Canton Kung Fu: The Culture of Guangdong Martial Arts

Abstract

During the 20th century, a version of Kung Fu from the Guangdong region in Southern China became more widely known abroad as a result of Chinese migration to the West, as well as its exposure through popular culture, including the films of Bruce Lee. This article analyses the culture of Guangdong martial arts in the context of this growing exposure. A variety of martial arts sects and associated cultural expressions in other fields give a picture of the traditional martial arts culture in Guangdong. Underpinning these physical manifestations, Guangdong martial arts have derived their ideologies from traditional Chinese philosophy. The dynamic social system supporting Guangdong martial arts provided a platform ensuring that these cultural symbols and values could be created and maintained and exported over several centuries.

Introduction

Guangdong Province is located in Southern China, below the Nan Ling mountain range, facing the South China Sea with a coastline extending to 4,114 km. As early as the first century BC, Guangdong was known as the origin of the Ancient Maritime Silk Road of China. In the early Tang Dynasty (714), the first administration was established to manage maritime trade in the harbor of Guangdong (C. Wang, 2000), and the Guangdong Customs were instituted by Emperor Kangxi of the Qing Dynasty (1685). To strengthen the management of ocean commerce, Emperor Qianlong, the grandson of emperor Kangxi, authorized Guangdong port to be the only legal access for foreign trade (Q. C. Huang, 1985). As a result, increasing numbers of foreigners came to be based in the Guangdong region. Canton was used as the name of the capital city of the Guangdong and Guangxi regions by these newly settled foreigners. Perhaps, because of the similarity of pronunciation for westerners, Canton gradually came to replace the use of Guangdong when referring to the region.

Kung Fu is an English term derived from the Chinese word “Gong Fu,” and its Cantonese pronunciation which means any study, learning, or practice that requires patience, energy, and time to complete, and can be translated as “human achievement.” The term Kung Fu first appeared in the West in the 18th century when it was used by the French Jesuit missionary Jean Joseph Marie Amiot who was stationed in Beijing during the reign of the Qianlong Emperor of the Qing dynasty. It is normally used in English to refer to Chinese martial arts that are referred to as “Wu Shu” in Chinese. Indeed, the Chinese character for “Wu” means going out to battle with a weapon on the shoulder, and “Shu” means a wide range of exquisite skills. Wu Shu is an umbrella term for a myriad of Chinese martial arts involving a variety of unarmed routines and the skilled use of weapons. As an ancient element of traditional culture, the system of Wu Shu is deeply embedded in Chinese cultural heritage (Cheng, 2003). As local culture has always been influenced by the natural and social environment of the surrounding area, Guangdong martial arts in their various forms also strongly express local cultural characteristics.

A Concise History of Guangdong Martial Arts

As a natural barrier, the Nan Ling mountain range historically limited travel and communications between Guangdong and the Central Plains region. Because of the huge economic and cultural disparities between the two regions, ancient Guangdong was known as the “barbarians” region by those from the more developed plains. As a result of this relative isolation, a more indigenous culture was preserved, providing the basis for the incorporation of novel cultural elements in the future. According to historical records, there have been three large-scale immigration flows from Northern to Southern China. The first generation of northern immigrants were thousands of soldiers of the Qin dynasty (221-206 BCE). They were sent to the Guangdong region by Emperor of Qin after he unified China. The second wave of immigration occurred in the Jin dynasty (265-420). Long-running wars in this era forced a large number of northern refugees to flee to Guangdong, many of whom were prestigious and sophisticated northern families. The collapse of the Southern Song dynasty (1127-1279) led to a third wave of immigration from the north (Xu, 2016). Such conflict and integration of various cultures accelerated the development and maturity of Guangdong and its local culture. More sophisticated cultures emanating from the north, such as the Central Plain culture, Jing Chu culture, Ba Shu culture, and Wu Yue culture, were eventually incorporated into the Guangdong region. In parallel, the culture of martial arts in the Guangdong region prospered under the influence of immigration. Shaolin Kung Fu, which originated in the North Wei Dynasty (386-557) and flourished in the Tang dynasty (618-907), is regarded as the genesis of Guangdong martial arts, even though the Shaolin temple—the spiritual center of Shaolin martial arts—is located several thousands of kilometers away from Guangdong. It is difficult to imagine how the Shaolin martial arts could have been widely spread to the remote and isolated south without widespread immigration (M. D. Ma, 2004).

Guangdong martial arts first appeared as an independent martial arts genre in the historical documents of the Ming dynasty (1368-1644), according to Zeng (1989). Practicing and studying martial arts had become a tradition, and many local martial arts schools prospered. With such sustained development, Guangdong martial arts became nationally renowned. In the late Qing dynasty (1636-1912), Guangdong became a region where large numbers of accomplished martial artists gathered, and indeed provided many candidates for selection to the Qing dynasty Royal Guard up until 1896, when the dynasty ended. According to the official archives of the Qing dynasty, about one sixth of the royal guards were Guangdong natives in 1896, a greater proportion than from any other region at that time (S. Z. Wang, 2002).

