Exploring Social Media Commentary Pertaining to Physical and Sexual Abuse in South Korean Ice-Skating

Abstract

The purpose of this study was to examine how South Korean individuals responded to Olympic short track speed skater Shim Suk-hee’s sexual abuse accusations toward her former coach Cho Jae-bum, as well as the perceptions associated with the culture of South Korea’s elite sport organization, the Korea Skating Union. Specifically, Facebook comments made to posts on the three digital news platforms (Dispatch, Insight, and SBS News) in South Korea were analyzed through the lens of framing theory. Data were analyzed using a thematic analysis. Three themes emerged inductively from the data analysis including (a) emotions; (b) punishment for authority figures; and (c) further investigations of similar cases. Comments illustrated South Korean publics’ anger with their desire to see Cho face stricter punishment for his abuse of Shim. In addition, comments discussed calling for more thorough investigations into similar cases of abuse. Lastly, South Korean individuals showed an overall dissatisfaction of the current system and culture of the Korean Skating Union without transparency.

“My dream of showcasing my performance at the 2018 PyeongChang Winter Olympic Games in my hometown could not come true because I lost my consciousness during the race” (Sports Seoul, 2018, para. 4). Twenty-one-year old Shim Suk-hee, a member of South Korea’s national short-track speedskating team and two-time Olympic gold medalist, made this statement after she failed to qualify for the 1500-m race at the 2018 PyeongChang Winter Olympic Games. In February 2018, Shim’s fall during her race dealt a crushing blow to South Korea’s Olympic expectations. In June 2018, 4 months after the 2018 Games, this grief was amplified after a police investigation revealed that Shim had endured years of physical abuse from her coach, Cho Jae-bum, during her preparation for the 2018 PyeongChang Winter Olympic Games (Choe, 2019). According to Sports Seoul (2018), Shim was quoted as saying “20 days before the 2018 Games, I thought I might die because of his physical abuse. He gave me a concussion from punching my head so hard, causing me to fall during my 1500-meter race, shattering my longtime dream of putting on a great performance in 2018 PyeongChang” (para. 4). In January 2019, with the shock of Cho’s physical abuse still present, South Korea’s anger intensified when Shim accused Cho of sexual abuse, reporting that he had repeatedly raped her dating back to when she was 17 (Hancocks, 2019).

South Korea is recognized as a sporting power, regularly placing in the top 10 at both the Summer and Winter Olympics. Since 1948, South Korea has won more than 300 medals in both the Summer and Winter Olympics, putting them in the top 19 in all-time medal count. While this feat is an accomplishment, it’s even more impressive given South Korea’s geographical size (i.e., the 111th biggest country in the world). Additionally, they are the only Asian country besides Japan to have hosted both the Summer and Winter Olympics (1988 Seoul Summer Olympics and 2018 PyeongChang Winter Olympics). However, this culture of athletic success is not without negative side effects (Associated Press, 2019a). Compounding the emphasis South Korea places on high athletic performance is the country’s relatively small size, limited resources, and intensively competitive society (Jung, 2019). These factors culminate into coaches having immense power over athletes’ lives, commonly manifesting in physical abuse (Associated Press, 2019b; Heo, 2011; Kang, 2007). Unfortunately, Shim’s accusations toward Cho serve as another saga of athlete sexual abuse problems in sport. Athletes in numerous countries have alleged similar behavior from their coaches, including the Netherlands, Norway, Canada, and Britain (Owton & Sparkes, 2015). In this environment, those who speak out on the dark side of South Korean sport are commonly sidelined and castigated as traitors (Hancocks, 2019; Sun et al., 2010). However, since Shim became the first high-profile athlete to speak out on these aspects of the South Korean sport landscape, other athletes are coming forward (Choe, 2019). In fact, many South Korean female athletes are beginning to speak openly about their coaches’ physical and sexual abuse (Associated Press, 2019c; Hancocks, 2019). “This unveils the humiliating underside of our country’s glorious façade as a sports powerhouse” said South Korean president Moon Jae-in in a statement about Shim’s case (The New York Times, 2019, para. 10). Moon also asked for a thorough investigation and urged the South Korean government to support and help other victims feel safe enough to speak out (Choe, 2019). Along with the president’s statement, more than 260,000 South Koreans have signed a presidential petition demanding a thorough investigation and lengthy prison term for Cho. Cho was sentenced to 18 months in prison for his physical abuse of Shim, and is awaiting trial for the sexual abuse he has been accused of committing.

The purpose of this study was to examine how South Korean individuals responded to Shim Suk-hee’s sexual abuse accusation toward her coach Cho Jae-bum, as well as the perceptions associated with the culture of Korean Skating Union (KSU), within the theoretical framework of framing. Since there is no public platform for either the Korea Skating Union and Korean Sport & Olympic Committee (the Korea Skating Union’s governing body) to hear the public’s thought and opinions, Facebook comments posted on three South Korean digital news platforms pertaining to Shim’s case were analyzed. According to a 2020 Reuters Institute digital news report, 83% of South Korean citizens consumed news through online media, with 44% reporting social media as their primary source for news consumption (Reuters Institute Digital News Report, 2020). Therefore, comments on Facebook posts from Dispatch, Insight, and SBS News regarding Shim’s accusation toward Cho were analyzed, as these news platform allow for rich and nuanced content, thus making them suitable for this study. These news platforms are some of the biggest in South Korea with 6.3 million, 4.8 million, and 1 million Facebook followers respectively, approximately 20% of the South Korean population. Framing theory will serve as the theoretical framework for this study.

