Values, (b) Economy and Livelihoods, (c) Knowledge or Science, (d) Social organization, (e) Living Equipment and Technology, (f) Language, and (g) Arts.
1. The religious values reflected in the song of Dindang Maayun Anak are as follows:
The religious values are shown by implementing the pillars of faith and Islam, such as La illaha illalah Muhammad Rasullulah, Anakku bauntung, mudahan tamat mangaji, Anakku bauntung, and mudahan naik haji, while making the child fall asleep. Sarbaini argued that the Baiman-based education is a life of faith and pious behavior that entails believing in Allah, the Almighty, over all things. It also includes believing in Allah’s Messenger, the Prophet Muhammad, firmly holding faith as a life guide, and affirming that all work and behavior of belief are supervised and rewarded by the Almighty (Sarbaini, 2016). The terms Baiman, Bauntung, and Batuah, originally derived from the Dindang Maayun Anak song, have been utilized as a motto, philosophy, or vision in socio-cultural life, such as the district government, schools, and other social organizations in South Kalimantan.
Therefore, the Baiman educational content recommends that parents should teach religious knowledge. It is reflected in La illaha illalah Muhammad Rasulullah (quoted from the Dindang Maayun Anak song), is related to the pillars of faith (in Allah, His angels, Apostles, the Kitabullah“Books of Allah,” the Day of Judgment, and in Qada and Qadar or destiny) (At-Tuwaijiri, 2015; Rasjid, 2012). It also refers to the syahadatain, “Asyhadu allaa ilaaha illa Allah, wa ashhadu anna Muhammadan Rasulullah” (I testify that there is no god but Allah, and I testify that Muhammad is truly the messenger of Allah). This is the most basic reminder that there is no spirit, motive, goal, or self-awareness unless from Allah (At-Tuwaijiri, 2015; Nurjannah, 2014; Syukur, 2014). Hence, the Dindang Maayun Anak song reflects the internalization of the Baiman pillars into the child’s soul.
Islamic teachings are grouped into three categories: Hablum Minallah, meaning creatures’ relationship with Allah SWT. The second is Hablum Minannas, denoting good relations between humans, and the third Hablum Minal ‘alam, signifying a relationship with nature or the universe (Ausop, 2014). Muslims should practice these three categories for balance, though Hablum Minannas and Hablum Minal ‘alam are directed to Hablum Minallah to obtain Allah SWT’s grace and pleasure (Faliyandra, 2020).
The Baiman internalization and implementation comprise mandatory worship, such as sumbahyang and naik haji, and sunnah (highly recommended) worship, which includes reciting bismillah before performing righteous deeds and shalawat to Prophet Muhammad. It also involves righteous deeds (Sarbaini, 2016) based on hablum minallah and hablum minannas, implemented sincerely and dedicatedly (Ausop, 2014; Faliyandra, 2020) with the hope of becoming a lucky and useful human being (Bauntung and Batuah). All these are reflected in Anakku bauntung, mudahan tamat mangaji, Anakku bauntung, mudahan naik haji. Hence, people in “Ilmunya satinggi langit” but not conducting “sumbahyang” will lose in the hereafter.
Although there are modern swings, many people still use the old-fashioned ones, alongside the maayun anak tradition, which remains sustainable in South Kalimantan. An informant stated that the maayun technique makes a child sleep and prevents easy awakening. Assuming the child wakes up or cries, the parent only needs to pull the ayunan (swing), which sways, calms, and enables the child to continue sleeping again. In the maayun anak tradition, the Banjar people use badindang (humming) with melodious strains to make their children sleep. Most mothers in South Kalimantan do this by rocking, then laying the babies down on the bed or swing to facilitate a sound rest. There are two maayun anak techniques: recumbent and sitting positions or bapukung.
The Dindang Maayun Anak song implies socio-religious moral teachings, as stated in the phrases “Biar ilmu satinggi langit/ Kada sumbahyang, apa gunanya.’” The word ilmu can be interpreted as something valuable, leading to understanding the phrase “satinggi langit” as “having a very high value.” An item with a very high value is useful as well as beneficial to the owner and other parties. Therefore, the phrases ilmu satinggi langit (a very highly valued thing), followed by sumbahyang (shalat, Islamic prayer, as a good act) may reflect the superiority of many entities, such as intelligence, wealth, beauty, good looks, rank, descendants, and so on. It must be accompanied by obedience in worshiping Allah, the Almighty God, and other good religious or social acts, either compulsory or recommended (sunnah); otherwise, humans will lose in this worldly life and the hereafter.