From the late 19th century, China was subjected to nearly a decade of continuous warfare. Because of its convenient geographical location and relatively stable social situation, Hong Kong, the outer harbor of the Guangdong region, became a refuge for Guangdong natives. A large number of martial artists moved to Hong Kong and lived mainly by teaching their specialties, leading to widespread dissemination of Guangdong martial arts in the area. Indeed, Hong Kong became a center for Guangdong martial arts, despite its relative isolation from the Chinese mainland as a British colony. In addition to Hong Kong, overseas regions also became targets of Guangdong immigration during this time, including South Asia, North America, and Europe. These Guangdong immigrants settled in their adopted countries, along with their traditional culture, providing a basis for the early migration of Guangdong martial arts across the globe (Ma, Mao, & Feng, 2016).

Cultural Interpretation

Exploring “culture” implies an historical exploration of a given civilization. In Western countries, the study of culture emerged after the mid-19th century, following the development of humanities and social sciences. Edward Tylor (2012) gave his classic definition of culture as:

taken in its wide ethnographic sense . . . that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom, and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society. (p. 1)

In Chinese, “Culture (Wen Hua)” as a word first appeared in the West Han Dynasty (206 BCE-9 CE). Its scope at that time included education and the cultivating of crops, far removed from the modern meaning of culture. Modern Chinese scholars have also expressed their understanding of “culture.” Liang Shu Ming, a pioneer of New Confucianism, explained culture as “a way a nation lives” (Liang, 1989, p. 377). Hu Shi, one of the leaders of China’s New Culture Movement, defined it as follows: “civilization is the total achievements of a nation to deal with its environment, and culture is a way of life that is formed by civilization” (Hu, 1926, p. 17). It is generally agreed that culture is a highly complex and multilayered construct. Bronislaw Malinowski used “artefacts, organized groups, and symbolism” (Malinowski, 1960, p. 158) as three dimensions to explain a cultural process. Leslie White analyzed the structure of culture in three subsystems, namely, “technological, sociological and ideological” systems (White, 1949, p. 389). These subsystems were interpreted respectively as, the system composed of material, mechanical, physical and chemical instruments (technological); the sociological system made up of interpersonal relationships (sociological); and the ideological system composed of ideas, beliefs, and knowledge. With reference to the classic theories of culture and the characteristics of Guangdong martial arts, the culture of Guangdong martial arts will now be analyzed in three sections. According to Cynarski’s “Humanistic Theory of Martial Arts” and “Anthropology of Martial Arts,” Martial arts and martial ways are a part of symbolic culture and related to the path of spiritual development (Cynarski, 2017; Cynarski & Obodynski, 2011; Cynarski, Yu, Warchol, & Bartik, 2015). Therefore, this article sets out to discuss first sects and institutions of Guangdong martial arts and associated cultural expressions; the second discussion relates to sociocultural systems, such as organizations, customs, and ideologies of Guangdong martial arts; and finally, its transmission and popularization to the West will be discussed.

Cultural Symbols

Culture manifests itself in many forms, including the material objects, technologies, texts, images, and representative figures. Through these symbols, people may acquire a direct understanding of a given culture. In terms of Guangdong martial arts, the various fighting styles are the most visual manifestation of cultural symbolism. The martial arts institutions serve as vessels for exhibiting different approaches to training and the diversity of styles. Furthermore, Guangdong Kung Fu has also left its mark in a wide range of associated areas, such as art and Chinese traditional medicine. These cultural extensions have enriched the cultural connotation of Guangdong martial arts.

Guangdong Martial Arts Styles

Guangdong martial arts have developed rich and colorful fighting styles gradually over centuries of evolution. It should be noted that the beginnings of a martial art are highly significant in China, and its subsequent status is largely bound up in its origins. As one of the most prestigious martial arts, Shaolin Kung Fu is claimed to be the origin of almost all of Guangdong martial arts styles. However, there are nearly 20 types of local martial arts schools and sects throughout the Guangdong region, and it is necessary to focus on some more specific classifications. In relation to differences of technical styles and historical origins, Cantonese styles and Hakka styles are regarded as the two main categories of Guangdong martial arts.

The Cantonese style was formed during the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644) and was practiced mainly among the Cantonese ethnic group (Zeng, 1989). “Hung” fist is the biggest martial art School of the Cantonese style, which has been described as, “Visible, but occult, open, but very difficult to master, traditional, but revolutionary” (Marchetti, 2006, p. 5). “Lau,” “Choy,” “Li,” and “Mok” are the other four primary martial art Schools of the Cantonese style. In addition to these five major schools, some later schools such as Choy Lee Fut and Wing Chun assumed greater popularity after the Qing Dynasty (1644-1912) (Zeng, 1989). “Choy Lee Fut” martial art style was identified as a national intangible cultural heritage by the Chinese government in 2008. In general terms, J. H. Huang (1982) has described the Cantonese style as follows, in terms of the lower limb movements, the fighting techniques of the Cantonese styles emphasize a stable and low center of gravity, with many twisting movements. Dynamic and fast changing upper limb movements are emphasized, with the lower limbs remaining stationary; punches are mostly thrown from close to the vertical axis of the body to guarantee both attack and defense. “Fa Sheng (Shout)” is another typical action that emphasizes simultaneous shouting and exhaling to help maximize force.