This study could contributes to international sport media literature by focusing on how South Korean individuals responded to the coach’s Cho’s alleged sexual abuse toward Shim high profile athlete within the realm of South Korean ice-skating. In addition, this study was one of the first known research to examine the South Korean’ public’s opinions and thoughts regarding the problems in South Korean sport society culture. Furthermore, based on the narratives introduced by the South Korean publics’ through their Facebook comments, this study can provide practical advice to the governing bodies responsible for oversight.

Literature Review

The Culture of South Korean Elite Youth Sport

Elite youth athletes can be described as those who have superior athletic talent, get specialized training, undergo expert coaching, and compete beginning at an early age (Mountjoy et al., 2008). In order to formulate an exact definition of elite sport, Swann et al. (2015) conducted a comprehensive literature review of 91 empirical studies that dealt with youth sport participants. According to Swann et al. (2015), elite sport participants possess the following criteria: competing at international and national level, represent their country or national team, and competing at university level.

In South Korean sport culture, there is a tremendous emphasis on athletic performance. More specifically, anything will be tolerated if it results in a gold medal (Heo, 2011). The roots of this athletic culture can be traced to South Korea’s history. In the 1970s, the South Korean government wanted to enhance the nation’s image, and began using sport as a platform to advertise South Korea (Lee, 2005; Lim & Huh, 2009), as evidenced by the country’s decision to host the 1988 Seoul Summer Olympic Games. Beyond hosting, South Korea pushed their athletes to win gold medals in these events to further advertise the country’s development and success (Lee, 2006). Therefore, the South Korean government fostered elite athletes through national level policies, only focusing on their athletic performance and the results of competition. Simply put, many people believed they didn’t care about other aspects of athletes’ lives, such as providing proper education for student-athletes and the lives of retired athletes (Heo, 2011; Hong & Ryu, 2007). The South Korean government asked their athletes to become a patriot by winning gold medals, a trend that has continued in South Korea ever since (Lim & Huh, 2009).

The history of South Korea’s policy regarding elite athletes has created an imbalance, which can succinctly be explained as winning is everything (Heo, 2011). This culture means that South Korean athletes are required to devote all of their time to training for their sport, being unable to pursue anything else (Heo, 2010). Becoming a successful and high-profile athlete is the only opportunity given to athletes in South Korea. Consequently, this means that coaches hold immense sway over athletes’ careers and lives (Kwak, 2019). This system has many negative repercussions in South Korean sport culture, such as coaches’ disservice to athletes in the name of better athletic performance/results (Kang, 2007; Sun et al., 2010). As a result of this demand to achieve good results and win gold medals, coaches’ physical and verbal abuse are known to be rampant and accepted in South Korean sport society (Associated Press, 2019a). One example of such a case is that of Shim Suk-hee. Under the encouragement of Cho-Jae-beom, Shim started ice-skating when she was 9 years old; Cho Jae-beom, recruited her and became her coach (Yun, 2019). According to South Korean prosecution, since then, Shim Suk-hee was both physically and verbally abused by Cho Jae-beom. “She has been repeatedly subjected to these crimes since she was a teenager and the depth of her traumatic wounds is beyond description” said Shim Suk-hee’s lawyer, Lim sang-hyuk (SBS News, 2019, para. 13). As egregious as Cho’s actions were, these sorts of incidents are unfortunately prevalent in sport.

Sexual Abuse and Harassment in Sport

Sexual abuse in the context of sport has been defined in a variety of ways, including “groomed or coerced collaboration in sexual and/or genital acts where the victim has been entrapped by the perpetrator” (Brackenridge & Fasting, 2005, p. 3). Additionally, “Abuse implies that a person offends another person’s rights. By sexual abuse we mean to trick or coerce a person into a sexual act the person does not want, or is not sufficiently mature to consent to” (NOC, 2011, p. 8). Sexual harassment can be defined as “unwanted attention on the basis of sex” (Brackenridge & Fasting, 2005, p. 3). According to previous research, sexual abuse can have significant and lifelong effects on athletes. Fasting et al. (2013), indicated that sexual harassment can cause a serious degree of emotional stress, effect victims’ performance and self-esteem, and even cause them to leave their sport.

There have been documented cases of sexual abuse in sport in a variety of countries, including the Netherlands, Norway, Britain, Canada, Czech Republic, Australia, the United States, France, and South Korea (Cense & Brackenridge, 2001; Fasting et al., 2004, 2010; Leahy et al., 2002; Owton & Sparkes, 2015). In the United States, one of the more recent and high-profile examples of physical and sexual abuse by an authority figure is the Larry Nassar scandal. Nassar, an osteopathic physician at Michigan State University, treated members of the United States’ Olympic Gymnastics team for more than 20 years (Connor, 2016). However, over this period of time, Nassar used his position as team doctor to sexually assault and abuse his patients, with more than 300 women and girls coming forward alleging that Nassar abused them (Kirby, 2018).