According to Islamic teachings and the Dindang Maayun Anak song, knowledge is important, and seeking it is obligatory. Hence, a knowledgeable person must practice and teach others his knowledge. Being rich is important and paying zakat for that wealth is obligatory. Being beautiful is also good, but it should not make one takabur (arrogant) (Daud, 1997; Nisrokhah, 2020; Rasjid, 2012; Sarbaini, 2016).
From the religious perspective, a person with “Baiman, Bauntung, and Batuah” should benefit the universe (rahmatan lil ‘aalamin), as Prophet Muhammad stated
meaning “The best of people are those who are most beneficial to others” (Hariyanto, 2016). Knowledgeable people must practice their knowledge, as an Arabic sentence affirms, Al-’Ilmu bila ‘amalin, kasysyajari bila tsamarin, meaning “Knowledge without action is like a tree without fruit.” Hence, such persons whose attitude and behavior do not reflect their knowledge, or even inversely proportional to it, are knowledgeable without charity (Admin, 2016, September 7). The Banjar language, used as a lingua franca in South, Central, and East Kalimantan, has various treasures, including proverbs. For instance, the Bungur tree (Lagerstroemia) has no fruit and is used as a proverb for people who are useless to others. This tree refers to a local flora in Kalimantan, which has a large trunk, fairly shady branches, and a height ranging from 8 to 30 m but does not produce fruit (Bahdiah, 2014).
These teachings are related to the pillars of Islam, namely shahadah (testimony that there is no god but Allah and that Muhammad is His messenger), shalat (praying in five times), and zakat (obligatory treasure issued by a Muslim or Muslim-owned business entity to be given to the rightful according to Islamic law). The other pillars are shaum (fasting or refraining from food, drink, and various actions that can break it, from sunrise to sunset/magrib) and haji (pilgrimage to Baitullah (Kaaba), Arafah Field, Muzdalifah, and Mina at certain times to perform certain practices with the intention of worship) (Rasjid, 2012). The teachings are also related to obedience to parents and being pious children (Daud, 1997; Sarbaini, 2016).
Parents use the phrase “Kursumangat hidup baiman” when their child has low enthusiasm due to a bad experience or illness. This utterance includes spiritual-religious Islamic values in the Dindang song. It contains hopes and prayers that their children are always enthusiastic about life and strongly believe in God (Aulia & Agustin, 2020).
The phrase Untung Batuah Lagi Baiman reflects the Banjar community’s cultural values, which expect their children to possess the characteristics of Baiman, Bauntung, and Batuah. Often used as advice, these characteristics summarize the community’s educational concept. For example, the Banjar people mention this phrase when their child asks for prayer or advice or makes a mistake, and rather than praying with bad words, they say, “Untung Batuah Lagi Baiman.”
2. The socio-economic activities and livelihood reflected in the song of Dindang Maayun Anak are as follows.
The Banjar people use hulu to indicate the highland area and hilir to depict the lowlands. These two words also show “direction” to complete kanan-kiri (right-left), while utara-selatan (north-south) and timur-barat (east-west) are rarely used.
Historically, the term hulu-hilir (upstream-downstream) can be traced from a review. The Banjar Hulu tribe is a community that lives in the Hulu Sungai or pahuluan area. Pahuluan refers to the upstream, upland, and inland areas from which the river originates and is the source of the term Banjar Hulu, meaning flowing downstream. Conversely, “Batang Banyu” is the area along the riverbank, comprising Banjar Hulu people that moved downstream. The people living in Hulu Banyu call themselves the bubuhan “group” of Banjar Hulu, a mixture of Malay and Bukit (a group characteristic) (Daud, 1997).
Generally, the term hulu is used to indicate the names of regencies, such as Hulu Sungai Utara, Hulu Sungai Tengah, and Hulu Sungai Selatan referred to as the Pahuluan Region. The term is also used for indicating a direction to the highland area, while the opposite hilir denotes the lowland.