The other important genre of Guangdong martial art is the Hakka style. Hakka, one of the major ethnic groups in Guangdong region, was formed during the Song dynasty (960-1279) (C. G. Xie, 2004). After more than 100 years of cultural integration with local minorities, the conflict between “preservation” and “innovation” in Hakka cultural characteristics became a key to the development of Hakka martial arts. The most influential Hakka martial arts schools are Zhu, Zhong, Li, Yue, Diao, Traveler, Liu, Fengshan, Kunlun, and Niu. Almost all of these martial arts schools initially learned their skills and techniques from non-Hakka sources. After innovative adaptation and evolution by their Hakka pioneers, Hakka martial arts developed their unique style, which became handed down from generation to generation. As with the Cantonese style, flexible and fast attacking is the basis of the Hakka style. The body posture is hunched to project strength, whereas the lower limbs mainly assume the “half Horse Stance.” Rolling actions are frequently used during fighting, and relatively short weapons and common farm tools, such as short Gun (staff), double Dao (sword), Gou (hook), and Lian (sickle), are the main weapons used.

Notable Institutions

In the context of a vernacular martial arts, where martial arts teaching “takes the form of an experienced fighter passing along techniques to a favoured novice” (often through observation) (Green, 2012), institutions play a vital role in centralizing the knowledge and traditions. Before the early 20th century, traditional martial arts schools were the most common form of teaching Guangdong Kung Fu. However, due to the growing influence from Western culture in China, Guangdong region became one of the main incubators of martial arts where traditional, modern, and official institutions flourished.

“Hung” is the head of Guangdong martial arts schools, and Wong Fei Hung (1847-1924) was considered the representative figure of the “Hung” school. Wong Fei Hung was well known for his skillful traditional Chinese treatments of fractures and traumatic injuries and taught “Hung” fist in his clinic “Po Chi Lam” in Guangzhou. His martial arts institution was one of most famous traditional institutions in Guangdong. He had many prominent disciples such as Lin Shirong, Mo Guilan, and Deng Yi, and now his disciples are found all over the world. After his death, his wife and several of his disciples opened the “Wong Fei Hung” Martial Arts school in Hong Kong and dedicated themselves to perpetuate the teachings of Hung fist and Lion dance. In addition, the institution of Wong was also a pioneer in promoting women’s lion dance because both his wife Mo Guilan and his female student Deng Xiuqiong were highly skilled in lion dance and well known around Guangzhou and Hong Kong. Another important traditional institution was “Hung Sing Association,” which is opened in 1851 in Foshan by Jeong Yim (1824-1899). Jeong Yim was a disciple of Chan Heung (1806-1875), who was the founder of “Choy Lee Fut” martial arts. By 1920 (at the peak of its popularity), the Hung Sing Association had 13 branches and roughly 3,000 members in Foshan alone (Zeng, 1989). In addition to hand-to-hand combat training, Hung Sing also provided a means for workers to network, organize, and look for employment (Judkins & Nielson, 2015). Its location is known today as the “Hung Sing Ancestral Hall” and still used for teaching “Choy Lee Fut” martial arts.

The first national modern sports association in China was the “Jingwu sports association,” which was founded in Shanghai in 1910 with the goal of preserving and developing Chinese martial arts. The founders of Jingwu were Kung Fu master Huo Yuan Jia and a group of members of the United League (Tong Meng hui). Under the guidance of the association, the Guangdong Jing Wu Association was established in 1919 to carry out public education in the martial arts in Guangdong. Teaching content consisted mainly of the northern martial arts, including 10 kinds of unarmed and weapon skills in 98 routines. It is worth noting that the Guangdong Jing Wu branch was the only branch to receive permission to appoint martial instructors (three) who specialized in southern martial arts (Judkins & Nielson, 2015). The activities of the Guangdong Jing Wu lasted almost two decades, and by 1929, they had 42 branches with over 400,000 members spread through China and South East Asia (Jarvie & Hwang, 2001). Jingwu guaranteed that the systems of martial arts practice would survive the transition from traditional to modern China under the slogan: “Scientize martial arts and spread them to the millions” (Morris, 2004, p. 192). It was also a pioneer in gender equality of teaching (Guo & Ma, 2006).

Following in the footsteps of Jingwu, the national government decided to launch its own version under the name of Guoshu (national martial arts). The National Martial Arts Academy opened in Nanjing in 1928 with the goal of bringing together martial arts from different schools to establish a standardized system on a national scale and to preserve traditional martial arts regardless of their style under the phrase “blend, understand, and combine their qualities” (Henning, 2006, p. 11). Guangdong and Guangxi National Martial Arts Academy opened in Guangzhou in March 1929. Because of its quasi-official identity, many prestigious northern martial arts masters were recruited to teach their techniques in the Guangdong region. These masters brought with them authentic northern martial arts forms such as Shaolin Quan, Wu Dang Quan, Tai Chi, Xing Yi Quan, and Ba Gua Zhang. Despite its early success Guangdong and Guangxi National Martial Arts Academy was short lived and had to close after only 2 months of existence due to political exigencies. In its place, the Guangzhou Guoshu institute opened in June 1929, only closing its door in 1938 due to Sino-Japanese War. By then, however, Guoshu institutions had established a large number of martial arts practitioners in Guangdong and enriched Guangdong martial arts with authentic northern martial arts (Kennedy & Guo, 2005).

