Intimate Partner Violence: Views and Perspectives of Young Women at Maputo-city Secondary Schools,Mozambique

Abstract

Intimate partner violence (IPV) among young women is of serious concern due to the early age of occurrence. This study explored young women’s views about IPV in Maputo City, Mozambique. An explorative, qualitative study design was employed using purposive sampling. The themes were developed in line with the socio-ecological model and the data were analyzed using a thematic content approach. Four themes emerged: (1) Individual level, related to the knowledge of young women about IPV; (2) Relationship level, related to the influence of friends; (3) Community level, related to the religious beliefs; and (4) Societal level, related to factors promoting acceptance of IPV. There is need for an integrated approach to address the individual, relationship, community and societal concerns about IPV among young women in Mozambique to improve skills to challenge the dominant male norms and enhance their autonomy to manage and end violent relationships.

Background

Worldwide intimate partner violence (IPV) remains one of the most visible forms of violence against women. IPV has been deemed a global public health concern due to the adverse effects on women’s health and wellbeing (Grose et al., 2021). Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) is the most affected region globally, with recent estimates pointing to lifetime prevalence of IPV from 19% to 66% among young women aged 15 to 24 years (García-Moreno et al., 2013; Stöckl et al., 2014).

There is consensus that women exposed to IPV are at higher risk of experiencing adverse health outcomes (Yount et al., 2017). These include the harmful effects of unwanted pregnancy, abortions, sexually transmitted infections, including infection with HIV and on their sexual and reproductive health (Grose et al., 2021). IPV exposure is also associated with mental disorders such as suicide ideation and behavior, symptoms of depression, posttraumatic stress, eating disorders, injuries and even death (Grose et al., 2019). Interpersonal violence such as IPV in the Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) region negatively impacts the economy. It is estimated to have reduced gross domestic product (GDP) by around 15% compared to a 3% reduction of GDP in high-income countries (Fearon & Hoeffler, 2014).

While the effects of IPV among women have been debated and researched by social scientists, economic, political and socio-cultural factors have also been identified as the cause for concern (James-Hawkins et al., 2019; Russell et al., 2014; Yount et al., 2018). Gender norms that give privilege to men’s dominance over women, the acceptance of wife-beating and men’s entitlement to sex have been identified as major socio-cultural factors underlying IPV (James-Hawkins et al., 2019; Russell et al., 2014). The construction of masculinity has been recognized as another negative influence on IPV. Additional studies conducted in Vietnam and Nepal suggest that the cultural construction of masculinity, were perceived as masculine superiority, may also contribute to gender inequalities, conflicts and partner violence within families and communities (Clark et al., 2018; Yount et al., 2018).

Notwithstanding that research on IPV among older women above 24 years is common in developed countries, providing evidence on IPV among young women (15–24 years) has been challenging in low resource settings such as Mozambique (INE e MISAU, 2013; Yount et al., 2017).

Young women between the ages of 15 to 24 years bear a large share of the global prevalence of IPV, ranging from 37.6% to 65.5% (García-Moreno et al., 2013; Stöckl et al., 2014). In this population group, adolescence or early adulthood is a period of physical and emotional transition. It is the foundation stage where young women are likely to form or initiate relationships (Roman & Frantz, 2013). Therefore, the risk of IPV, exposure to IPV and its effects may be more severe than in older women (Roman & Frantz, 2013; Yount et al., 2017). Moreover, the causes of IPV among this group of young women may differ from that amongst more aged women and be more complex, depending on the context (Grose et al., 2021).

A recent study undertaken in South Africa among adolescent learners indicated a high prevalence of any IPV among participants aged 17 to 20 compared to the youngest aged 13 to 14 years (Selin et al., 2019).

In a study that explored factors associated with young adulthood violence and intimate partner violence in Uganda, a high prevalence of IPV among 16 −24 years was also reported (Logie et al., 2019). Similarly, in a study that explored the trends in prevalence and risk factors associated with IPV among Zimbabwean women of reproductive age, the high prevalence among women aged 15 to 24 years was reported (Mukamana et al., 2020). Data from the most recent studies obtained from the Demographic and Health surveys of 25 countries in sub-Saharan Africa (including Angola, Chad, Congo, Gabon, Benin, Burkina Faso, Cote D’lvoire, Gambia, Mali Comoros, Rwanda, Uganda, Malawi and Zambia, was published between 2010 and 2019. IPV prevalence among adolescents and young girls varied between 19% and 10.1% and was significantly associated with pregnancy termination (Ahinkorah, 2021).

Further, evidence indicates young women were experiencing IPV in the city of Maputo, Mozambique (INE e MISAU, 2013). However, it appears that there is insufficient evidence to enable preventative programs to be undertaken. The current estimates are from the National Demographic Health Survey (NDHS) that included domestic violence in ever-married or cohabiting women aged 15 to 49. The prevalence of IPV reported in young women aged 15 to 24 ranged from 36.6% to 47.8% (INE e MISAU, 2013).

For instance, previous studies investigating IPV among young women in Mozambique have produced mixed results. A study using qualitative methods found that the group of participating women aged 15 to 19 years agreed that men could not control their sexual behavior (Pathfinder International, 2015). Therefore, they believed that women must satisfy men’s sexual desires at any time. A previous quantitative study showed a link between social norms and IPV, where one in four women justified the right of men to hit their partner in some circumstances. However, those young women justifying such violence were more youthful and experienced financial constraints (INE e MISAU, 2013). It suggests an existing social acceptance of gender-discriminatory norms and the privilege of male dominance over women and young women’s low gender empowerment attitudes (INE e MISAU, 2013).

The existing socio-cultural vulnerabilities among young women may result from their social context, such as the community where they live, if they endorse strong ideologies of male dominance (Aboagye et al., 2021; Selin et al., 2019).