Hulu-hilir can be metaphorically understood as the direction or purpose of human life. For instance, one goes to the bathroom to take a shower, the market to buy and sell, attends a place of study, such as school, campus, or majlis taklim, to become smart, and engages in serious and professional work to become rich. In Islamic philosophy, humans are faced with three alternatives to life. “Do humans live only in this world?”“Do they live only for the afterlife?” Alternatively, “do humans live for this world and the hereafter?” Their determined direction or purpose determines the answer.
One of the Banjar community’s cultures is the floating market, formed from their adaptation to the geographical environment (Normelani, 2016), separated by large and small rivers (Sakdiah, 2016). The floating market in South Kalimantan is advantageous due to its natural formation on the Martapura and Barito rivers (Normelani, 2016). This allows buying and selling activities to be conducted while sitting on boats that move with the river tides (Kusumowidagdo et al., 2019; Sugianti, 2016).
The economic activity supported by the jukung is the trade-in Pasar Terapung (floating market) of the Banjar tribe, passed down from generation. This traditional market on the Barito River involves buying and selling various items such as vegetables, fish, food, and other daily community needs. The market activities are performed on boats called jukung or kelotok floating on river waters. This renders a uniqueness that becomes obvious during transactions, where the seller and the buyer must maintain the boat’s balance on the river.
As reflected in the Dindang Maayun Anak song, other economic activities include the bahuma or farming in the wetlands, raising livestock in the swamp area, and catching fish. The phrase banih kita is a starting point for discussing bahuma.
Generally, wetlands are permanently or temporarily inundated with natural and artificial waters and consist of swampy, brackish, or peatland areas, which have been used for agricultural activities by the community for centuries. Indonesia, especially South Kalimantan, annually experiences increased rice production as a buffer for the Kalimantan Island region (A. R. Akbar et al., 2020; Finlayson et al., 2011; Harahap, 2018; Kirnadi & Dan Firahmi, 2010).
The swamp buffalo (hadangan in the Banjar language) is a germplasm of South Kalimantan Province that has long adapted to the swampy areas spread across five districts, namely Hulu Sungai Utara, Hulu Sungai Tengah, Hulu Sungai Selatan, Banjar, and Barito Kuala (Lendhanie, 2018). The hadangan or swamp buffalo (Bubalus bubalis) is livestock mostly kept as a livelihood in the swampy South Kalimantan areas. Hadangan mentioned in the Dindang Maayun Anak song denotes the value or meaning of the swamps to the people.
South Kalimantan is generally swampy, spanning 800,000 hectares, and has the potential as a hadangan (swamp buffalo) grazing field (Abrani et al., 2013). The hadangans can adapt suitably to swamps with overgrown bushes and grasses (Suryana & Noor, 2014). These animals were chosen as livestock due to their adaptability to water and ability to swim for a long time. Since other livestock, such as goats and cows, lack these skills, the swamp buffalo has been cultivated for generations in this area (Abrani et al., 2013; Suryana & Noor, 2014).
The swamp waters cover more than 12 million hectares. They have great potential as fishing resources due to the public waters of about 1,000,000 ha, including rivers and creeks (698,220 ha), natural lakes, artificial lakes, or reservoirs (9,200 ha), and flood plains (292,580 ha). The waters have different characteristics and are used for fisheries and daily activities, including bathing, washing, trading, transportation routes, and as a play area for children (J. Akbar, 2014; Razi & Patekkai, 2020; Slamat et al., 2016; Syahradjad, 2017).
Another economic activity is traditionally catching fish in the rivers or swamps, facilitated by the many types of small and big fish in the rivers and swamps. The fish have various names, such as papuyu, haruan, bakut, lais, sapat siam, sapat biasa, biawan, pentet, tauman, kapar, saluang, kalatau, walut, jelawat, baung, kelabau, pipih, patin, puyau, tapah, tauman, and kalui. Consequently, different means and strategies for fishing in South Kalimantan are required and include sarakap, lukah, banjur, lalangit, hancau, sarapang, and tangguk.