Relevant Chinese Traditional Medicine

In traditional Chinese culture, martial arts and medicine are inextricably linked, with the theories of Guangdong martial arts originally being derived from Chinese traditional medicine. Anthony Schmieg asserts that “the martial arts are a subset of medicine” (Schmieg, 2005, p. 30). Herbology and basic injury management skills were inherent to the practice of martial arts with, each style having their own medicinal formulae, and higher level Kung Fu masters employing toad venom and strychnine for both healing and killing (Joiner, 1999). Guangdong martial arts also contributed valuable techniques and experiences in the field of medicine, especially in the areas of Die Da (trauma treatment) and Yang Sheng (nourishing life) (Cheng, 2010).

Die Da includes external damage, such as sprains, bruises, fractures, and dislocations, as well as internal traumas to organs. Based on the techniques of controlled force and an intimate knowledge of body structure, Guangdong martial arts practitioners developed their medical expertise for such traumas, and numerous Kung Fu masters were also skilful doctors employing Tui Na (manipulation), Zhen Jiu (acupuncture), and herbal therapy as their main treatments. In the Guangdong region, Foshan city is believed to have played an important role, as some of the most important figures in Foshan’s martial arts history combined both medical practice and martial arts instruction, with the latter being a way to advertise their expertise (Judkins & Nielson, 2015). Among these masters, Leung Jan and Wong Fei Hung are notable for their medical practice. Up to the present day, the successors of Guangdong martial arts are still generally regarded as experts in the field of trauma (Li, 2012).

Apart from Die Da, the other important connection between Chinese martial arts and traditional medicine is the concept of Yang Sheng that draws from Daoist beliefs on the transformation of the essences of the body. The key point for practicing Chinese martial arts is to keep body’s Jing (essence), Qi (breath), and Shen (spirit) in good condition (Fu, 2006), these “three treasures” being the substances that nurture organ systems and keep the mind, body, and spirit in balance. These objectives form the basis of the Yang Sheng rule of traditional Chinese martial arts. At a higher level, it creates a mind–body connection to combine medical and spiritual beliefs (Despeux, 1989) or a “high culture, mainly spiritual in nature” where “mastery of one’s own spirit is integral to the evolution of the main objective” (Cynarski, 2015). In the Guangdong region, “Tai Xu Quan” is one of the most famous nourishing martial arts and was identified as an intangible cultural inheritance by the Guangdong government in 2015. Soft actions and a peaceful mind are emphasized during its practice, and a regular repetition is said to relax the muscles and massage the internal organs (Zou, 2012). Today in the Guangdong region, practicing martial arts generally represents a quest for health among practitioners, and most of the martial arts styles have been simplified to apply more to the health requirements of the masses.

The Artistic Extension

After many centuries of development, numerous cultural elements of Guangdong martial arts extended into various local artistic forms, including Lion and Dragon Dance, Cantonese opera, Kung Fu novels and films, architectural heritage, and so on.

“Dance” and “martial arts” have the same pronunciation in Chinese and also have some cultural elements in common. In the Guangdong region, Southern Lion Dance is one of the most popular traditional performances, and its postures and movements mostly originate from martial arts, and the Lion Dance team is a vital part of every Guangdong martial arts school. Lion Dance is a mix of dance and martial arts techniques, accompanied by the rhythm of the drum. During traditional festivals and special occasions, Lion Dance is an indispensable element of the celebrating parade. Merchants and wealthy people often hang lettuce and other rewards high on the lintel of their houses for those performing under the lion costume to collect, symbolizing the making of a fortune. The higher the lettuce is hung, the greater the reward and the honor of the “lion,” and thus, the Lion Dance is regarded as an assessment of martial arts skill.

Chinese martial arts have a long history of being associated with popular entertainment, with sources going back to the tenth century of the Song dynasty with the practice of martial arts in “show fights,” theater and opera groups incorporating elements of martial arts into their performances (Filipiak, 2010, p. 34). Cantonese opera is another typical instance of the combination of art performance and martial arts, and it remains well preserved to this day as an indigenous tradition. Cantonese opera appropriated most of its actions in fighting scenes from Guangdong martial arts, and martial arts skills have traditionally formed the foundation of skills for the performers. One of the most famous of Cantonese opera companies was the Red Boat Opera, which received and transmitted the teachings of Kung Fu survivors of the Southern Shaolin temple. From late 19th century to the beginning of 20th century, Red Boat was a means of transport for Cantonese opera singers. Some Cantonese opera troupes often toured the coast of Guangdong, and to facilitate their trip, they would live in the Red Boat and give their performance wherever the ship stopped. Cantonese opera singers living in the Red Boat would also install a wooden dummy to practice their martial arts skills. Red Boat troupes had been an important platform for Wing Chun to build on in Guangdong, and some of the most famous Red Boat Performers such as Leung Lan Kui, leung Yee Tei, and Wong Wah Bo were all grand masters of Guangdong Wing Chun (Feng, 2014).