The existing gender norms in families and communities in Mozambique setting affect the socialization of young people and may influence the occurrence of IPV since women are socialized to accept and comply with the norms of perceived male superiority (José, 2016; Rodrigues da Silva, 2016). Thus, they might take the violence perpetrated by their partners (José, 2016; Rodrigues da Silva, 2016).

Understanding the underlying factors enabling IPV amongst young women is crucial to providing the evidence-based information to recommend contextual and early interventions for prevention.

Using a qualitative analytical approach, this study aimed to explore the young women’s views and perspectives about IPV and the socio-ecological factors that promote the acceptance of IPV.

Definition of Terms

View

“That which is seen…. Mode of thinking of something…. Opinion” (Schwarz, 1988).

Perspective

“Point of view’” (https://www.thesaurus.com/browse/perspective, access 7/12/21) (THESAURUS.COM, n.d.).

Young People

The World Bank Group classify young people as individuals aged 10 to 24 years. However, the focus of this study, “young women” are women or female aged 15 to 24 years (World Bank Group, 2020).

Intimate Partner Violence (IPV)

“This includes an act of physical, sexual and psychological/emotional threats or such harm by a current or former spouse, boyfriend, dating partner or ongoing sexual partner”(García-Moreno et al., 2013). For this study, “an intimate partner” was defined as “any male partner with whom the young women have or ever had a romantic relationship that included sexual activities, either spouse/husband, boyfriend/dating partner, or ongoing sexual partner/occasional partner” (García-Moreno et al., 2013).

Methodology

Study Area and Setting

The study was undertaken in the schools of Maputo city. There are seven secondary schools in the area, but only three hold classes for grades 8 to 12. These take place in the day and the evening. Other secondary schools run classes from grades 8 to 10 for learners aged 13 to 15 years. We selected secondary schools with grades 8 to 12 to enroll learners aged 15 to 24 years, who were the target group (Ministerio de Educação, 1995).

Design and Population

An exploratory qualitative study design was used to conduct the study among learners in three secondary schools in Maputo. It is part of a more extensive study comprising both qualitative and quantitative methods to explore risk factors for IPV experienced by young women in Maputo.

All the female students aged 15 to 24 years, attending either day or evening classes in one of the three selected schools, were eligible to participate in the study. This age group was of interest because it is the period where many young women initiate relationships. Further, previous studies identified the group as having a high prevalence of IPV (Cruz et al., 2014; García-Moreno et al., 2013; INE e MISAU, 2013).

Our target group was school going young women aged 15 to 24. As Mozambicans often start school at a late age, we wanted to get high schools with many students from different areas in Mozambique. Previous studies undertaken in Maputo did not clarify the factors underpinning IPV in the specific group of secondary school-going young women (aged 15–24) years.

Data Collection

We selected Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) to gather data. FGDs are a valuable method to explore the participants’ perspectives, attitudes and experiences while allowing the researcher to observe the dynamics within the group (Morgan, 1997; Ochieng et al., 2018). The FGD method can generate discussion that provides collective viewpoints and the meanings underpinning those views and beliefs. Moreover, the FGD would provide narratives for use in the subsequent research stage. In this specific topic, the FGD has the potential to empower Young Women participants through deep discussion about IPV, which can enhance their abilities and skills to promote social change and disapproval of IPV (Ochieng et al., 2018).

We used a non-probability purposive sampling approach to recruit participants. Before the discussion, potential learners (15−24 years) were invited to a meeting that explained IPV and the study objectives and methods. Participants who volunteered to participate were scheduled for the FGDs.

Inclusion criteria: Women between the ages of 15 and 24 years registered and attending one of the selected schools, Willing to participate in the study, willing and able to provide informed consent (for those above 18 years old) or assent and written parental consent (for those under 18 years old). In total, 66 students, who constituted six FGDs, voluntarily attended. Only students attending day classes were willing to participate.

Before the discussion, the researcher emphasized the importance of confidentiality and anonymity of the information shared within a group. It was also explained to the participants that the transcripts and audio recordings would be kept anonymized by removing each person’s name or any other identifying data and would be kept strictly confidential. However, participants were cautioned about the lack of privacy within the group and the limited confidentiality in sharing personal experiences. The researcher advised the participants to rather discuss what they have learned and observed in their communities to minimize this.

We thus conducted FGDs in the three selected secondary schools, and we held two FGDs in each school. Each FGD comprised 10 to 12 participants. However, after the sixth FGD, we stopped collecting data as there was no longer new information.

The FGDs were conducted over 6 weeks between August and September 2019. The duration of each discussion was between 1.0 and 1.5 hr. The meetings took place at the respective schools in a quiet room, as all participants agreed. The discussions were conducted in Portuguese, the official language of Mozambique, and the language most used in urban settings.

To facilitate the discussions, we used an FGD guide comprising the following topics. What are the factors young women perceive to be influencing IPV? Did the young women ever see or know someone who has experienced violence by a partner? The meanings and views regarding IPV and the general attitudes of young women to IPV were also discussed.

All FGDs were conducted by the first author, while a research assistant was employed to assist with managing the audio recording and note-taking. The note-taking also helped with observing and capturing the non-verbal information. The research team held a short meeting at the end of each discussion to validate the collected data to confirm the findings.

Data Analysis

The study was underpinned by the Social-Ecological Theory (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998), based on the evidence that a range of interactive factors at the individual, relationship, community, and societal levels explain the risk of IPV. It is described below:

The Individual level

“Identifies biological and personal history factors that shape a persons’ response to the microsystem and exosystem stressors that increase the likelihood of becoming a victim or perpetrator of violence. Some of these factors are age, education, income, substance and alcohol use, and childhood history of abuse.”

The Relationship level (microsystem)

“Refers to interactions in which a person engages with others. This examines close relationships that may increase the risk of experiencing violence as a victim or perpetrator and the intermediate context of abuse. A person’s closest social circle-peers, partners, and family members-influence their behaviour and contribute to their experience.”