In South Korea, several incidents of sexual assault have recently become public. Many of these instances bear a strong resemblance to Nassar’s crimes. Kim Eun-hee, a former female tennis player was raped repeatedly by her coach for a year when she was 10 years old in 2002. Additionally, Shin Yu-yong, a former female judo athlete, was sexually abused by her coach more than 20 times between 2011 and 2015, beginning when she was 17. Receiving encouragement from Shim’s actions, both athletes accused their male coaches of sexual abuse (Choe, 2019). Kim and Shin’s coaches were eventually sentenced to 10 years and 6 years, for their crimes (BBC News, 2019; Song, 2019). Incidents of sexual abuse of athletes is not limited to South Korea. In France, Sarah Abitbol, a 10-time national figure skating champion, accused her former coach of raping her, dating back to when she was 15 years old. In addition, three other French figure skaters accused their coaches of sexual harassment and sexual abuse. As a result, Didier Gailhaguet, the president of the French Federation of Ice Sports resigned after these allegations sparked outrage amongst the French sport society (Méheut, 2020).

Due to most sport organizations being male-dominated and grounded in traditional male values, sexual harassment and abuse are prevalent (Fasting et al., 2004). Most often, perpetrators of sexual abuse are men with power and authority over the athletes including physiotherapists, trainers, team doctors, and coaches (Fasting et al., 2013; International Olympic Committee [IOC], 2007). However, amongst these various roles, those in coaching positions are the most common perpetrators of sexual abuse toward athletes (Fasting et al., 2013; Leahy et al., 2002). Coaches have power and authority over athletes, which can be used to control their lives (Fasting et al., 2013). Specifically, there are several aspects of organized sport that present major risk factors for sexual abuse to occur, namely the power held by coaches and the athlete’s pursuit of excellence (Brackenridge, 1997; Bringer et al., 2001; Owton & Sparkes, 2015). This pursuit of excellence has resulted in athletes at the peak of their careers having the highest risk of being sexually abused, since they believe they have the most to lose by not complying (Brackenridge, 1997; Brackenridge & Kirby, 1997). Thus, many athletes view sexual abuse at the hands of their coaches as something they have to put up with (Brackenridge, 1997; Bringer et al., 2001; Cense, 1997). Additionally, the victim’s fear or shame of being sidelined or frozen out of their sport and the fear of not being believed are contributing factors to the continuation of the abusive relationship (Fasting et al., 2013).

In addition, Cense (1997) illustrated that some male coaches who abused their players attempted to become a guardian/father figure to their athletes in order to gain their trust. Once this trust, power, and authority had been established, the grooming, or process of targeting and preparing a victim for abuse began (Fasting et al., 2013). Grooming can be viewed as a central component to sexually abusive relationships (Morrison et al., 1994). Grooming is a slow process, and it might take weeks, months, or years to break down the interpersonal barriers prior to committing sexual abuse (Doyle, 1994). In the context of sport, grooming usually takes place with the gradual building of the athlete’s trust in their coach. The coach nurtures their athlete in a parent-like manner, providing both discipline and affection that eventually makes athletes reliant on them (Brackenridge & Fasting, 2005). Eventually, coaches may leverage their power and authority in a way that makes the athlete feel completely trapped, such as threatening to sideline athletes or cut them from the team altogether (Brackenridge & Fasting, 2005).

Despite media portrayals of sexual abuse tending to focus exclusively on the perpetrator of the abuse (Ward et al., 2006), sport governing bodies and organizations have consistently been found to be enablers of sexual abuse within their respective sports, often denying its existence, or knowing such abuse is occurring and turning a blind eye (Fleury, 2009; Robinson, 1998; Stirling et al., 2011). Other enablers of sexual abuse include, but are not limited to, chaperones, parent helpers, bus drivers, or even other athletes (Brackenridge, 1997). These stakeholders also play a key role in helping eliminate sexual abuse in sport, with Macleish (2011) writing, “When the powerful fail to do what’s necessary to stop the predators in their midst, the abuse continues and the powerless suffer” (para. 4).

Jeon Myung-gyu

Cho is not the only person that helped make this horrific act possible. Aside from Cho, perhaps no individual is at the forefront of this controversy more than professor and former skater Jeon Myung-gyu, as the South Korean public also called for an investigation into Jeon’s role in the incident (Associated Press, 2019c).

Jeon Myung-gyu is a former South Korean national speed skater, coach, and head coach of the South Korean national short-track team between 1988 and 2002. Following his tenure as a coach, Jeon became a professor at Korean National Sport University (KNSU) in 2002, as well as vice chairman of the Korea Skating Union in 2009 (Kim, 2018). South Korea’s status as a hierarchical society meant that Jeon essentially sat atop the throne as king of the South Korean Ice-Skating industry. However, his tenure was riddled with unethical behaviors. For example, Jeon’s leadership during his time in these respective positions showed many signs of favoritism, as athletes that trained at KNSU were regularly given preferential treatment over those that trained elsewhere (Associated Press, 2019c; Kwon, 2014). In doing so, Jeon essentially created a sub-team within the Korea Skating Union of athletes that trained at KNSU, leading to strife within the team as a whole.