In the 20th century, Chinese martial arts extended their sphere of influence by embracing modern media and popular cultural forms. Since the advent of advanced firearms technology, Chinese martial arts had adapted to become more of an artistic form in Kung Fu novels and films rather than the practical combat skills originally intended. However, in the 1950s, as a result of political pressures, the artistic form of Kung Fu disappeared on the Chinese mainland, but began to flourish in Hong Kong. Many acclaimed Kung Fu novelists, such as Jin Yong, Liang Yu Sheng, and Gu Long, emerged in Hong Kong, and their works achieved enduring popularity. Guangdong martial arts also became the dominant theme in the cinemas of Hong Kong. For example, there have been more than 100 films portraying the Guangdong martial arts master Wong Fei Hung since the 1950s, and the “Wong Fei Hung” series have become the most successful films in the history of Hong Kong film making; by the 1970s, Hong Kong actor Li Xiao Long (Bruce Lee) became a world famous movie star through his portrayal of Guangdong martial arts.

In the history of Guangdong martial arts, martial arts clubs have been the vital platform for each Kung Fu sect to transmit their techniques to a wider audience. In the Guangdong region, most of the buildings used as the martial arts clubs were built after the mid-19th century. Under the protection of their disciples, some of these buildings survived and became important tangible cultural edifices. For example, “Tai Shang Temple,” where “Hung Sing Hall” is located, was built in 1665 in Foshan and is the oldest building for martial arts in the city, retaining many of its original architectural features. The structure of the house is typical of the late Qing Dynasty (1889-1912), being made of brick and wood. Its roof and doors are carved with patterns of landscapes and flowers, and the stone pillars are inscribed with inspirational Chinese poetry (Nie, Huang, Chen, & Li, 2004). Even though the building is not used for teaching martial arts any more, weapons and a wooden dummy (special equipment for practicing Guangdong martial arts) are still placed in the original position in the hall reminding visitors of its vibrant past.

Sociocultural System

The culture of Guangdong martial arts is the product of the local population’s long-term martial arts involvement. The sociocultural system is a platform which ensures that cultural symbols and values are developed and spread. Reflecting the changing environment over time, the sociocultural system of Guangdong martial arts is dynamic. In this section, we will discuss the different types of organization as the starting points for an understanding of this system’s structure and how ideologies derived from Chinese traditional philosophies contributed to its foundation.

Clan and Geographical Identity

Communities based on the clan culture and geographical proximity are the most basic forms in the social system of Guangdong martial arts. Toward the end of the Ming dynasty (1368-1644), the culture of Guangdong had almost been Han-nationalized. The family ethic of Confucius was instilled in local society by Shi Da Fu (Scholar-officials) from the north (Ye, 2000). In this family ethic, the family is the base and is extended into the clan. This family ethic developed a stable cultural and legal identity with the geographical entity of the Guangdong region.

Organizations of Guangdong martial arts were initially based on this identity and thereafter developed their various styles. For example, the Cantonese style practitioners were mainly active in the center of Guangdong, the Hakka style practitioners in the east and north of Guangdong, and the Teoswa style practitioners on the east coast of Guangdong. Ancestral temples used to worship ancient clans were also employed as the main centers for activities of local martial arts. Historically, civilians found that their activities in both martial arts and community organization were suppressed by ancient Chinese imperial rulers. To counter this, the legal clan and geographical relationship provided a protective umbrella for the social system of Guangdong martial arts. With population movements, this relationship gradually expanded to the whole Guangdong region and became a common cultural identity among Guangdong people. These “lineage associations” were extremely powerful, acting almost as “corporations, buying and holding huge amounts of land” (Judkins & Nielson, 2015) and by extension managing both legal and sometimes physical conflicts relating to their estates. Their strength was such that visitors to the south often commented on it and they would subsequently become the “single-most important institution of mass social organization in Guangdong” (Wakeman, cited in Judkins & Nielson, 2015, p. 51).

In addition to the dialects and customs, martial arts became an important part of the Guangdong cultural identity. Although the Chinese mainland suffered from wars in the first five decades of the 19th century, this strong cultural identity ensured that Guangdong martial arts were able to survive and further develop in Hong Kong. Today, Guangdong martial arts have been spread all over the world by immigration from Guangdong. In overseas martial arts clubs, people using Guangdong dialects still practice the traditional forms the way their ancestors did. There is no doubt that geographical cultural identity forms the stable basis in the social system of Guangdong martial arts.

Fictive Kinship

Fictive kinship is another important element of the sociocultural system in Guangdong martial arts. In traditional Chinese agricultural society, geographical community based on the clan relationships was the most stable social form; however, society outside of the familiar community lacked rule and order. When people left their hometown and entered into this unstable and unfamiliar society, their longing for dependence and sense of belonging became the foundation of fictive kinship organizations (Y. L. Xie, 2007). Sects and associated schools of Guangdong martial arts became the classic representation of such fictive kinship relationships. Their sociological structure mimics that of the clan, and their different martial arts theories, techniques, and skills form part of their “clan” legacy; in this kind of fictive kinship, experienced elder masters are highly authoritative patriarchs, and the status of the members are ranked mainly according to the chronological order in which they joined. Thus, every martial arts school reveres the founder as their ancestor. If one wanted to develop within the field of martial arts, the respect toward the lineage of teacher was a critical element because it was a conduit for relations. This person should also be able to trace back the lineage from the founder down to his own teacher (Takacs, 2003). Contrary to other martial arts like Judo, the ranking system within Kung Fu follows the traditional family system (Partiková & Jennings, 2018), where the teacher is the father and should be referred to as “Si Fu” (the pronunciation of “teacher” in Cantonese). The social system of Guangdong martial arts also implements fictive kinship down to the smallest details. For example, a new apprentice needs to undertake a solemn ritual that leads to the acceptance by the “family” and also the obligations as a family member; in the ritual, new students worship the family ancestors, kowtows and serve tea to the master, and bows to the elder brothers. After this ritual, masters should also take care of the students like their own children and do their utmost when teaching. The etiquette relating to members’ respect toward their master is the most important rule (Zhou, 2004). Another example from the Lion Dance (an important symbolic competition among Guangdong martial arts schools) involves the various lion costumes, which represent different levels of members’ identities in the martial arts schools. The most respected lion costume includes a white beard, white eyebrows, and an embroidered gold coin on the back, and only masters of martial arts schools may wear it. Fictive kinship breaks the limitation of kinship and geographical relationship, and it ensured that Guangdong martial arts were disseminated more widely than would otherwise be the case.