The Community level (Exosystem)

“Explores the settings, such as schools, workplaces, and neighborhoods, in which social relationships occur and seeks to identify the characteristics of these settings associated with becoming victims or perpetrators of violence.”

The Societal level (macrosystem)

“Looks at the broad societal factors that help create a climate in which violence is encouraged or inhibited. These factors include social and cultural norms that support violence as an acceptable way to resolve conflicts. Other societal factors include the health, economic, educational and social policies.”

The data collected were analyzed thematically, according to the socio-ecological model (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998). An inductive approach ensured that the themes were driven from the data collected. In contrast, the research questions guided the coding process. A thematic analysis was selected as it allowed the researcher to identify the emerging themes from the data set. These were used to further probe young women’s views in subsequent FGDs (Booth et al., 2018).

In applying the guide by Braun and Clarke (2006), the thematic analysis comprised five steps:

Initially, the recorded data were listened to carefully and transcribed verbatim. The first author transcribed the data. The data was then translated from Portuguese to English by an official translator. Data were then entered into NVivo V10 by the first author (Richards, 1999).

This software program was used to manage the textual data and maintain an audit trail. The team members read the transcripts from the FGDs and identified the repeated issues, considering not only the frequency but particularly the relevance for the research question, and at that point, codes were cited.

The codes were highlighted using different colors for the different codes in the transcripts. The team (the first author and other authors) compared and discussed their codes and then reread these. The procedure continued through the extracts until consensus was reached. This procedure encouraged inter-rater consistency.

All the identified codes were then grouped to form themes. Subsequently, the themes were reviewed and compared back again to the transcripts to find all the relevant associated data and to map and interpret the whole dataset in a thematic map. Tables were drawn to organize the grouped codes and respective themes.

We ensured credibility by systematically using the original data through, for example, documenting the quotations. These were used to present the results and the dependability and consistency of the findings, having identified similar themes which had been reported in the different discussions.

The Consolidated Criteria for Reporting Qualitative Research-COREQ was performed for maintaining the quality of the data (Tong et al., 2007).

Ethical Considerations

Ethical approval was obtained from the Humanities Social Research Ethics Committee (HSREC) and from the National Health Bioethics Committee (CNBS). Permission was obtained from the National Directorate of Education and from the local Directorate of the respective schools.

All participants provided written informed consent voluntarily. Participants under 18 years of age provided written assent and written consent from their parents/guardians. No monetary reimbursement was given to participants for their participation; however, each group were offered a light lunch during each FGD session.

Participants were advised that the aim of the discussion was not to share their personal experiences but rather their perspectives concerning IPV and the experiences from their communities.

Before the discussion, the researcher emphasized the importance of confidentiality and anonymity of the information shared within a group. It was also explained to the participants that the transcripts and audio recordings would be kept anonymized by removing each person’s name or any other identifying data and would be kept strictly confidential. FGDs participants’ names were not transcribed, although codes were generated with pseudonyms.

All records were kept confidential and identified with the unique subject’s identification number. Although we used their names to identify participants during the discussions and the school names, they were subsequently concealed to guarantee confidentiality and anonymity.

All data collected were categorized into soft and hard copy. The soft copies, including the backup files, were coded. A password was put on this, only accessible to supervisors and the principal researcher. The hard copies were adequately packaged and stored with the principal researcher, securely locked in a cabinet. After 5 years from the date all findings are published, the data will be shredded and sent to the final disposal site to destroy official documents, as recommended by the institutional ethics committees.

There was the minimal risk that the study had the potential to bring back negative memories. Thus, participants were told to inform the researchers if this occurred. The researchers offered to facilitate referral services for assistance if required.

No participant reported experiencing negative feelings as a result of the study.

Results

Characteristics of the Sample

In total, 66 participants contributed to the six FGDs, where the number of participants per group ranged from 10 to 12. All the participants were females between 15 and 22 years who were attending day classes. The participants’ characteristics are presented in Table 1.

Table 1.

Socio-demographics Characteristics of the Participants.

Groups	Number of participants	The age range of participants
FGD1	10	16–20
FGD2	12	15–19
FGD3	12	17–22
FGD4	10	16–19
FGD5	11	17–19
FGD6	11	17–21

Themes

From the analysis, in line with the socio-ecological model, the following four themes emerged: (1) (Individual level), related to knowledge of young women about IPV through witnessing friends being physically abused by their partners, from friends sharing personal experiences of IPV and experiencing the accepting attitudes of their mothers toward IPV; The meanings that young women give to the occurrence of IPV viewed as a violation of the human rights of women; The alcohol use a contributing factor for IPV and the economic status of women leading to acceptance of IPV. (2) (Relationship level) related to the influence of friends. (3) (Community level) related to religious beliefs that placed men at the head of the social order above women, and (4) (societal level) related to factors promoting acceptance of IPV, and these included social acceptance of violence and male chauvinism; The recommendations advocated by the young women to prevent IPV, and these included the promotion of awareness about IPV and the use of support services for the victims and the need to create specific IPV counseling centers for young women to meet their needs and to allow the counselors to screen for other potential sexual and reproductive problems which affect young women.

Individual-level

As shown below, young women’s knowledge about IPV, the meanings that young women give to the occurrence of IPV, the use of alcohol, and the economic status of women emerged as key individual factors that undermined the views and perceptions of IPV in this Setting. These are presented below.

Young Women’s Knowledge About IPV

All the participants considered themselves well informed about the phenomena of IPV. Their knowledge was orientated toward physical abuse by a male partner. There were three primary sources from where young women learnt about IPV, which influenced their understanding and attitudes. Friends had shared their experiences of IPV, but in addition, young women reported witnessing their friends being physically attacked and humiliated by their partners. The attitude of their mothers toward IPV and whether or not their mothers experienced such violence also informed what they knew about IPV. Examples that were presented in the discussions are provided below.