The traditional fishing tool and activities mentioned in the Dindang Maayun Anak song are sarapang and manangguk (performed with the tangguk). Sarapang is a four-edged spear used to catch snakehead fish in rice fields at night. The supporting equipment includes a flaring lamp, an oil lamp equipped with a glass syringe, and a light-reflecting brass. Fish exposed to the light from this lamp tend to stay in one place, making them easy to spear.
In comparison, the tangguk is made of finely sharpened flat bamboo slats woven with rattan, as shown in the picture, and is used to catch small fish in rice fields where the water is only knee-deep. First, the tangguk is plunged into the rice fields and spun around in a circle, narrowing like mosquito coils to allow fish to collect in the middle. Then, the tool is lowered into the circle, pulled, and lifted, so that the fish are caught in it.
3. The knowledge reflected in the song of Dindang Maayun Anak is as follows.
The phrase “banih kita” reflects the Banjar people’s knowledge of the bahuma and is one of the agricultural sub-systems. Rosyida (2016) stated that bahuma is a farming activity on tidal or wetlands. In this tradition, a location or farmland, called tana, is determined on the tidal agricultural land, which is reached using a jukung. The farming activities in the tidal area include land preparation, selection of rice varieties, nurseries, planting, maintenance, harvesting, and post-harvest. These are divided into several seasons, namely wayah manugal, wayah malacak, wayah maimbul, and wayah getem.
Meanwhile, kasturi is a specific mango fruit, scientifically determined as the Flora Identity of the South Kalimantan Province, as stated in the Decree of the Ministry of Home Affairs No. 48 issued in 1989. The fruit is threatened with extinction due to decreasing individuals, population, or genetic diversity. It grows naturally in forests or other conservation areas but no longer in its natural habitat (Nove, 2020).
Kasturi is smaller than regular mangoes and, due to its characteristics, is used as a metaphor for human life in an old song, “Seharum kasturi, seindah pelangi, semuanya bermula” (As fragrant as kasturi, as beautiful as a rainbow, everything begins) (Anugerah, 2004, August 31). Hence, the human journey should be fragrant, like the kasturi mango. Because of its uniqueness and delicacy, this fruit can become an icon of the South Kalimantan province. From a socio-religious perspective, good behavior and deeds will make an individual, family, religion, nation, and state proud.
Subsequently, Tiwadak can be directly consumed as a fruit, the skin can be processed into mandai (side dishes), and the seeds can be fried, boiled, or roasted and consumed after adding a little salt. The young fruit, like young jackfruit, can be used as vegetables, and the flesh can be exploited to prepare gaguduh (a kind of traditional cake).
The wood from this plant is of good quality, strong and durable, leading to its frequent use for building, home furnishings, or boat materials. Also, the fibrous bark can be exploited to make ropes, the sap is used to attract birds, and a yellow dye can be produced from the wood. This leads to the existence of Tiwadak as a parable for simple and little items with many benefits.
Furthermore, the term hadangan reflects knowledge of a specific animal cultivated in the wetland area. South Kalimantan land is generally swampy, covering an area of 800,000 hectares, bestowing the potential as a hadangan (swamp buffalo) grazing field (Abrani et al., 2013). This animal can adapt well to a swamp environment with overgrown bushes and grasses (Suryana & Noor, 2014).
Panai refers to a piece of kitchen equipment or artifact used in Banjar proverbs, like “muha kaya panai.”
Scientifically, cobek is always paired with ulekan, and these tools have been used since ancient times for pounding, grinding, pulverizing, and mixing certain ingredients such as herbs, spices, or medicines. Cobek refers to a kind of bowl used as a base, while ulekan refers to an elongated blunt object, such as a club, gripped to pound or grind a material. The mortar and pestle are made of hard materials, such as hardwood, stone, ceramic, or metal (Wikipedia, 2020).
However, the word panai in Banjar sayings, such as in
In the sociology of language, a given linguistic unit can be used to evaluate an object, behavior, attitude, action, and so on, to decide the character, such as good or bad, proper or improper, feasible or unfeasible. For example, a speaker may deliver a taboo through similes, euphemisms, parables, or metaphors (Mu’in, 2019; Mu’in et al., 2021).
Generally, the Banjar people, especially the Banjar Kuala and Batang Banyu groups, are closely related to river culture, leading to their use of jukung, a means of water transportation.