Societal Functions

The appearance of functional communities represents the maturing of the social system of Guangdong martial arts. Following changing societal circumstance after the Qing dynasty (1889-1912), Guangdong martial arts organizations became not only a place where people could teach and learn martial arts but also where important societal functions could occur. One of these important social functions involved the combination of martial arts organizations and industrial unions. From the middle of 18th century to the end of 19th century, the population of Guangdong experienced an explosive growth. Meanwhile, the basis of tax collection changed from one based solely on the number of people to one based on the quality of owners’ land (the tax policy was called “Tan Ding Ru Mu” issued by Emperor Yong Zheng). This resulted in an enormous influx of workers looking for employment into cities such as Guangzhou and Foshan (G. Z. Li, 2011), such that by 1894, there were 10,300 industrial workers in Guangzhou city alone, out of a total of 70,060 in China as a whole (Guangzhou Culture and History Research Committee, 1984). Although, there is no accurate figure for the numbers of industrial workers in Foshan city, the number of industrial unions was 175 in 1907 (Peng, 2012), and these industrial unions were similar to mutual-aid organizations. With the close relationship between industrial laborers and their unions, martial arts organizations took up a wider societal function. On one hand, the majority of members in martial arts clubs were industrial workers, who wanted to learn martial arts for self-defense and to form new personal relationships in the clubs. On the other hand, the industrial unions usually cooperated with the martial arts organizations, and hired masters to teach martial arts and also mediate disputes. Compared with the relatively innocuous mutual-aid function, the political function of the Guangdong martial arts organizations was more radical. After the 19th century, the majority of Guangdong martial arts schools became associated with the secret societies opposed to the reign of the Qing empire (Liu, 2001). For example, one of the primary skills of “Hong-men” (Society of the Heaven and the Earth, one of the key secret societies in the late Qing dynasty) was “Hung fist” (a style of Guangdong martial arts), and “Hung fist” also became an important sign to identify the “Hong-men” members (Luo, 1983). Combined with martial arts communities, such secret societies were able to attract more followers and thus prepare for any future uprisings. The secret societies, in turn, endowed Guangdong martial arts organizations with a political facet. From Hong-men’s uprisings against the Qing emperor to the bourgeois revolutions of Xing Zhong Hui (Revive China Society, led by Sun Yat Sen), Guangdong martial arts organizations acted as important drivers of these historical events, achieving a maturity of their social function (Liu, 2002), as regulators of society (Schmieg, 2005, p. 38).

Ideologies

The ideologies of the Guangdong martial arts’ sociocultural system were based on Confucianism, Daoism, and Chan Buddhism concepts. Although Confucianism established the value orientation and spiritual tone of Guangdong martial arts, Taoism provided its scientific wisdom and humanism, and Chan Buddhism its popularization and long-term development.

Under the influence of Confucianism, Chinese martial arts developed a stable moral system as its fundamental principle. As with other schools of Chinese martial arts, the basis of Guangdong martial arts morality is “Ren (Kindheartedness) Yi (Justice),” which is the moral underpinning of Confucianism (Wang, 2012). “Ren” is a requirement for those studying or practicing martial arts. They should be kind-hearted, courteous, and modest. “Yi” is the moral guidance for the action of Kung Fu fighters. One telling example is the “Wing Chun Jo Fen,” a set of nine rules of the Wing Chun school set by Ip Man where “Ren” and “Yi” are the founding ideologies. These rules demonstrate his concerns regarding the status of martial artists and how they should interact with society. It is interesting to note that the “Wing Chun Jo Fen” describes what is expected of students not only in the school but also how they should behave in society.

Daoism is the inspiration for the theory of technique and strategy of Guangdong martial arts. The “unity of nature and humanity” is at the core of Daoism. According to this philosophical perspective, human beings should positively take the lead over natural change, but wisely adjust to the natural discipline once change has occurred. The application of the “unity of nature and humanity” can be seen everywhere in Guangdong martial arts. The internal strengthening exercises that are widely applied, for instance, are based on natural changes to human organs over the four seasons, and practitioners face to south during practice to keep the biological magnetic field aligned with the earth’s magnetic field. In addition, Taoism for “great virtue is like water” emphasizes the defeat of “hardness” by “softness,” and it enlightened Chinese martial arts’ fighting strategy to transform disadvantages wisely. Under the influence of these philosophical thoughts, the Guangdong natives were more likely to take advantage of their physical strengths and avoid their weaknesses. For example, the Guangdong natives are considered shorter but more agile compared with their northern counterparts, so the distinctive attack style of Guangdong martial arts focuses, by necessity, on speed and interchanging punches.

