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Abstract

Community sporting clubs have traditionally been shaped by hegemonic masculine norms. This paper presents a case study exploration of an independent regional women and gender diverse Australian football club. Interviews, observations, policy and online analysis of the club showed how they created an equitable and inclusive community sports club underpinned by a Do-It-Yourself ethos. Club founders queered hegemonic norms and traditions associated with existing football clubs by developing inclusive structures, policies, practices and processes. The club were dedicated to centring the voices of women and gender diverse community members; and women and gender diverse community members who experience intersectional forms of discrimination. Despite developing an equitable queer subculture, the traditionally masculine governing structures and systems they exist within provided two impediments to participation: access and inclusion to local leagues and facilities. The case study will show how DIY sporting clubs can provide inclusive alternatives to sporting norms, but the gender inclusion they are able to foster remains at a micro level unable to transform the hegemonic, heterosexist sport structures and practices they exist within.

Keywords

community sport gender DIY queer theory inclusion women and gender diverse intersectionality

Introduction

Sport remains a contentious site for gender inclusion, where gender inequity prevails, particularly in sports historically dominated by men (Jeanes et al., 2021). This paper examines a case study of gender inclusion in Australian Rules Football, a sport designed by and for men. It will provide an in-depth analysis of an independent women and gender diverse community football club, which defies the hegemonic masculinity and heterosexism that characterizes Australian football. Australian football is based on the traditional First Nations sport of Marngrook (Thompson, 2017) and has one of the highest sports participation rates, and the highest spectator rates, in Australia (AusPlay, 2023). Since the 1870s men have played organized competitions, with women only accessing some organized football opportunities since 1981 in Victoria (LeCouteur and Yong, 2022). In 2017, an elite women's competition (AFLW) commenced, resulting in a growth of participation by women. Since the advent of a professional league for women, Australian football has been heralded as making significant strides in addressing gender inequities that have been a historical feature of the sport. The sport's governing body, the Australian Football League's (AFL) strategic plans present a commitment to gender equality in the organization and across participation. For example, the Workforce Gender Equity Action Plan outlines their commitment to equal representation of men and women across all facets of the AFL, with a focus on traditionally under-represented areas such as coaching and football operations (AFL, 2022). Furthermore, their gender inclusion strategy claims to support social inclusion for gender diverse players in community football (AFL, 2020). However, although seemingly attempting to strive towards gender equality and gender inclusion, the gendered practices and regulations embedded within the structures, systems and norms of Australian football mean that the sport continues to fall short of achieving gender equality, (re-)produce masculine norms and devalue women (Pavlidis et al., 2023). Men still account for most football participants (84%) (Australian Government, 2019), while administration, governance and leadership roles are dominated by men from the elite levels through to community sporting clubs. Furthermore, women who experience intersectional forms of discrimination, such as women of colour and women with disabilities are largely missing across all levels – from governance through to participation.

Australian football epitomizes hegemonic masculinity. ‘Footy’ as it is commonly referred to in Australia, is revered, celebrated and cherished in Australian culture, reinforcing power, priority and prestige for white, heterosexual, able-bodied, cis-gendered men (Spaaij, 2009), with women being viewed as inferior to men and expendable (Pape and McLachlan, 2020 Pavlidis et al., 2023). Gender norms are frequently exacerbated within regional club contexts, with previous studies suggesting discrimination in the form of sexism, racism and misogyny is a core feature of the culture of clubs (Craike et al., 2011; Tonts and Atherley, 2010). Australian football, as a highly masculinized, heteronormative sporting space can be particularly exclusionary for gender diverse and transgender women who face exclusion and marginalization. There have been efforts to regulate transgender women's bodies in Australian football through policies. The AFL's elite-level inclusion policy regulates transgender women, focusing on an individual competitive advantage through testing testosterone levels (Ordway et al., 2024). Transgender women are allowed to compete at a community level in Australian football, however, clubs are perceived to be unsafe spaces by transgender and gender diverse community members, where transphobia, homophobia and biphobia are pervasive (Storr et al., 2022).