Sharing of Experiences of IPV by Young Women’s Friends

Most participants defined IPV as a common phenomenon that frequently occurs in their friends’ relationships. They explained that their friends narrated incidents where their partners abused them. It appeared to occur frequently and was a topic reported in all the groups. The jealousy of the partners was the predetermining factor for violence. They described how men appeared to consider that they “owned” the young women and that their partners were not allowed social contact with other males. For instance, some partners retaliated violently when their girlfriends received phone calls from male figures, whilst other partners became furious and used physical violence if their girlfriends were greeted by other males when they were together. The shared experiences of their friends were the most frequently mentioned form of learning about IPV, as they explained:

“My friend used to tell me that her partner normally attacks her… she said it was normal; when someone phoned her with a strange number, and he realized that the number isn’t in her contacts, he used to phone back and when it was a man he slapped her.” (Participant 1 from FGD 1)

“A friend, we grew up together. She told me that sometimes her boyfriend attacks her because another man greeted her and he didn’t like that.” (Participant 9 from FGD 4)

Witnessing Friends Being Physically Attacked by Their Partners

Participants described situations where they witnessed their friends being abused by partners. Some participants saw their friends being beaten up by their boyfriends. Others reported hearing their friends screaming and crying after being attacked by their male partners. The reasons for such attacks and the circumstances of such attacks resulted from the young women disagreeing with the partner and not complying with the partner’s wishes, particularly regarding having sex. The participants explained that seeing such behavior was a way of learning about IPV and seeing how prevalent it was in their society. One participant explained:

“…My friend would be invited by her boyfriend to his house; her boyfriend would want sex. If she declines, he beats her. …one day we witnessed that because she was at her boyfriend’s house and when we arrived, we started hearing noises, she was screaming, and we realized that he was beating her…My friend showed up with bruises and blood stains on her face. Her boyfriend attacked her with a cable.” (Participant 4 from FGD 2)

The Attitude of Mothers Toward IPV

Participants labeled their home environment where young women initially learn about IPV. They mentioned that the attitudes and views of mothers toward IPV influence the knowledge about IPV among their children. Mothers were specifically singled out as role models for their daughters, and the attitudes of many mothers toward the acceptance of violence as normal were seen as a cause for concern. According to the participants, if the mother experiences IPV and she accepts this as normal, and she does not take any action to prevent such acts, the girls learn from their mother’s attitude and inherit what they have seen, and some end up assuming it is normal to be in an abusive relationship. Mothers’ acceptance of IPV and lack of action to address this was therefore seen to have a critical role in that their response to IPV from their partners influenced how their daughters viewed IPV.

“If your father is beating your mother and later you date or marry an aggressive partner, you will find it normal, and you will remember that your mother experienced the same things when you were growing up, and your parents didn’t divorce, and she never reported him.” (Participant 3 from FGD4)

In contrast, some participants described instances where mothers’ views meant that they were positive role models against IPV since some mothers repudiate violence. They explained that independent and confident mothers who can disapprove and not tolerate violence convey a positive message to their daughters that such violence should not be accepted. This will encourage their young daughters to develop similar views and not take the violence their partners might perpetrate. A participant said:

“My mother is very independent, so I am very independent too. No man, including my father, has ever attempted to threaten my mother or attacked her, so she told me that she would never accept abuse from my father… I have been taking this with me; I don’t accept abuse.” (Participant 8 from FGD3)

The participants, as non-tolerant of IPV reported even mothers who were experiencing IPV. Some participants explained that some mothers who are exposed to violence feel that no one must accept violence. The awareness of the young women about the harmful effects of IPV and that it is not acceptable is thus raised, and young women are encouraged to look for partners of a different ilk who will not abuse them.

“My mother was abused by my father for a long time; I think that was ridiculous. She accepted to be beaten …because she didn’t want to see us suffering the same. She used to tell us that violence is not good, and we should not accept violence for any reason.” (Participant 5 from FGD4)

The Meaning That Young Women Give to the Occurrence of IPV is Viewed as a Violation of the Human Rights of Women

Participants felt that abrogation of women’s and girls’ sexual rights compromises their human rights, especially for young girls, where most of the time, their partners force them to perform sexual activities. The common form of IPV that they related was sexual violence. Young women were forced by their partners to have sex, and this was a significant concern reported in the different groups.

“When your partner beats you, and when he obliges you to have sex when you don’t want it, it is a violation of your rights.” (Participant 7 from FGD 4)

Participants were concerned about their peers who lack knowledge about relationships and their right to decline sex. In such relationships, the young women may hope to gain status and economic benefits. They mentioned that their peers date older men who are experienced in relationships for such reasons. The participants felt that their partners in decision making overpower young women as they lack the power to make decisions about the relationship. As such, they struggle to exercise their rights. This was seen as a significant problem limiting young girls’ ability to avoid IPV. The young women lacked the skills to spearhead an argument and make informed decisions to prevent IPV, especially regarding sexual violence perpetrated by their partners. The participants mentioned that young women lack the confidence to confront their partners and feel obliged to fulfill their demands, no matter how toxic the relationship becomes. The myth that males cannot control their sexual urges was also a belief that was reported as prevalent amongst young women. A participant explained:

“A friend of mine she has an older partner and independently of her disposition, he obliges her to have sex with him; it’s just a matter of him having the desire that they must do it; she is still suffering from that, but she says: ‘if he wants to have sex with me it is because he knows, he is a man, I must attend.” (Participant 9 from FGD 6).