According to legend, Buddhism was introduced into China from India before the Han Dynasty (206 BCE–220 CE). During the spread of Buddhism, Chan Buddhism became established as the local Chinese version of Buddhism with Chinese characteristics (Hong, 2002). As a Chinese philosophy, Chan Buddhism also had an important influence on Chinese martial arts, and the ascetic principles between Chinese Kung Fu and Chan Buddhism are similar (Obodyński & Cynarski, 2003). Although the original Indian Buddhism rejected violence completely, Chan Buddhism took a more tolerant attitude toward the practice of martial arts. In the Shaolin Monastery, where both Chan Buddhism and Shaolin Martial arts originated, Chan Buddhism evolved to combine both Buddhist practice and martial arts. Considering this important cultural relationship, Hui-neng, a respected Chan Buddhist, was one of the key figures linking Guangdong martial arts and its Shaolin origins. Hui-neng was the sixth and last patriarch of Chan Buddhism. After succeeding from the fifth patriarch Hong-ren, Hui-neng went back to his Guangdong home to spread Chan Buddhism (Fang, 2007). The Guangdong region, therefore, became the base from which Chan Buddhism came to flourish. Accordingly, Guangdong martial arts found both their skills origin in Shaolin and their cultural roots in Chan Buddhism. Although China’s ancient feudal dynasties often suppressed the martial arts practices of civilians in their own interests, Chan Buddhism provided a protective umbrella over the development of Guangdong martial arts. Because of this, numerous practitioners of Guangdong martial arts asserted their identities as disciples of Chan Buddhism, using their skills to help others. From the moral perspective, Guangdong martial arts always adhered to the disciplines of Chan Buddhism. Practitioners are required by their masters to be compassionate and to exert vigorous self-control. This restraint was also reflected by the style of Guangdong martial arts, which is not externally aggressive, but emphasizes internal strength.

Transmission and Popularization to the West

“Martial arts are a special kind of particular phenomenon that, in spite of a foreign cultural origin, are accepted and cultivated now within nations and societies worldwide” (Cynarski, 2015, p. 33). Guangdong region has made an irreplaceable contribution to the transmission and popularization of martial arts abroad. These contributions will be discussed in detail below.

On Screen

Hong Kong can be credited for the revival of Kung Fu movies, for taking “Kung Fu revisioning to a higher level” and for its globalization (Dumas, 2009). Kung Fu movies focus on choreographed fight sequences of hand-to-hand combat. Wong Fei Hung (Guangdong Kong Fu master) movies made in Hong Kong proved to be a turning point in the way the fighting scenes were filmed, using real Kung Fu, as described by the movie crews who witnessed the fighting scenes (Teo, 2009).

As one of the most iconic and recognizable characters in martial arts, Bruce Lee played a huge part in the popularizing of Chinese martial arts in the West. He grew up in Hong Kong and learned his Kung Fu from the Guangdong martial arts master, Ip Man. Most of his influential movies were produced by Hong Kong companies. Lee played his first leading role in “The Big Boss” (1971), which proved to be an enormous box office success across Asia and projected him to stardom. His last film, “Enter the Dragon,” was produced jointly by Golden Harvest and Warner Bros. This film would go on to become one of the year’s highest grossing films, cementing Lee as a martial arts legend in United States and Europe. D. Miller points out that “Lee fundamentally changed movie fight scenes: those of us born before 1960 grew up in a culture which considered kicking to be ‘dirty’ fighting; martial arts are now employed in nearly every fight in almost every action movie” (cited in Bowman, 2010, p. 15). Apart from Lee, fellow Hong Kong actors Jackie Chan and Donnie Yen shared a Guangdong martial arts background and contributed hugely to the popularization of Chinese Kung Fu.

The influence of Guangdong martial arts culture goes far beyond Chinese Kung Fu movies. Hong Kong especially, “has played a formative role in shaping action cinema as it circulates globally today” (Morris, 2004). “For a year, I’d watch one old Shaw Brothers movie (A pioneer Hong Kong movie company of martial arts movies) a day—if not three,” director Quentin Tarantino told the Los Angeles Daily News in 2003. He further proclaimed that his love of Hong Kong action films had informed his aesthetic and that he was “not just a fan of Hong Kong cinema, but a student of it. A scholar.” For many years, the fighting scenes of Hollywood movies were rather static, for the most part featuring two protagonists punching and kicking each other. Latterly, particularly under the influence of Hong Kong martial arts instructors and directors, the action levels of western movies have risen, greatly improving the viewing experience of action scenes. In particular, Yuen Woo Ping (born in Guangzhou) is recognized as a master figure at home and abroad. His martial arts guidance is well known for its authenticity and multidimensionality in fighting scenes. Under his direction, fighting scenes from the series “The Matrix” set new standards and established the status of Chinese fighting choreography in Hollywood.