The Banjar developed a variety of jukung (boats) according to their functions, namely Jukung Pahumaan, Jukung Paiwakan, Jukung Paramuan, and so on (Arlintya, 2020; Idehan, 2007). Jukung Pahumaan is used for rice fields or low ground with a 5 to 6-member crew for transporting taradak (rice cub) and pahumaan tools, such as tajak, tatujah, and parang. The Jukung Paiwakan is used to look for iwak (fish) in rivers or lakes with a crew of 1 to 2 persons and is commonly employed as Jukung Paunjunan or Paluntaan. Conversely, Jukung Paramuan is a type of jukung with a larger size and brings the concoctions to be carried or sold to the village through the large and small rivers (Arlintya, 2020).
These various types of jukung emerged due to the physical environment in South Kalimantan, popularly known as a wetland area with major rivers and many swampy areas. The physical environment of an area or region typifies society and may be viewed based on language. This means it influences people’s social lives and is reflected in the language, normally the lexical structure (how distinctions are made through single words). Therefore, distinguishing one kind of jukung from another is essential for the Banjar people, as their physical environment “forces” them to create different names (Trudgill, 2000; Wardhaugh, 1986;).
4. The social organization reflected in the song of Dindang Maayun Anak is as follows.
This social organization concerns the customs and rules affecting unity within the Banjar cultural environment, family and kinship systems, and parenting patterns.
The internalization of Baiman, Bauntung, and Batuah in the Banjar tradition begins from childhood, where birth is followed by a special ceremony performed based on the child’s development. After the baby is born, the father pronounces the adzan and iqamat to ensure the child becomes a good follower of Islam. Subsequently, the tembuni is placed in a upih (banana leaf midrib) and laid in a bamban basket or a clay pot (Idehan, 2007). In the evening, Qur’an recitation is held by inviting close neighbors fluent in the process. Surah Yusuf and Surah Maryam, which are recited for male and female babies, respectively, are said with the intention of sounding like the adzan and iqamat. However, they recognize that the baby’s hearing is imperfect at 40 days of age (Daud, 1997). Also, there is a ceremony called the Bapalas Bidan in the Banjar community, an event for the child’s redemption to the midwife who assisted in the delivery. This ceremony is often performed even in cases where the birth was not under the midwife’s supervision, such as delivery in a hospital (Daud, 1997).
Also, the Dindang Maayun Anak song is recited while laying a child to sleep using the bapukung tradition, which is a pearl of local wisdom inherited through generations (Noortyani & Alfianti, 2021). After placing the child in the pukungan in a swing, the Dindang is sung to make the child fall asleep (Daud, 1997; Hairina, 2016; Idehan et al., 2007; Noortyani & Alfianti, 2021). Originally, the Baayun Anak tradition was animist but later Islamized through transformation and acculturation, which provided a new understanding and important meaning for the Banua Halat people. The children are introduced to mosques with the expectation that they will remember and adhere to the religion throughout their lives. At an early age, they are introduced to and included in the birthday celebration of Prophet Muhammad SAW to express gratitude and joy. The Prophet has guided all humankind, and the parents hope their children will follow his teachings and make him their best and foremost role model (Rosyida, 2016).
Therefore, Pukungan implies comfort or protection for weaker parties and is a crucial parenting pattern for newborn children in Banjar. The parenting patterns in this community are principally based on Islamic teachings and are conducted in prenatal, infancy, childhood, teenage, and adults stages. Only one pattern is used during the infancy or baby stage described, which involves swaddling a newborn baby to sleep. The Banjar society employs several ways to make babies sleep, such as lying in bed, preceded by carrying, then lying down or swinging, usually with a cloth or tapih bahalai (Daud, 1997; Hairina, 2016).
Generally, the swing is made of long, unstitched cloth tied at both ends and hung by a rope. It can be the pukungan, where a baby is swung in a sitting position and tied with the cloth to the neckline, probably to mimic the arrangement in the mother’s womb. This helps the baby sleep soundly for a long time and ensures his safety even while awake. The swing is inseparable from babies’ lives in the Banjar community until the child is 3 or 4 years old. During this phase, parents try to keep the baby from being disturbed by spirits by placing a mirror, Surah Yasin, single onion, jeringau leaves, and lime near the baby’s head until 40 days of age. Then, the baby is placed in the pukungan (Daud, 1997; Hairina, 2016).