This internal conflict also trickled up into issues of unfairness in player appointment. For instance, Korean national team members are commonly chosen based on their coaches’ power, as opposed to their individual talent (Kwon, 2014). Further, Jeon has been accused of continually favoring coaches from the KNSU circle (led by Jeon), and even helping cover up abuse committed by coaches (Associated Press, 2019c). Specifically, when this accusation took place, Shim was an undergraduate student at KNSU and despite being Shim’s teacher and professor, Jeon continued to support Cho Jae-bum (Associated Press, 2019c; Lee, 2019). The investigation conducted by the Korean Ministry of Education in 2019 reported that despite having knowledge of Cho’s actions, Jeon tried to cover up Cho’s abuse towards multiple players, including Shim (Lee, 2019). Additionally, Jeon used his authority and South Korea’s hierarchical structure to his advantage, as he urged and blackmailed victims to make an agreement with Cho, or else risk their future as a successful ice skater (Park & Kim, 2019). In order to cover up and support these unethical behaviors, Jeon was quoted as saying, “Let’s pressure the victims until they finally go mad and need to go to a mental clinic” (Cho, 2019, para. 2). After Shim’s ordeal, national investigations revealed Jeon’s unethical and immoral behaviors to the public.

Given the nuances of this situation, such as the unique nature of South Korean elite sport culture, as well as the numerous stakeholders involved, there were with many elements within this scandal that individuals could discuss and focus upon. Thus, this study analyzed Facebook comments within the theoretical lens of framing and bottom-up framing.

Theoretical Framework

Framing theory has been commonly utilized by media scholars to understand the media’s effect on audience’s opinions, perceptions, and attitudes regarfing various social issues (e.g., Angelini et al., 2014; Druckman, 2001; Eagleman et al., 2014; Heldman et al., 2005; Mastro et al., 2011; Parker & Fink, 2008; Tewksbury et al., 2000; Zaharopoulos, 2007). Framing can also reflect the prevailing social norms, values, and culture of a society (Endres, 2004). A definition that has been widely cited in the literature was provided by Entman (1993) who argues that “to frame is to select some aspects of a perceived reality and make them more salient in a communicating text, in such a way as to promote problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation, and/or treatment recommendation for the item described” (p. 52). Specifically, this theory states that information is presented to the audience via frames. Tewksbury and Scheufele (2009) observed, “A frame is what unifies information into a package that can influence audiences” (p. 19). The information that is “packaged” is pre-determined and then disseminated to the audience so that it influences their understanding of the events (Entman, 1993; Zaharopoulos, 2007).

Within the realm of sport communication, framing has been used extensively as a theoretical lens to investigate a wide range of issues (Angelini et al., 2014) including societal issues related to race, nationality and transgressive acts of professional athletes (Blaszka et al., 2016; Eagleman, 2011; Laucella, 2009, 2010). Eagleman (2011) conducted a qualitative document analysis of Sports Illustrated and ESPN The Magazine, the two most popular sport magazines in the United States. Specifically, the author analyzed content from 2000 to 2007 to determine if there were differences between the frames used to describe athletes of different nationalities and racial backgrounds. The findings revealed that both magazines framed the athletes in a stereotypical manner according to their nationality and race, thus futher perpetuating the stereotypes in the minds of the readers. Laucella’s (2009, 2010) works on framing were related to newspapers coverage of Arthur Ashe’s announcement of his AIDS diagnosis and Michael Vick’s charges pertaining to dogfighting. She found that the newspapers framed Ashe as a victim, pioneer, role model, and hero while Vick was framed as a scapegoat, victim, trickster, hero (or fallen hero), and other world (i.e., celebrity athlete vs. the underworld). Blaszka et al. (2016) advanced the literature on bottom-up framing by exploring the intersection between sport, social media and societal issues. They captured tweets containing the official hashtag #sochi2014 to determine if dissent was displayed during the games. The findings revealed that users used an unofficial hashtag #sochiproblems to express their dissent on various issues (Russia’s anti-gay stance, living problems which discussed Dolphins living in captivity) that surrounded the 2014 Sochi Olympic Games.

Most framing studies have focused on a top-down transmission model of communication, wherein the framing of content is done by media outlets or organizations (Frederick et al., 2016) while the readers are placed at the receiving end of the debate (Nelson et al., 2017). This model posits that individuals interpret the news in a top-down manner as frames emerge from traditional sources. However, the rise of digital news platform and social media has led to readers now being able to “introduce alternative frames that can confirm or challenge those introduced by the media” (Sanderson & Casillo, 2019, p. 6). As a result, Nisbet (2010) argued that one should study framing on social media via a bottom-up framing model instead of the traditional approach of the top-down transmission model. According to bottom-up framing, the readers are not only influenced by the content in the article but also by the comments of fellow readers. Further, those who produce such media frames have a hand in setting up the terms of debate among other readers.