Alcohol Contributes to IPV

IPV occurs as a result of alcohol consumption by both partners. Participants viewed the effects of alcohol as a potential contribution to violent behavior. There was a consensus among the participants of the adverse effects of alcohol and that men use alcohol to gain more control over their partners. As the weaker sex, young women are powerless and are further humiliated and compromised due to this. One participant said:

“…when the man is drunk, he loses control, and he can beat and humiliate his partner, the man says: ‘I’m a man, and you will never touch me or speak to me anyhow, you must understand that you are a woman, and you don’t have power.” (Participant 8 from FGD 5)

Participants further discussed the risky behaviors affecting youth in societies due to the use of alcohol. Participants mentioned that nowadays, young women both prefer and are encouraged to consume alcohol, which promotes the loss of inhibitions, leading to risky behaviors including violence and undesirable sexual activities, such as unsafe sex. If they refuse, they are more vulnerable to IPV. A participant gave the following example:

“…In the 21st-century young people prefer to smoke, drink alcohol, something like that; at the end, because they are drunk, they are involved in fighting, unwanted sex, whatever.” (Participant 8 from FGD 3)

Further, the participants reported that young women are encouraged to drink alcohol by their partners, especially for their sexual activities. Participants felt that girls are pressured to participate because they love their partner and do not want their partner to break the relationship, as one participant explained:

“Some young ladies only want to be in sexual relations no matter how bad these relationships are. For example, some young ladies accept drinking alcohol to perform sex and satisfy their partners. When it comes to sexual activities, the girls say, ‘if I don’t accept his behaviour, he will break up with me. It is not easy for that girl to take a decisive decision because she is deeply in love.” (Participant 7 from FG1)

The Low Economic Status of Women

The low economic status of young women is one of the critical reasons for the acceptance of IPV. As young women growing up in a modern consumer society, they needed various items that they and their families could not afford. Transactional sex among young women was seen as the answer to accessing such commodities, as the male partner provided such. The participants considered that this situation was an enabler of IPV. Because the young women were not working, they believed that coping without a partner would not be easy for them. The participants explained that because the young women’s partners buy food, clothes, and other things, women have no choice but to accept the violence their partners perpetrate. A participant clarified this perspective:

“…she has an older partner, and she relies on him for everything, things like food, clothes; she doesn’t work; she does nothing; she accepts all the bad things he does to her even to be beaten… so yeah, that’s it.” (Participant 11 from FGD3)

Relationship Level

Influence of Friends

Most participants revealed that friends play a role in shaping young women’s behaviors in their relationships. They explained the peer pressure that young women experienced and that young women are more likely to imitate their friends’ and peers’ actions. They further mentioned that when young women are faced with abuse in their relationships, they seek advice from their friends. Friends are more likely to advise them to maintain the relationship, which provides for their financial needs rather than helping them solve the relationship problems and thus, the abuse continues. This was further explained by a participant who stated:

“…sometimes there is a will to break up, but when you go outside looking for advice from the friends, they say, ‘keep fighting for what is yours’ (laughter); this is what keeps the girl in the same situation, and they tolerate violence…because sometimes that advice fails to improve their situation.” (Participant 9 from FGD1)

There were also different viewpoints expressed. Some participants revealed that sometimes young women do not disclose the problems in their relationships to blind their friends and peers that all is well so that their social links can be accepted. They argued that young women portray only positive acts and messages on social networks. The participants describe social media as a platform for boasting and increasing young women’s self-esteem. They only share what they believe will be acceptable to their peers. At the same time, behind the scenes, they are being abused by their partners. Hiding the truth from friends was seen by the participants as another way of promoting tolerance of IPV. A participant said:

“…Social networks influence a lot in our days because girls post everything of their relationship. Young women post positive messages and show what is acceptable to the world; it is like, ‘yesterday I made a post saying that “he is my everything, my love, my whatever”, and today I can’t post unclear messages because the relationship has ended or he has beaten me,’ yaa!!, girls also look at that side of showing off.” (Participant 5 from FGD4)

Community-level

Religious Beliefs

Spiritual wellbeing is an essential element of health, and churches provide this service. According to the participants in their communities, many churches promote spiritual health. Participants argued that churches could influence IPV perpetration by promoting norms that require females to be submissive to their partners. They complained that these churches endorse religious beliefs of male superiority and use them in marriages. Participants reported pastors as living double standards since they are perpetrators of IPV at home. Still, during church services, they are “lovely.” They do this to the extent that some women in the church ask, “who is the wife of the man of God” (pastor), wishing that they were in her position. Some altered words like “virtuous woman.” This reaction by the congregation may hinder women from recognizing abuse. It may enforce tolerance of violence, as one of the participants said:

“Almost all the churches which believe that a virtuous woman is the one who is submissive to her husband, who always obeys and respects her husband’ influence this violence.” (Participant 6 from FGD6)

Societal Level

Participants mentioned several factors that may promote young women’s acceptance of IPV. They highlighted the societal norms that appeared to accept violence in the community and the social norms prevailing in their communities, reinforcing male superiority against women. Participants further recommended interventions that can be used to prevent IPV. These are further explained below.

Social Acceptance of Violence

In exploring the environment in which young women are situated, social acceptance of violence serves to entrench the vulnerability of young women further and promotes their acceptance of IPV. In the Mozambican context, interpersonal violence remains a severe problem, including violence between partners. However, few available programs or actions empower communities to work against this practice. Most participants reported that interpersonal violence is socially accepted in their communities. The women who grow up in these communities are socialized to accept violence as a norm. Participants further explained that when young women see other couples fighting and no action is taken to discourage such practices, they assume that such violence in a relationship is normal. The fact that violence perpetrated by other couples in the community was considered normative behavior was the core of the problem influencing IPV in many discussions. Participants explained:

“There’s always violence in the society…So there are young couples who abuse each other, they think it’s normal because they see other couples fighting, so they also accept… violence nowadays is normal.” (Participant 8 from FGD5)

Another participant said:

“…There are also the girls that grow up in an environment of violence…a girl who grew up in such a situation is not surprised at being hit by a partner…she thinks that is normal because she has seen others being beaten and no one gets involved, it is normal for them.” (Participant 10 from FGD6)

Male Chauvinism

Most participants argued that one of the socio-cultural factors influencing violence is prejudice perpetrated by men against women within their communities. They stated that social norms such as gender inequalities and male dominance perpetuate IPV. According to the participants, the following different cultural aspects prevailing in their communities reinforce male superiority over women. These aspects include machismo, males having multiple partners, and lobola practice. These are further considered below.