In the context of this background, the case study discussed in this paper examines factors in the development and enactment of an inclusive regionally based independent women and gender diverse Australian football club. While there are now many women and girls’ football teams, these are usually situated as part of clubs established for and run by men. Within these settings, women often struggle to gain access to resources, and adequate facilities and are devalued within the overarching club culture (Jeanes et al., 2021; Pavlidis, 2018). Here, we discuss a women's and gender diverse club that was established as an independent entity separate from men's clubs, something that is rare within Australian community football. The case study examines how gender inclusive spaces can be created through queering of norms and traditions associated with existing football clubs.

Theoretical framework – DIY cultural studies and queer theory

Theoretically, the paper draws on perspectives from cultural theory and queer theory to analyse and examine practices within the case study club. Specifically, we draw on ‘Do It Yourself’ (DIY) approaches that conceptualize how different cultural spaces reject mainstream norms, cultures and services, creating a counterculture where communities do it for and by themselves (Duncombe, 1997; Jeppesen, 2018). Originating in the 1950s from the DIY homeware movement and appropriated by the punk music scene, the DIY ethos challenges dominant norms, with anti-capitalist, anti-bourgeois beliefs (Duncombe, 1997; Jeppesen, 2018; McKay, 1998). DIY culture is located in resistant/countercultures and is action-oriented – there is an emphasis on doing (McKay, 1998). A DIY ethos usually arises from a reaction to being misrepresented or not having spaces, that are suitable for one's needs within capitalist societies and structures (Duncombe, 1997). Jeppesen details a DIY approach as ‘a way to seize power by creating counterhegemonic cultural forms and practices consistent with anarchist anti-authoritarian values’ (2018: 203). A DIY approach creates an alternative to the mainstream, with DIY principles embodying a focus on the community, anti-profit, creative and small-scale – it is a labour of love (Jeppesen, 2018). DIY also allows traditionally marginalized groups, such as people of colour and/or diverse genders to have spaces where they do not face oppression and silencing (Jeppesen, 2018). It gives rise to representation, autonomy and centring community voices in knowledge production and can operate independently of dominant cultures.

Aligning with a DIY ethos, queer theory critically examines and contests dominant norms and practices. It deconstructs hegemonic heteronormativity and gendered binaries, providing a ‘queer’ lens. That is, ‘queering’ allows for unimagined possibilities in the structures, systems and discourses which (re-)produce normative gender, sexuality and societal practices, performances, assumptions and knowledge. In queer theory, the hegemonic order should continually be questioned (Butler, 1993). Butler affirms that the social relations of power and privilege require an ongoing reflexive approach and frames gender, sex and sexuality norms in the heterosexual matrix (1990; 1993). The hierarchies that exist in the heterosexual matrix examine traditional sex (male/female), gender (masculine/feminine) and sexuality practices that are embedded in organizations (Butler, 1990). In sporting structures, practices, cultures and rituals, normative gender and sexuality binaries are reinforced, ultimately leading to the exclusion and marginalization of many identities including transgender and gender diverse people (Caudwell, 2014). Furthermore, heteronormativity continues to prioritize dominant forms of men and masculinity. Thus, other identities, including intersectional identities of women and people who are gender diverse are frequently absent or underrepresented in sport, especially in sport organizations, where heteronormativity and whiteness are dominant norms (Knoppers et al., 2021). Queer theory examines how similarities and differences are experienced, performed and disciplined (Knoppers et al., 2021). As intersectional identities of women and people who are gender diverse are viewed as ‘different’ to hegemonic identities in most sports, queering sporting structures and practices provide an analytical tool to disrupt dominant sporting norms. Since the case study club under review is a newly established, independent women and gender diverse sporting club in a regional setting, a queer and DIY lens’ allows the exploration of how this club queered community football by disrupting the hegemonic structures, practices and cultures embedded within a traditionally masculine dominated sporting structure.