The parenting patterns should be related to the mother’s status and roles. In Banjar society, a female parent is addressed as uma or mama, meaning “mother.” Also, the mother holds a noble position in Islam; hence all parties must respect and care for her. These values are instilled in children at an early age to ensure the child will be respectful to his mother. Due to the mother’s importance, Rasulullah SAW stated in his hadith: “O Messenger of Allah, who do I have the most right to treat well? The Prophet replied: Your mother. Then who else? The Prophet replied: Your mother. Then who else? The Prophet replied: Your mother. Then who else? The Prophet replied: your father, then the closest after him and after him.” (Bukhari, 2012; Dewi, 2020; Nurhad & Khairi, 2020).
Also, the mother’s roles determine the child’s success in language acquisition. During this process, the mother and family members introduce the child to words by teaching the names or addressing terms of family members, animals, and other words referring to humans activities. Some words in the local language are frequently uttered by the mother, such as (1) names of persons, for example, Ali, Agus, Imah, and pronouns including aku/unda/ulun, ikam/nyawa/pian, and inya/sidin. (2) Addressing terms, for example, mama“mom/mother,”abah“daddy/father,”kai“grandpa/grandfather,”nini“grandma/grandmother,”amang/oom“uncle,” (3) names of animals, for example, ayam - “chicken,”monyet“monkey.” (4) Things for example, bola ‘ball,’ mobil“car,”baju“cloth,” (5) activities, for example, makan“eat,”minum“drink,”mandi“take a bath,”bekunyung“swim,” and (6) colors, for example, merah“red,”putih“white,”hijau“green,” and biru“blue” (Holmes, 2013; Mu’in, 2019). Banjar people usually use this to address their sons, while aluh and iyang are used for girls.
The addressing terms employed in Banjar vary based on the situation and are considered important to explain and maintain social relations between participants in a conversation. There are eight categories of addressing terms based on the usage, namely (1) affectionate call, (2) kinship term, (3) close call, (4) close name, (5) full first name, (6) title, and last name, (7) respectful address or call, and (8) the other addressing terms including nicknames (Yayuk, 2017). For example, Atung shows close kinship, relationship, and affection to a child, as does Utuh, which also indicates familiarity.
Parenting patterns should also be related to character building, such as patience, respect, and politeness, fairness, which are also reflected by the Dindang Maayun Anak song.
Maayun pian/ Sampai ngini reflects that a mother’s love for her child is limitless. The mother tirelessly cared for and raised her child, placed him first even while facing life and death issues, and is patient, sincere, and unwilling to rest when her child is ill. Maanyun pian/Sampai wahini reflects that a mother is ready to stay awake and protect her child from all disturbances or discomfort, while Kaina pian ganal/Ingat wan papadah kuitan reflects that her prayers follow every step of her child. A mother’s prayer is the most powerful for every human being. In addition, mothers hope for safety of her child in all activities and even fall asleep while waiting for them to return home.
Also, the word pian, meaning “you,” is used to address older or respected people and interlocutors in Banjar society and is considered more polite than the other second-person term, ikam or nyawa (Arapah & Mu’in, 2017). This respectful attitude of the Banjar is similar to that of the Javanese religion, where the word kowe occupies a lower speech level than karma (middle respect) (Geertz, 1960; Mu’in, 2019. The word pian in this lyric is aimed at children as a form of habituation to politeness in speaking with the expectation that they grow up to possess good character. Politeness during speech is mentioned in their norms, “who speaks, in what language/variety of language, to whom he speaks, when and where the act of speaking is done” (Brown & Levinson, 1987; Fishman, 1972; Mu’in, 2019).
5. The Living Equipment and Technology reflected in the song of Dindang Maayun Anak are as follows.
The living equipment comprises (1) productive tools for farming, such as some types of hoes, namely parang, belayung, and cangkul. Others are household equipment like knives, including parang bungkul and pisau, alongside kampak, meaning axes, and equipment for fishing or hunting such as serapang, tiruk, pengambangan, duha, and sumpit, meaning “chopsticks.” (2) Food, (3) houses, (4) clothing and jewelry, and (5) means of transportation. Technology is an essential part of the culture. It concerns earthly life, as stated before.