Machismo: Participants discussed masculinity, a concept of male chauvinism, which privileges males’ dominance over women as an essential and negative cultural trait evident in society. This was seen as a concept accepted by both African and Portuguese traditions and thus a cause for concern, as it entrenched the status quo, which diminished the status of women. Most of the participants strongly believed that this issue influences IPV, as one participant explained:

“ In my opinion, what incites violence is chauvinism because men think that women should be submissive towards them and accept everything. For the man who grows up with this mentality of masculinity, a woman should never have an active voice in the relationship, so if a woman refuses to follow the man’s rules, she ends up being beaten.” (Participant 3 from FGD 3)

Male partners having multiple female partners: Although marrying more than one wife is one of the cultural practices accepted in many African societies, this was not considered acceptable by young women. The participants suggested that the male partner’s involvement with more than one sexual partner is a form of abuse and reinforces the ideas of male superiority. Some participants mentioned that it is accepted as a social norm that a man can have multiple partners in their context, as males have the right to date more than one woman. According to the participants, this behavior is not acceptable. However, when the female partner complains about feeling betrayed and cheated, this leads to quarrels and violence.

“…and whenever he betrays her, they quarrel, fight, and break for some time but again they reunite, and he does the same because he thinks it is his right to have many girls…people take it as normal relationships” (participant 6 from FGD 6).

“…That idea that the man is superior in the home, he’s the one who has the right to go out and party and the woman should be at home…so whenever she saw the partner cheating, people say ‘she should keep quiet’. I think that’s where violence starts because the woman does not accept her partner when he is dating another girl and all the time they fight about this issue.” (Participant 7 from FGD 2)

Bride price (lobola). For most African families, including those in Mozambique, marriage is only official after paying the bride price, which is called lobola. Lobola is delivered in different forms, including money and cattle, to the bride’s family. Since the practice of lobola is very lucrative, the families are likely to follow this cultural practice, and this occurs especially in the south in the urban region of Mozambique, such as Maputo-city, where this is standard practice, as it is in neighboring South Africa. Participants argued that this cultural practice influences IPV. Some men assume that since they are “buying” their wives, they can do whatever they want, including abuse. Some participants described unhealthy marriages leading to divorce because of IPV, but this does not happen. According to the participants, some women are forced to remain in such marriages because their families have either used up the lobola they paid or do not want to pay back the bride price. The most reported reason for non-acceptance of divorce by some families, however, also includes stigma and shame arising from divorce, which is not generally accepted in the local communities. Participants stated:

“Some families wouldn’t accept their daughters who are exposed to violence from their partner to go back home and divorce, because they are already married traditionally, the husband is the owner and has the right to hit her without the family interfering.” (Participant 9 from FGD 2)

“…when their daughter told them that her partner is abusing her, the mother said, ‘that’s how marriage is, there is no way out because we have already received lobola’. So, she must obey and tolerate everything the husband does, that’s why.” (Participant 8, from FGD 6)

Recommended Interventions That Can be Used to Prevent IPV

Ending abusive relationships through the promotion of awareness about IPV and the use of support services for the victims was reported as essential by the young women participating in these discussions. They saw such strategies as key to preventing IPV and its recurrence. Participants further mentioned the need to create specific IPV counseling centers for young women to meet their needs and to allow the counselors to screen for other potential sexual and reproductive problems which affect young women, since young women may feel stigmatized by the available services where health workers appear to be critical of their behavior. A participant said:

“There should be more aid stations for the victims of violence, especially for young girls, this would teach young girls that violence is not acceptable…and to help them to report their other problems as young women, and to report the abuse to the authorities with no shame.” (Participant 3 from FGD1)

“I also think that there are counselling centres for women who suffer violence, and they should go there to get help… as young women, they should not hide this but report to authorities with no shame” (participant 5 from FGD 2).

Discussion

We conducted this research to explore the views and perceptions of young women about IPV. IPV was reported to be expected, and young women experienced it early in their lives in Maputo. The study findings provided information concerning school going young women in an urban setting in Maputo regarding their understanding of the drivers of IPV in this context. The results provide the contextual framework for improving programs to reach young women and address their needs to prevent IPV in Mozambique.

In this study, participants were not asked to disclose their personal experiences of IPV. Still, they were well aware of the IPV problem among young women in their communities. They explained this was from their observations of their mothers’ experiences, their friends sharing their experiences, and witnessing IPV experienced by friends.

Their knowledge about IPV, which occurs amongst their friends, indicates an early occurrence of IPV in this Setting. It is consistent with what has been reported in quantitative studies in Mozambique, confirming a high prevalence of IPV among young women, with Maputo being one of the most affected areas. In Maputo, most IPV among women aged 15 to 49 years is reported to be 54.4% (INE e MISAU, 2013). Therefore, these findings from our study indicate that the current IPV prevention efforts appear to be inadequate in addressing the needs of young women, nor does it appear that such efforts have been effective in reducing the young women’s vulnerabilities leading to IPV. The study shows that these vulnerabilities may result from their social environment, which may endorse ideologies of male dominance and where occurrences of violence are not challenged. This may also indicate a gap among young women regarding their skills to challenge the dominant male norms and effectively prevent IPV.