DIY sports clubs

A developing literature base has utilized a DIY lens to examine how sporting clubs and codes have disrupted hegemonic practices. For example, Beaver (2012) explored women in roller derby and how a collective effort and DIY ethos allowed for autonomy and control over the sport, organization and participation. Women-owned and operated the roller derby leagues and were able to create their own culture, de-constructing traditional hierarchies which typically exist in sport, allowing democracy in decision-making processes, control over their athletic ability and a strong sense of community. Messey (2024) however suggests that where counterculture sports become more popular, this can lead to a subversion of the DIY cultures that have established them. In their study of French roller derby, Messey suggests that the increasing popularity of roller derby resulted in a more competitive-focused mentality and thus weakened the DIY ethos, re-producing the status quo of traditional hierarchies and governance (2024). Within the context of the masculine sport of football (soccer), Pollock (2021) highlights how DIY football breaks away from the hierarchy of governing bodies and exclusionary practices. DIY football is not necessarily a new phenomenon. Case studies include two well-established (over 30 years) UK football clubs – Republica Internationale FC and Easton Cowboys/Cowgirls – both of whom have administered left-wing approaches (Simpson, 2016; Totten, 2015). Positioning themselves as separate from governing body structures, the clubs do not rely on capitalistic structures, and through this autonomy build genuine inclusive communities. That is, all members are valued, and the community is not focused solely on skill and ability, as is typically the case in mainstream clubs.

Building on previous work, Hoole applied a queer anarchist lens to examine DIY football, where a subculture of queer footballers disrupted hegemonic, heteronormative practices rejecting normative structures and cultures (2024). A queer, bottom-up approach with less focus on competition allowed for a welcoming, accepting, inclusive sub-culture by (and for) queer women, transgender women and people who are gender diverse who frequently are excluded and marginalized in football (Hoole, 2024). Alternative, countercultural structures and spaces allow for radicalization of normative practices and cultures, especially for traditionally marginalized groups (Jeppesen, 2018). They resist the status quo and tend to be developed and led by the people, for the people (Joulwan, 2007), dismantling traditional mainstream hierarchies and power distribution. DIY sporting clubs are an expression of resistance. They are anti-capitalistic, anti-authoritarian and authentic to one's political and social beliefs, which can be self-empowering for community members who may be excluded and marginalized in sporting structures, systems and cultures (Duncombe, 1997; McKay, 1998). Gender equity sport policies, practices and programmes attempt to change the dominant societal and cultural norms. Alternatively, grassroots sporting clubs attempt to address social injustices and redistribute resources through a DIY approach. The present case study provides a further example of how DIY subcultures that are resistant to hegemonic normalcy are developed and run in the highly masculine sporting context of Australian football. This study adds to existing research by providing an Australian DIY context in a unique sporting ecosystem where an inclusive independent women and gender diverse football club was developed, separate to traditional norms, yet exists within an exclusionary system highlighting some of the challenges and constraints faced within the context of a DIY approach to sport.

Methodology and methods

This paper will provide a case study of an independent regional Victorian Australian Rules women and gender diverse football club established in the last three years. Club possum (pseudonym chosen by the club) was selected as the case study due to the contrasting way the club founders had established a gender equitable environment. In establishing and building the club from scratch, the founders developed an alternative football subcultural, one that was responsive to intersectionality and supportive of women and gender diverse participants.

From March to July 2024, six people were interviewed across Club possum; three people in leadership-style positions, including one of the clubs’ founders, two people in influential positions and one general club playing member. Observations also took place at the club including observing a Pride round game. In Australia, Pride rounds celebrate and educate sporting clubs on LGBTI+ inclusion, to support sport in making welcoming, safer environments for the LGBTI+ community. At the observation, two researchers engaged with general club members, some of whom played and others who volunteered, spectated or supported club possum. A gender inclusion template designed for the study was used to observe the club environment in relation to issues of gender equity and to provide continuity in what was observed across all clubs involved in the wider study. For example, the template observed ‘normal day-to-day activity’ such as interactions, representation, distribution and physical spaces. Club policies and online representation (e.g. website, social media) were also analysed. The club had eight policies/language guides/action plans, and a gender equity action plan. Most of the policies were focused on inclusive practices, such as cultural safety and inclusion. Furthermore, as part of a study project, one club member created a documentary about their journey in the club. The documentary contributed as a source of visual data and cross-analysis on topics discussed in the interviews. For example, the documentary captured the process and emotions of the structural barriers that were faced by the club in real-time, in addition to the joy, community and sense of belonging that were also discussed by the club members in the interviews. Underpinned by queer feminist theory, analysis of the documentary examined factors influencing the club's developmental process, power dynamics and the often silent utterances between what was and was not said (or viewed) in the film when attempting to break away from hegemonic heterosexist structures and practices which embody Australian Rules Football.