There are several sport studies that have examined framing on social media utilizing a bottom-up approach (see Blaszka et al., 2016; Burch et al., 2015; Frederick et al., 2016, 2017; Schmidt et al., 2019). The findings from these studies have revealed that individuals use social media as a platform to shape public opinions and alter cultural perceptions (Burch et al., 2015), to debate and seek out evidence (Frederick et al., 2016), to engage in self-presentation (Frederick et al., 2017), and to express dissent and highlight social-political issues (Blaszka et al., 2016; Schmidt et al., 2019). In other words, these studies found that discussions on social media help to shape and create a narrative. The current study sought to address how audiences framed and interpreted Cho Jae-bum’s transgression through a bottom-up framing model, via an analysis of Facebook comments.

The purpose of this study was to investigate South Korean responses pertaining to Shim Suk-hee, a South Korean ice-skater’s sexual abuse allegations toward her coach Cho Jae-bum, as well as the culture of South Korean ice-skating. In order to examine South Korean responses, Facebook comments posted on the three digital news platforms in South Korea were analyzed through the lens of bottom-up framing. To guide the analysis, the following research question was proposed:

• RQ: How did South Korean respond to Shim Suk-hee’s sexual abuse accusation toward her coach Cho Jae-beom?

Method

Data Collection

To explore how the South Korean public framed Shim Suk-hee’s sexual abuse accusations against her former coach Cho Jae-bum, user comments from Dispatch, Insight and SBS News Facebook posts regarding the act were collected. User comments were collected between January 8th and February 16th 2019 from four different posts concerning the sexual assault accusations against Cho Jae-bum, as well as those regarding Jeon Myung-gyu’s efforts to cover up Cho’s actions. The justification for choosing this specific time period was that the first post appeared on the Dispatch Facebook page on January 8. The 5-week period was chosen for analysis because it gives significant time for users to comment on the event (see Schmidt et al., 2019). A total of 1,040 comments were collected, with each comment on the post considered a codable unit. However, comments which were short and consisted of single word abuses (e.g., Shit, F*** you, etc.) directed at Cho and Jeon were deemed inadequate for coding and excluded from the analysis. This resulted in a total of 311 comments being analyzed, all of which were posted by unique users.

Data Analysis

The data was analyzed using a thematic analysis. Braun and Clarke (2006) observed that this procedure allows researchers to identify meanings and patterns within the data set, thus allowing themes to emerge from the data rather than a-priori. This method has been commonly used by sport communication researchers examining social media content (see Cassilo & Sanderson, 2018; Sanderson et al., 2016; Sanderson & Hambrick, 2012). Each user comment on the Facebook posts served as a unit of analysis. Two of the authors, who were familiar with thematic analysis, read and examined the comments independently. Both authors conducted two rounds of qualitative coding—open and axial (see Strauss & Corbin, 1990). In the first stage (i.e., open coding), the researchers developed categories and assigned names to them. This was followed by ascribing attributes to the categories. Each comment was then placed into one of the categories according to its dominant message. The researchers continued with the process of developing, clarifying, and refining themes until new observations did not add substantively to the themes that were already identified. The second round consisted of axial coding, wherein the researchers aim to combine different categories and make connections between them. To assess similarity, each researcher individually summarized and compared categories and minimized the categories as much as possible while still retaining meaning. The two researchers developed themes and categories independently from each other. They later came together to share their analysis and discuss findings. In case of disagreements, the findings were discussed until a general consensus was reached regarding the overarching themes resulting from the analysis. A total of three themes and six sub-themes were identified.

Translation Strategies

Since all user comments were made in Korean, translation strategies were applied to minimize any errors that might arise during the translation processes (Sousa & Rojjanasrirat, 2011). First, a bilingual translator have translated the comments from Korean to English. Second, for back translation, a bilingual translator who had not been exposed to the comments were asked to translate the English version of comments back to Korean. Lastly, the final process of translation have conducted with extensive discussions by the translators regarding potential discrepancies or problems that were identified during back translation (Weeks et al., 2007).

Results

A total of three themes emerged from the data: (a) Emotions, (b) Punishment for Authority Figures, and (c) Further Investigation of Similar Cases. The following section discuss the overarching themes and sub-themes in detail.

Negative Emotions

The emotions theme (n = 144) was comprised of individuals expressing their displeasure with the entire incident and how it transpired. This theme included four sub-themes: (a) anger (n = 65); (b) disgust (n = 41); (c) empathy (n = 30); and (d) 17 years old (n = 8).

Almost all of the comments under the sub-themes of anger and disgust were people directing their emotions toward Cho’s actions as opposed to highlighting Shim’s victimhood. Some of these comments included “I am very angry with his behavior” and “How did Cho compensate Shim’s wounds? I believe Shim’s wounds will last the rest of her life…I am so angry and hope he gets a reasonable sentence for his behaviors” Individuals expressing their disgust tended to focus more on the shameful nature of Cho’s immoral behaviors, as well as how he abused his position of authority. For example, “He abused his power over a young female athlete! It’s totally disgusting!” and “The people like Cho who abuse their power and authority have to be judged.”