In Literature and Press

Guangdong martial arts culture is the catalyst for the popularization of modern Wuxia novels from Hong Kong writers such as Louis Cha, Gu Long, and Liang Yu Sheng. Among them, Louis Cha, also known as Jin Yong, is one of the most influential modern Chinese-language wuxia novelists for Chinese communities around the globe, and is “. . .by most accounts the single most widely read of all twentieth century writers in the Chinese language” (Hamm, 2004). His works have been translated into many languages including English, French, Korean, Japanese, Vietnamese, Thai, Burmese, Malay, and Indonesian. His first English translated novel “Fox Volant of the Snowy Mountains” was translated in 1993 by Olivia Mok. Four others novels have been translated: “The Deer and the Cauldron” translated by John Minford in 1997, “Legend of the Condor Heroes” by Anna Holmwood in 2018, and “The Book and the Sword” by Graham Earnshaw in 2018. His works have the unusual ability to transcend geographical and ideological barriers separating Chinese communities of the world, achieving a greater success than any other contemporary writer (Sturrock, 1997). However, one of the main reasons why only four novels have been translated is that the description of Kung Fu action in Wuxia novels are full of metaphors, cultural, and historical references that are difficult to fully comprehend and enjoy without knowledge of the local culture. The depth of meaning behind seemingly simple gestures makes it difficult to balance the need of maintaining the essence and cultural specificities of the original novels and providing the Western readers aesthetic entertainment.

In the specialized literature, the January 1965 issue of Black Belt marks a new age in the popularization of Chinese martial arts. Prior to 1965, the magazine had focused mainly on Japanese styles. Ark Yuey Wong, an established master of Guangdong’s southern Shaolin methods, was the first Chinese martial artist to be on the cover of the magazine. In this issue, he was quoted as saying that his school door would be opened to any students who wished to study Kung Fu. Other publications were “Inside Kungfu Magazine,” a monthly American magazine first published in December 1973, and “Combat Magazine,” a monthly British publication that was founded in September 1974. Both covered a wide spectrum of martial arts styles including “Hung,” “Choy Lee Fut,” and “Wing Chun.” The magazines focused on Chinese martial arts, self-defenses, and martial arts movies. Hong Kong Kung Fu Stars and overseas Guangdong martial arts masters featured on the covers and inside content on several occasions. These frequent publications had a beneficial impact on promoting a deeper understanding of Chinese martial arts in the West.

Tourism

Martial arts tourism “is a domain resulting straight from the new humanistic and anthropologically integral theory of tourism and a humanistic theory of martial arts” (Cynarski, 2012, p. 11). Due to the widespread integration of Guangdong Martial arts abroad, Guangdong has inevitably become an attractive traveling destination for foreign Kung Fu fans, with local tourism strategically marketing historical links with martial arts as it has developed. In Foshan, regarded as “the capital of Guangdong Kung Fu,” the martial arts museum is built in The Ancestral Temple that was originally constructed in 1085 and is a major tourist attraction in its own right. The exhibitions include the history, weapons, and special training equipment of Guangdong martial arts and an introduction to the most famous Kung Fu masters in Guangdong, such as Wong Fei Hung, Bruce Lee, and Yip Man. In addition to the exhibitions, martial arts and lion dance are daily routine performances for visitors.

For the foreign Kung Fu practitioners, traveling to Guangdong is a means of going back to the origins of the style they have practiced and to experience an overwhelming awe comparable with a religious pilgrimage (Gammon, 2004). Visitors may also become part of a tradition of the martial arts “apprenticeship pilgrimage” that involves traveling to the source and becoming an apprentice to a local master (Griffith, Marion, & Wulff, 2016) A typical trip involves a visit to the historical sites related to Kung Fu, worshipping the ancestors, joining celebration events, and learning and sharing their practical experiences with local experts. In Guangdong, almost all of the local Guangdong martial arts associations maintain good connections with their branches abroad. For any important anniversary, local associations always invite their foreign counterparts to visit and participate in the celebrations. In 2016, the Hung Sing Association celebrated the 165th anniversary of its foundation and invited more than 1,000 Choy Li Fut experts, hailing from 25 countries to partake.

Conclusion

The culture of Guangdong martial arts reflects the history of the Guangdong region, and its dynamic culture has been continuously developed over several centuries. Based on the particular martial arts theories and techniques, the elements of Guangdong martial arts extend to wider cultural fields, such as art and traditional medicine. In the holistic cultural structure of Guangdong martial arts, the various cultural manifestations form the surface layer, while the essential core is formed by Chinese traditional philosophy. The ideologies of Guangdong martial arts have absorbed the teachings of Confucianism, Daoism, and Chan Buddhism, to become a diverse value concept, characterized by passion for justice and mercy for the weak. Moreover, in this cultural structure, the social system of Guangdong martial arts is the vital mechanism that connects the surface layer and the deeper ideologies and guarantees the continuing development of the culture of Guangdong martial arts. From the geographical community to the fictive kinship community to the multiple social functional community, the evolution of the social system embodies the changing times. Today, Guangdong martial arts have become the pride of both the Guangdong region and the wider Chinese society, with increasing numbers of young Chinese and foreign adherents to its cause. Guangdong martial arts thus remain vibrant, and its cultural values continue to benefit the modern China and beyond.