The six participants who volunteered to complete an online (zoom) interview represented diverse genders, including three cis-gendered women, two non-binary participants and one transgender woman. A limitation of the research was the lack of First Nations peoples and people of colour represented in the interview data. All interview participants were white and thus the voices of diverse racial and cultural identities were missing, despite the club including First Nations women and women of colour; a clear gap in the present study. The interviews were audio recorded and transcribed verbatim using transcription software (otter.ai). The researcher listened to the audio recordings and ‘cleaned’ the transcripts as a first step of analysis (familiarization). The researchers independently coded and compared interviews, using inductive analysis. If any codes were missing, they added new themes to the codebook (deductive analysis) and coded in NVivo (QSR International, version 1.7.1). Several clear themes from reflexive thematic analysis were defined and named. However, themes relevant to the DIY theoretical framework have been drawn upon and used in this paper. This included three themes: an innovative (DIY) approach, structural negotiations and an ideal future.

To practice reflexivity and contextualize knowledge production, the researcher used a research diary through the interviews, observations and analysis process, including recording thoughts, feelings, actions and biases (Braun & Clarke, 2021). Furthermore, the two researchers regularly held meetings across the process of data collection and analysis to discuss the findings and reflect on wider sociocultural interpretations for reflexivity. For example, we considered why racially and culturally marginalized participants may not have volunteered to be interviewed and reflected on our positions as academics entering community sporting spaces. The researchers have extensive personal and professional experience in community sport, as participants and leaders, however, there was no previous affiliation with Club possum; we were outsiders and relied on support and promotion of the study from club representatives. To practice a feminist ethics of care approach, we valued reciprocity of care that was multi-directional (O’Riordan et al., 2023). For example, across all forms of communication and at all stages of the research process, we asked if, or how, we could support club possum and presently continue to do so. Furthermore, prior to publication, the case study was emailed to the clubs’ committee and interview participants to ensure they were comfortable with how they were represented, it accurately depicted their experiences, and adequate de-identification through pseudonyms and other information, to care for, and value them as humans first and foremost.

Findings

The main themes from the interviews, observation and media analysis will be outlined here. Club possum is unlike many other AFL sporting clubs, which we have come across in inclusion community sport research. Club founders drive gender equity from the committee down to the coaches and community members, with an understanding that the focus is on queer approaches for the local community and creating a safe, welcoming environment, despite the structural impediments they have faced. The results will be separated into three main findings. First, how the club developed and operationalized its DIY policies and practices. Then, how club possums queer sub-culture exists and negotiates hegemonic systems and structures. Finally, how Club possum views their ideal future within the club, and the wider sporting sector is discussed.

An innovative DIY inclusive approach: Queering a football club

Club possum works in juxtaposition to the dominant performances of masculinity permeating football structures and systems (Pavlidis et al., 2023). Instead of conforming to the constraints of normative regulation, club possum queered their community of practice (Hoole, 2024), celebrating diverse identities, skill levels, bodies, shapes, cultures and ages.