6. The Dindang Maayun Anak song is expressed in Banjar and some Arabic terms.
Banjar is an Austronesian language from the Malay family spoken as a mother tongue by the Banjar tribe in South Kalimantan, Indonesia. It is divided into two major dialects: Banjar Kuala and Banjar Hulu (Hapip, 1978). It has a wide area of coverage in Central, East, and South Kalimantan, leading to its use as a lingua franca among the groups (Hapip, 1978; Sunarti, 1978; Suryadikara, 1981) and a higher number of Banjar speakers than natives (Haris, 2004). However, the Banjar language is also useful for written and oral traditions, besides being a lingua franca. Evidence of the written language can be traced to the Islamic religious book “Sabilal Muttadin” by Sheikh Muhammad Arsyad Al Banjari. At the same time, the oral tradition is proven by Dindang song, lamut, and other popular songs.
Baayun is a tradition passed down by the Banjar tribe ancestors along with the Kaharingan beliefs of giving blessings, naming, praying for salvation, and a sign of gratitude for the birth of a child. The Baayun procession follows several steps and is lively due to its coincidence with the rice harvest. Before Islam arrived, the Dayak Kaharingan tribe in Banua Halat Village performed the Aruh Ganal ceremony, followed by the Baayun procession, resukting in some alterations in the tradition (Jamalie, 2014; Usman, 2000). The Kaharingan belief originally colored the ceremony, then interacted with existing customs to form a new tradition influenced by Islamic teachings but not prohibitive of the old practices. Although local culture is mostly based on religious values, the old customs are not completely lost (Emawati, 2016; Usman, 2000).
Religion and culture interact and influence each other in many ways; first, religion, as a value, influences the formation of culture as a symbol. Also, culture influences and can replace the religious value system and symbols (Jamalie, 2014; Kuntowijoyo, 2001). Language is a symbol system and, as such, can represent (1) beliefs in religion or supernatural powers, (2) human knowledge of themselves, as well as nature, flora, and fauna. It can also represent (3) the expression of human feelings and (4) the evaluation of elements that are good or bad, appropriate or inappropriate, permissible or forbidden, and so on (Mu’in, 2019; Soetomo, 1985). Through the study of the Oral Tradition of Classical Arabic Poetry, Zwettler (1978) traced the “tradition” of classical Arabic poetry in the sense of its textual tradition—that is, the self-conscious and deliberate process undertaken by a society (or properly, by a class of specialists more or less authorized by the society), of setting down, dealing with, and passing on verbal works of recognized importance in its cultural, intellectual, and spiritual life.
Generally, Islamic preachers have changed and acculturated religious values into traditions. For instance, Baayun Anak, now called Baayun Maulud, is pericentrally conducted at the mosque and is integrated with the celebration of Muhammad’s birthday. The children sing along with the Qur’an recitations, rhymed quatrains of Maulud, and prayers. Also, the local pearls of wisdom and the Islamic religious teachings have been unified with the tradition as a sign of gratitude for childbirth, alongside celebrating honoring the birth of the Greatest Prophet, Muhammad SAW (Jamalie, 2014).
The Dindang Maayun Anak song expresses the ideological thought, cultural activities, and artifacts of the Banjar society as implemented in the seven components. Hence, it is proven to express cultural forms and components through which Baiman, Bauntung, and Batuah have been accommodated as the philosophy of life. This philosophy is formulated as follows:
The implementation of Baiman shows that (1) the father calls the adhan in the baby’s right ear and iqamah in the left shortly after birth, and the parents confer a good name to the child. Through Baiman-based education, the parents should (2) teach spiritual knowledge, especially the pillars of faith and Islam, the shalat “prayer,” obedience, and piety, and (3) practice the utterance, La illaha illallah Muhammad Rasulullah, through a song when laying the children to sleep (Sarbaini, 2016). The implementation of Bauntung shows that parents teach (4) the values of faith and Islam, (5) their child to read the shahadah and the thayyibah utterances, and (6) the practice of prayers based on the Islamic teachings. Also, they (7) invite children to Baayun Maulid, (8) train them to read the Qur’an, practice prayer, and donate (infaq), (9) teach communication etiquette and good manners, and (10) pray that their children are fortunate, happy, proud, and do not disappoint them. Meanwhile, Batuah means that children benefit themselves and others via special talents, privileges, or skills handled according to their needs. Through faith, children help and become a blessing and good example to others, which may imitate their behavior. Hence, they live honorably in society and have dignity and worth because they possess noble characters.