It is essential to mention that the young women’s knowledge about IPV was mainly orientated toward physical abuse by a male partner. This finding confirms studies that have been conducted on IPV among older and young women. Most of these studies show that male partners are the main perpetrators of violence against women and physical violence is one of the most frequently reported forms of violence, which is used to inflict pain (Aboagye et al., 2021; Coll et al., 2020; Cruz et al., 2014; INE e MISAU, 2013; Russell et al., 2014; Shamu et al., 2016). The experiences of health workers also indicate a high number of women presenting with wounds, bruises and scars due to IPV (Lawoko et al., 2013; Meskele et al., 2020). We note, however, that women in this study mainly reported physical and sexual violence, with less emphasis on psychological abuse. Previous studies in Mozambique reported concurrent psychological, sexual and physical abuse, with psychological abuse being the most prevalent form of abuse (Cruz et al., 2014; INE e MISAU, 2013; Maguele et al., 2020).

In this study, psychological abuse needed more attention in our discussion groups since this gap is likely to impact the young women’s awareness and understanding of IPV and their ability to prevent this form of abuse. Since young women are at a stage where they are initiating relationships, they need to fully understand IPV, including its implicit and explicit forms and the effects on their psychological development.

Young women in this study confirmed that they learnt about IPV through their observations and the experiences shared by their peers. The advice of friends and the attitude of mothers were seen as providing guidance and a determining factor in their understanding of IPV. Still, the results of these experiences were not necessarily positive. The young women’s personal experiences at home and friends’ experiences shaped their views and expectations about IPV. These findings mirror studies conducted by Chernyak et al. (2020) and Shamu et al. (2016). .

The economic constraints affecting young women and their lack of autonomy to leave an abusive relationship due to this were discussed by participants as potential hindrances of IPV prevention. Since many young women in schools are not working, the opportunity to remain at school may mean that they are not financially independent and cannot leave an abusive relationship. Particularly among younger women at the initiation stage of their relationship, their financial dependence might reduce their likelihood of leaving a relationship despite the violence. It is consistent with findings from a previous study which included participants from universities and secondary schools in Mozambique (Cruz et al., 2014), and the studies from other similar societal contexts such as South Africa (Russell et al., 2014) and Zimbabwe (Mukamana et al., 2020). Thus, effective prevention programs should incorporate interventions empowering young women economically. Investments from macro socioeconomic perspectives targeting households and communities could be effective (Kim et al., 2007). The findings of this study contribute evidence-based information that suggests that specific programs are required to improve the economic circumstances of young women in schools to enhance young women’s autonomy to leave abusive relationships.

Another finding from this study was that alcohol consumption might result in IPV due to reduced inhibitions and increased propensity to violence, leading to physical and sexual abuse. Further, the alcohol consumption highlighted in the focus group discussions was associated with male controlling behavior. Any controlling actions forced on the female partner if challenged may lead to IPV. Many studies have reported alcohol consumption associated with risky behaviors and IPV (Peltzer et al., 2011; Scott-Sheldon et al., 2013; Shamu et al., 2016). In Mozambique, alcohol consumption amongst high school learners has been previously reported as a concern and requires immediate attention. The report published by the Department of Drug Prevention in partnership with the Directorate of Education in Maputo-Mozambique, showed learners (females and males) in high schools, including two schools in the study setting, appearing in classes under the influence of alcohol and drugs (Governo de Mocambique, 2017). It is thus crucial to tackle alcohol use among young people in and out of school to reduce risky behaviors and IPV.

The participants discussed religiosity and IPV and reported their concern that being a believing woman who lives according to her religious principles may be disadvantaged in relationships since this can lead to acceptance of IPV. They further explained that women exposed to IPV might be tolerant of such abuse if they endorse the belief that males have the right to make all the decisions, which may perpetuate violence. In settings such as Ghana and Togo, the women committed to religion were less likely to disclose IPV openly, but this was not the case amongst those not committed to any religion (Moore, 2008; Takyi & Lamptey, 2020). A probable explanation for these findings is that the women who endorse religious beliefs may fear blame and shame in reporting the violence perpetrated by their partners if their society knows them to serve God. Based on the information provided in this study, the role of religion in preventing IPV in this Setting needs to be addressed through social and cultural perspectives. These would require collaboration with community members, leaders and educational sectors in addressing IPV awareness and developing targeted prevention strategies that consider how to protect individuals, despite the community’s religious values. Such communities may not openly support IPV, but the culture within their religious communities may ignore the occurrence of IPV.

Findings suggest that IPV may be seen as a social construction derived from the social structure which supports gender inequality and masculinity norms. Thus, it is urgent to provide the evidence to inform interventions which need to include law enforcement that stresses human rights. Communities and social structures are required to enhance the freedom of young women and provide them with the autonomy to live their lives free from violence.

The views of young women confirm the evidence that has been produced by gender-based violence researchers over the past years (Aboagye et al., 2021; Coll et al., 2020; James-Hawkins et al., 2019; Logie et al., 2019; Selin et al., 2019). Participants indicated that IPV is deeply entrenched in cultural practices and decision-making processes. Men make all the decisions concerning their relationship and women’s sexual and reproductive health.

Cultural practices such as lobola, where the families of the brides receive gifts and money, and in exchange, their daughter joins the husband’s family, were reported by women as promoting violence. The rationale for this is that some families do not allow their daughters to divorce when their partners abuse them because of the stigma and the fact that they would need to return the acquired lobola (Thupayagale-Tshweneagae & Seloilwe, 2010). Further, although it is acceptable and normal for men to have more than one partner in some societies, this is likely to promote disharmony and may lead to violence (James-Hawkins et al., 2019; Jonas, 2012; José, 2016; Logie et al., 2019; Pathfinder International, 2015). Further, with the current prevalence of epidemics such as HIV and other sexually transmitted infections, the risk of multiple sexual partners can affect the health outcomes of all the women (Grose et al., 2021; Jewkes et al., 2010; Morrell et al., 2012).