Another sub-theme under the emotions theme was 17 years old. Comments under this sub-theme were those that contained the keywords “17 years old,” Shim’s age when Cho allegedly began raping her. Here, individuals expressed their shock regarding Cho taking advantage of a minor, but emphasized Shim’s age rather than the action itself. For instance, “I cannot believe it. She was only 17 years old!” and “He raped his athlete when she was only 17 years old!”

In contrast to the anger and disgust sub-themes, which tended to focus on the overall heinousness of Cho’s actions, the empathy sub-theme instead focused more on showing sympathy and support for Shim Suk-hee. For example, some of the comments included “I know her and am so sad for her,” and “Shim, you have had a lot of hard work ahead of you…in the meantime, just leave all your wounds in the wind. Move forward with a fresh and lively heart. I truly support your happiness.”

In addition, some users mentioned the negative aspects of current South Korean sport culture. These comments focused on coaches’ immense power over athletes and how this affects Shim and other athletes’ achievements. For example, “The way South Korean athletes like Shim are treated makes me so sad… they are only treated as heroes if they win gold medals and get criticized if they do not win, and are often sexually abused by coaches off the field,” and “Shim practicing for the Olympics was already tough enough without being abused by Cho… I cannot even imagine her pain.”

Punishment for Authority Figures

Comments under this theme (n = 111) were those that called for the authority figures responsible for Shim’s abuse to face harsher repercussions for their actions. This theme consisted of two sub-themes: (a) Punishment for Cho (n = 60) and (b) Punishment for Jeon (n = 51).

Individuals that left comments under the first sub-theme expressed displeasure with the sentence Cho received for physically assaulting Shim, believing that he should have faced a steeper punishment for his actions. For instance, user comments included, “He must receive a more severe punishment” and “Please form a presidential petition to get a more severe punishment.”

Additionally, several users voiced their frustrations with Cho within the context of the entire South Korean legal system. At the time of the study, Cho had already been sentenced to 18 months for his physical abuse towards athletes, including Shim. Users felt that receiving only 18 months for physical abuse was not a proper punishment. Users also believed that, based on this sentence, Cho would not receive a strict enough sentence for his sexual abuse toward Shim, stating their belief that Cho’s sentencing would have been harsher elsewhere. For example, “South Korean law is too generous. He must receive a more severe punishment,” “He was sentenced to only 18 months for physical abuse. That’s too short!” These comments concerning Cho’s short sentencing possibly stemmed from other South Korean sexual abuse cases. For example, in South Korea, 67.3% of sexual related crimes received a sentence of less than 6 years (MBC News, 2020). Thus, even though this study occurred before Cho’s sentencing, the South Korean public did not feel that Cho would receive an appropriate sentence. In addition, with improvement of media and social media improvements, the South Korean public was able to learn about similar cases of in other countries involving coaches’ sexual abusing their athletes, as well as how the coaches were punished for their immoral behaviors. Specifically, many users mentioned the Larry Nassar case, in the United States. For example, “If this happened in the US, he would be sentenced to more than 100 years! South Korean law is too generous!” This comment could have possibly been influenced by the verdict of the Larry Nassar case, in which the former Michigan State doctor received 40 to 175 years in prison for his actions. Overall, users did not feel that justice would be served in Cho’s sentencing.

The second sub-theme were comments that mentioned Jeon Myung-gyu. While Jeon did not physically abuse Shim, many individuals believed his actions enabled Cho’s behavior, as reflected by this sub-theme. Individuals questioned how Jeon came into his current position given his role in the situation. These comments included “How did he become a Korean National Sport University professor and vice president of the KSU? He is totally unqualified” and “Is he a professor? I cannot believe it!” Several comments also called for Jeon to be fired from his current position. For instance, “He should be fired from both Korean National Sport University and from coaching future athletes.”

Lastly, similar to comments under the Further Investigation theme (provided below), individuals also stressed the role of corruption in the scandal. However, rather than calling for additional action to be taken in order to prevent such an event from happening again, individuals remarked on how Jeon’s actions have impacted the Korea Skating Union. Comments included “He is evil! The Korea Skating Union is corrupted because of people like Jeon.”

Further Investigations of Similar Cases

Within this theme (n = 56), comments called for the South Korean governing body of sport organizations to open up investigations into other potential acts of misconduct. After Shim’s brave decision to speak out regarding the negative aspects of South Korean sport, it not only challenged taboos in South Korea’s conservative sport society but also encouraged other South Korean female athletes to disclose incidents of sexual abuse by their coaches them when they were minors. For example, former judo, taekwondo, kick volleyball, soccer, and tennis athletes accused male coaches of sexual assault (Kwak, 2019). Here, individuals’ opinions on the issue went further than just being upset at Cho and his sentencing. Rather, comments reflected the belief that this case may be representative of a systemic problem in South Korean elite sport culture, and called for the governing body to act accordingly. Some of the key comments included “The governing body must conduct further investigations for athletes like her,” “A wide range of investigations will be needed for the South Korean national team,” “There’s more victims like Shim in other sports,” and “I am ashamed of the South Korean national ice-skating team’s culture and system.”