Education is conducted in schools to teach, facilitate, and train students to be Baiman. First, the teacher identifies the Islamic values of monotheism, worship, and righteousness, then integrates them into the curriculum, syllabus, lesson plan, and teaching materials. Faith-based education results in students at the Bauntung level who possess good fortune and kindness that can benefit others. Some characteristics of Bauntung are being willing and capable of reciting the Qur’an, praying on time, giving infaq “donations,” and fasting in the holy month of Ramadan. Therefore, education must be directed to consciously build, improve, and strengthen faith, as mandated in the pillars of faith. Also, the government should ensure that education in schools is directed toward the construction of Batuah and can increase the dignity and satisfaction of its students. Education programs based on Faith (Baiman) and Taqwa (Bauntung) can be developed to create students that have mastered science and technology, which will eventually produce humans at the level of Batuah. These students will be smart, and their intelligence will benefit themselves, their families, and the community. They will become ‘rahmatan lil “alamin,” according to Islamic teachings.
Consequently, the Baiman, Bauntung, and Batuah values have contributed to the Banjar community’s education, and the values instilled from an early age can be adopted, adapted, and practiced daily. Moreover, these embedded values will later function as filters in dealing with matters contrary to the philosophy of life (Perdana, 2018). The results of this study are reinforced by Arbain’s (2021) concept, which reveals the prayers and hopes of parents for their children to have cognitive, affective, and psychomotor performances. The connection between these performances and baiman is that there is a Supreme Creator, bauntung is a form of skill to live independently, and batuah means being useful for others.
The reflection of Baiman on local governance is presented as follows. First, one must have a strong Iman, which is the foundation for the life of the Banjar, and expects the people to work hard with the principle of achieving blessings easily, fast, and smoothly. Hence, good, useful, positive results will be anticipated for individuals and society. Second, a person must possess a noble dignity and be a good example, role model, and blessing to others (Source: Peraturan Bupati Tanah Laut Tentang Pedoman Pengembangan Budaya Kerja ASN (2021) Third, Baiman, Bauntung, Batuah are applied as a motto and guideline for local governments that describes the community’s motivation, enthusiasm, and goals in developing their region and are accepted as the Banjar people’s cultural system and identity. Therefore, the importance of cultural development encompasses the whole system of ideas, actions, and work of the community and people living in the area.
Conclusion
The cultural components explored in this study were related to (1) the religious and belief system revealed through various symbols, particularly the pillars of faith, principles of Islam, and noble character (akhlakul karimah). (2) The economy and livelihoods are indicated by the symbols of occupational activities for fulfilling their living needs, (3) knowledge and science components are revealed through the symbols of nature, flora, fauna, and artifacts. (4) The social organization components are shown by the customs and rules regarding various kinds of unity within the cultural environment of the Banjar people, particularly the family and kinship systems and parenting patterns. (5) Living equipment and technology revealed through the artifacts and cultural products as a means for fulfilling their living needs, and (6) the Banjar language used as a medium of artistic expression.
Generally, the Dindang Maayun Anak song in which Baiman, Bauntung, and Batuah are frequently mentioned as do’a (prayer) has been integrated with Islamic teachings containing the Iman, Islam, and Ihsan tenets. As stated above, the three conceptions of Baiman, Bauntung, and Batuah have resulted in different cultural implications in the community and society. The first concept is appropriately implemented in the family domain. The Kesultanan Banjar and the Banjar Regency government have formalized the second as their mottos to be consistently implemented as the administration’s vision. Finally, the third concept of Baiman, Bauntung, and Batuah is appropriately implemented in either formal, informal, or non-formal education.
Limitation
This study only discusses the song of Dindang Maayun Anak from an ethnolinguistic perspective to reflect socio-cultural values in the life of the Banjar people in South Kalimantan. Many other aspects still need to be researched. These can be studied from sociopragmatics, the field of meaning, using songs in instruction, and character building.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