The FGD participants suggest the need to raise awareness about available services and also the need for specific services where young women can report IPV and other sexual and reproductive related problems. Participants expressed concern about the demand for reliable referral services in this particular population group of young women in which IPV and other sexual and reproductive concerns could be addressed.

In Mozambique, as in many other African countries, the services to address IPV are not specific for young women (Governo de Mocambique, 2012; Lawoko et al., 2013; Meskele et al., 2020). The opportunity for those young women in dating or in occasional relationships or those initiating relationships and experiencing IPV to seek help may be limited. Services are required for young women to seek help, disclose IPV and other potential problems related to their sexual health and human rights (Zeitler et al., 2006). Therefore, this study advocates new approaches and programs to meet young women’s needs and enhance the reporting and prevention of IPV. These new structural programs should consider the multifaceted determinants often associated with the cultural and structural constraints affecting this specific population group as described above. Concerted and improved awareness campaigns advertising the available services that support their communities would help young women reach the counseling centers (Cools & Kotsadam, 2017; Yount et al., 2017).

The opportunity to improve young women’s awareness about IPV and the use of support services can be used during promotion activities at school on sexual and reproductive health and rights and in addressing the prevention of adolescents’ sexual risk behaviors. As this study has shown, it is essential to take cognizance of young women in their contextual environment to empower them with the necessary knowledge and skills to reduce their vulnerabilities.

Young women in this study see IPV as a violation of human rights. Although IPV has been seen as a private issue of concern only to relatives in Mozambique, it has been considered a public health concern and a human rights issue in recent years. Since the United Nations declaration on violence against women, various actions have been implemented across countries (Goldberg & Kelly, 1993).

In Mozambique in particular, the declaration contributed to advocacy for the law on domestic violence (Moçambique, 2009), which aims to protect the victims of gender-based violence. Since then, more than 10 years have passed, and the issues of violence against women, including IPV, should be seen as a priority for the attention of the Mozambican Government to achieve a reduction and prevention of IPV. However, the gender policy and the strategies for its implementation were only approved recently in 2018 in Mozambique, and therefore, evidence regarding the results of the policy is still limited (Governo de Mocambique, 2006; Mulher, 2018). As the WHO states, such laws may increase conscientization that violence is unacceptable and may improve social support and disapproval of violence (Coll et al., 2020; World Health Organization, 2017); However, despite the improvement in this regard, young women in Mozambique remain vulnerable to IPV due to multiple individual, relationship, community and societal factors which may lead to IPV. To date, there is no available evidence of the implementation of specific interventions to address IPV among young women in Mozambique. The report on the pattern of gender in Mozambique revealed that the significant challenge in the country is the implementation of national laws and regulations that protect the rights of women and girls in all sectors (Ministerio da Mulher, Crianca e Accao Social, 2014). Further, there is no indication of any policy analysis about the law on domestic violence (Moçambique, 2009). There is still a need to evaluate how current primary prevention interventions such as the promotion of gender equity and IPV awareness can best be adapted by adding contextual approaches that reach young women (Governo de Mocambique, 2006; Mulher, 2018).

Strength and Limitations

The findings of this study should be seen in the light of the following limitations. The study focused on young women attending classes in secondary schools in Maputo city and excluded those who were not school going. Thus, the study may have potential selection bias since young women who attend schools due to their educational attainment are probably aware of IPV and are more likely to discuss IPV aspects. In contrast, those young women who are not attending school are perhaps less informed about IPV and less likely to have similar views and perspectives about IPV. Participants in this study were between 15 and 22 years and were attending day classes. This may have limited the ability of the study to obtain the views of those working or those attending night classes. The study used focus group discussions to gather information from young women. Since this method lacked privacy, the confidentiality of the data could not be guaranteed. Although this had been explained to the participants, it may have limited the participants’ ability to disclose their personal experiences of IPV. However, our study aimed at exploring young women’s views and perspectives about IPV and the actions that should be taken to reduce IPV. The FGD participants suggest the need to raise awareness about available services and specific services where young women can report IPV and other sexual and reproductive related problems. Participants expressed concern about the demand for reliable referral services in this particular population group of young women in which IPV and other sexual and reproductive concerns could be addressed. The findings generated an understanding of contextual factors influencing IPV. These provide the hypotheses that could be tested using quantitative methods in subsequent research.

Conclusions

The findings of this study offer insights into the development of contextual interventions to prevent IPV among young women in Maputo. Using a qualitative analytical approach, this study examined how young women learn about IPV; explored their views and perspectives about IPV and the socio-ecological factors that promote IPV acceptance.

These results contribute to the literature and the understanding of IPV in a developing country, which will help in the development of contextual gender-based prevention programs addressing young women, and toward the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goal 5 (Stöckl et al., 2014). As the study demonstrated, there is the need for an integrated approach to address the individual, relationship community and societal concerns about IPV among young women in Mozambique.

Evidence on IPV in Mozambique is mainly reported in statistics from cross-sectional studies rather than exploring young women’s views and perspectives. Nonetheless, interventions programs do not focus on this population, as current interventions mainly address married or cohabiting women (Mulher, 2018). There is also a need to continue to expand the research for evidence-based information to help the government and programmers to understand IPV and address priority programs in line with the SDG target in 2030 (United Nations, 2020), to promote gender equity and reduce violence against young women. This study sheds light on significant issues to be addressed to enhance current interventions.

The findings consider programmatic approaches to enforce the existing resources for preventing IPV through linking structural, economic and cultural improvements. Coordinated efforts between different stakeholders in society to address the male dominance norms and the social acceptance of interpersonal violence are urgently required. It should include law enforcement strategies and programs (including school programs) that stress human rights and disapproval of violence through the communities and social structures to ensure social support for IPV prevention in Mozambique. As the study demonstrated, there is the need for an integrated approach to address the individual, relationship community and societal concerns about IPV among young women in Mozambique.