In addition, users also criticized the role of the KSU, the governmental organization which oversees South Korean national team coaches. The public not only criticized the KSU, but also questioned their current system which allows unqualified coaches to continue coaching athletes. For example, “How did Cho became a coach on the South Korean national team? He ruined the life of one of the best female ice-skaters in South Korea,” and “I do not know what KSU is doing as a governmental organization…”

Discussion

The purpose of this study was to examine public perceptions regarding Korean Olympic ice-skater Shim Suk-hee’s sexual assault accusation against her coach, Cho Jae-beom. The results of this study illustrated the South Korean public’s negative emotions, as well as their desire to see Cho face stricter punishment for his abuse of Shim. Additionally, responses called for further and more thorough investigations of similar cases, as well as investigations of the Korea Skating Union. Individuals’ criticisms showed a dissatisfaction with the current system and culture of South Korean sport and sport organizations, specifically with members who exhibited immoral behaviors. Lastly, the South Korean public expressed criticism toward Jeon, who found himself at the center of this immoral behavior after attempting to use his authority to cover up Cho’s misconduct. Thanks to media and technological developments, the public were well informed of Cho’s abuse toward Shim. Additionally, these same developments allowed South Koreans to follow similar scandals in other countries, particularly the Larry Nassar case. Individuals saw how Nassar was criticized and punished by the US legal system and society in general. Additionally, the Nassar case provided an example for South Koreans regarding how governing bodies involved in such events were reprimanded and held accountable for the role they played in the transgressions. Despite legal systems differing from country to country, the South Korean public largely believed punishment toward Cho and the governing body was/will be too lenient. For example, most individuals (e.g., President of US Gymnastic Association, President of US Olympic & Paralympic Committee) and organizations (e.g., US Gymnastic Association, US Olympic and Paralympic Committee, Michigan State University) that had a connection to the Larry Nassar case were fired or punished. However, in Shim’s case, nothing has changed with respect to the Korea Skating Union and the Korean Olympic and Sport Committee. Despite this event, all upper-level administrators are still employed, and not facing any repercussions for their actions (or lack thereof). Most importantly, Cho got sentenced to merely 18 months in jail for his physical abuse towards Shim. In addition, based on the results of previous sexually-related transgressions in South Korea where perpetrators received light sentences (Kim, 2021), the public believed that justice would not be served toward Cho, and he would avoid a lengthy prison sentence. This perceived miscarriage of justice is the root of the South Korean public’s frustration and anger evidenced in this study.

The results of this study align with previous sport communication studies that have employed bottom-up framing. For instance, the current study illustrated that social media can be used as a platform to shape public opinions and express individual’s thoughts and voices to highlight social issues, similar to what Burch et al. (2015) found in their analysis of how individuals framed the Vancouver riots during the 2015 Stanley Cup finals. The themes of punishment towards authority figures and further investigation of similar cases highlighted that users not only expressed their criticism towards authority figures but also offered suggestions to remedying the situation with further investigation of similar cases. This is line with the works of Burch et al. (2015) and Frederick et al. (2016), who found that social media offers an avenue for users to offer support to the victim of the transgressive act, while also criticizing the existing system.

According to Endres (2004), frames are a reflection of the prevailing social norms, values, and cultures of the society. By criticizing the existing system and condemning the immoral behavior of authority figures, users stressed that such behavior has no place in South Korean society and does not reflect their societal norms and values. The employment of these themes perhaps might be a tactic used by South Korean individuals to shed positive light on their country’s values and culture, similar to how citizens of Vancouver employed these tactics in the aftermath of the riots (see Burch et al., 2015).

The findings also highlighted the South Korean public’s anger toward Jeon, since they believed his actions enabled Cho’s behavior. Jeon has a controversial history of physical abuse, beginning with his autobiography, where he mentioned his thoughts towards punishment. Here, Jeon stated, “Trust is the most important factor in physical punishment. It’s fine if there’s a trust between coach and student. If this trust between coach and student exists, even if the coach’s physical abuse kills me and I believe I should go with him, everything is fine and solved” (Jeon, 2003, p. 99). Jeon converted these thoughts and values toward physical abuse into action, victimizing athletes repeatedly (SBS News, 2019). As a figurehead of the Korea Skating Union, Jeon’s authority could have a profound impact on other South Korean coaches, further normalizing this culture of physical abuse. For example, in recent weeks many women have come forward with stories of physical abuse within ice-skating. One of the former South Korean ice-skaters remarked, “I used to get called into the coach’s room, where the coach would hit me with a skate blade sleeve around 10 or 20 times. I suffered muscle rupture, sever bruises and split skin. My older brother was beaten with a golf club” (Hancocks, 2019, para. 2).

Additionally, many respondents voiced their belief that Shim’s incident did not exist in a vacuum, and instead, was indicative of a larger cultural problem. For instance, comments such as, “I am ashamed of the South Korean national ice-skating team’s culture and system,” voice a frustration with not just Cho, but the entire South Korean elite sport system. Thus, officials and governing bodies may wish to act accordingly when handling the issue. Since some respondents did not view Cho’s actions as an anomaly, the Korea Skating Union may need to consider significant overhauls and policy changes in order to placate some of their citizens.

The athlete training atmosphere in South Korea may also contribute to this problem. For example, most South Korean youth athletes attend training camp to enhance their athletic performance. In this camp environment, youth athletes live in a dormitory, without their parents. The dormitories are usually closed-off from external society and controlled by the coaches. Here, coaches’ authority and power can be maximized, since they are the only adults around, and they assume the role of the youth athlete’s guardian (Kim et al., 2015). This is important, since closed-off environments such as these commonly enable the athlete grooming process (Brackenridge & Fasting, 2005; Cense, 1997; Fasting et al., 2013). For example, in Shim’s case, Cho recruited her when she was 6-years old. In order to focus on her sport, Shim’s parents were not present for most of her time spent with Cho. Within this closed-off environment, Cho possessed complete authority over Shim, which he exploited to sexually assault her.

In addition, the male-dominated elite coaching system might also affect the prevalence of athlete sexual abuse. As of 2019, there are a total of 15,250 coaches in South Korea, only 2,911 of which are female, meaning that that roughly 80% of South Korean coaches are male (Korean Sport & Olympic Committee, 2018). This gender imbalance is even more skewed in ice-skating. Only 1 out of every 40 (2.5%) of ice-skating coaches are female, despite females comprising 348 of the 901 total athletes (Korean Sport & Olympic Committee, 2018). This unbalanced gender makeup in coaching positions exacerbates the unhealthy South Korean sport culture, where criticizing or speaking out against a coach, especially about topics of sexual violence and abuse, could cost South Korean female athletes their careers (Kwak, 2019).

While these findings illuminate numerous troublesome aspects of Korean sport culture, these issues also extend to other countries. Shim’s case bears a striking similarity to the Larry Nassar and United States Gymnastics incident, the Sarah Abitbol case in France, and other athlete sexual assault cases in the Netherlands, Norway, and Canada, amongst others (Brackenridge & Knorre, 2010). Shim’s abuse now adds South Korea to the list of countries who have found themselves engulfed in similar scandals. Thus, South Korean sport culture’s systemic problems may also be extant in sport cultures globally. For example, internationally, coaching positions are heavily male-occupied and this imbalance might exacerbate male coaches’ power over their athletes, a prerequisite for athlete sexual abuse (Gaedicke et al., 2021). Further, the universal sport system structure that fails to challenge or question coaches’ power and authority could also affect athletes’ careers and may enable coaches to treat their athletes immorally (Gaedicke et al., 2021). In this aspect, international sport will need to make a concentrated effort to improve their handling of athlete sexual abuse accusations. For example, to improve the gendered social structure of coaching positions, sport organizations from various countries need to create a more supportive culture surrounding female employment in coaching positions, such as greater transparency in the coach hiring process, as well as better communication and investment for women coaches (Norman et al., 2018). In addition, to reform the unquestioned and uncontrolled power of coaches toward their athletes (Stirling & Kerr, 2009), efforts from both the governing bodies of sport organizations and parents would be necessary. For example, it would be beneficial if the governing bodies implemented policies for both high-level sport organizations (e.g., national and professional team) and low-level sport organizations such as local clubs, related to athlete well-being and safety. Policies should include mandatory criminal checks for new coaches and stricter sanctions for coaches who sexually abuse toward their athletes. In addition, policies may seek to provide additional resources for athletes and parents if they or their children encounter sexual abuse. Lastly, as a guardian and/or supporter for youth athletes, parents’ roles are necessary to protect their children from coaches’ sexual abuse (Brackenridge, 1997). Those roles would include parents/guardians actively participating in their children’s sport activities, such as traveling together for away games, and having regular meetings with coaches. Also, educating their children on setting clear limits regarding the relationships with coaches would help prevent coaches’ grooming their athletes (Hellestedt, 1990).

Limitations and Directions for Future Research

Like any other research, this study was not without limitations. First, this study analyzed comments from only one social media platform (Facebook). It would be worthwhile for future research to analyze comments from other platforms such as Twitter, Instagram, and blogs. Additionally, it would be beneficial to see what themes would have emerged from examining traditional media outlets’ framing of the event. Secondly, this study only focused on the case of a single athlete (i.e., Shim Suk-hee). After Shim Suk-hee spoke out about the dark side of South Korea’s sport culture, many other South Korean female athletes began to speak openly about their coaches’ physical and sexual abuse. Therefore, future research could include similar cases that investigate the public’s thoughts and opinions regarding these cases. Third, this study only analyzed comments from a specific time frame (January 8th through February 16th). Since Cho Jae-bum’s trial is still in process, follow-up research will be needed to examine how the public responds to his final sentence. Lastly, thanks to media and technological developments, people in other countries were able to be informed about this event, so it would be fruitful to investigate the thoughts and opinions from individuals in other countries as well.