In the first steps of Club possum's development, the four founders who established the club dedicated time to understanding their governance perspective within the wider hegemonic structures of Australian Rules Football. In her interview, Asher, a founder, discussed how the newly developed committee drew on their professional skills (e.g., criminal lawyer, LGBTQ+ government support) and informally discussed their understandings of how structures and systems work, including the barriers many identities face to sporting participation. Club possum has some of the most comprehensive policies, strategies and guides that the researchers have seen in their collective 30 plus years of experience in community sport inclusion research, which took a consorted effort by the founders to develop and enact (e.g., First Nations and LGBTQ+ policies and guides). Yet, unlike previous studies of policy enactment in community sport (Ives et al., 2016) they equally placed value on translating policies to the community and how they could engage population groups that sport has traditionally excluded. The club was established and run by well-educated people with a social justice lens, striving to dismantle and create separatism from the hegemonic heterosexist masculine regime that permeates Australian rules football (footy) (Pavlidis et al., 2023). Despite DIY cultures generally being leaderless communities, the people who founded the club did so considering there were no other women and gender diverse clubs in the regional municipality or clubs, which were designed by and for queer communities. Therefore, the ‘founders’ wanted to queer normative heterosexist structures desired to develop their own queer structure and culture which included taking an intersectional approach to gender equity. Intersectionality is a core feature of queer theory (Knoppers et al., 2021). Furthermore, some participants recognized their positionality and described their overlapping identities, while acknowledging their privilege. Club possum desired to transform beyond their community sub-culture ‘bubble’ to dismantle hegemonic practices in a wider sporting context, however, they still had to exist within the confines of overarching heterosexist, patriarchal, settler colonist structures, opposing DIY praxis. Understanding concepts of equity, social justice, inclusion, and intersectionality was imperative to recognizing and addressing the systemic structures and cultural norms that impede sporting participation for multiple overlapping identities. To understand what inclusivity looks like in practice, the interviews delved into distinctions. Explicit examples outlined below are useful for understanding how commitments to gender equity in community sport can be undertaken in practice, queering dominant gender norms.

Club possum used gender inclusive language, promoted through recruitment (i.e., club posters, social media) and across all practices. For example, in interviews, gender diverse members stated that recruitment posters with the language of ‘women and gender diverse people’ were what first piqued their interest in the club – it was unusual to see gender diverse people included in recruitment strategies for Australian football, where hetero-gendered discourses are practiced (Sanders, 2020). Language was one example of how Club possum queered sporting participation (Hoole, 2024). The queered discourses used within the club provided a safe space for queer identities, where new members quickly learned gender inclusive language, including using pronouns or discussing as a group to refer to team members by the collective team's name. Creating safe, welcoming and inclusive spaces requires appropriate terminology for transgender and gender nonconforming sport participants (Morris & Van Raalte, 2016), counteracting heterosexist binary discourses prevailing in sport (Knoppers et al., 2021). At the observation, the researchers spoke to multiple people, where children and adult spectators alike used gender inclusive language. For example, two children fundraising said unprompted they were raising money for the club, which supported ‘women and gender diverse people’, showing that queering heteronormative language transcended beyond the adults in the club. Embedding inclusion in a women and gender diverse club, the queer subculture breaks the heterosexual practices and processes usually deeply rooted in sports culture (Hoole, 2024). Furthermore, it provides a sense of community and commonality (Halberstam, 2003; Sanders, 2020), disrupting conventional sporting norms which are often unsafe, discriminatory environments for the queer community, especially people who are transgender or gender diverse (Storr et al., 2022).

The club founders were highly aware of the colonial implications of sport on the local First Nations population. Therefore, early in the club development, they organized education sessions for themselves and their members where they learned the history of the traditional First Nations sport of Marngrook (Thompson, 2017) and developed a First Nations working group and a First Nations inclusion policy and action plan. Generally, sporting organizations and clubs’ inclusion efforts can tend to be tokenistic instead of transformative (Christensen, 2018) – not challenging the pre-existing colonist, patriarchal, capitalistic, heterosexual sporting structures and systems (Knoppers et al., 2021). Club possum took multiple approaches to learn and improve their processes and practices to enact First Nations inclusion. For example, they engaged with a local First Nations organization to do a reciprocal programme where club possum learned cultural safety training and meaningful Acknowledgements of Country. In return, Club possum facilitated footy clinics with the First Nations organization's girls and gender diverse children. Club members discussed that Acknowledgments of Country were not tokenistic tick-box exercises, unlike many traditional sporting practices (Enari and Keung, 2024). Instead, club members connect to land, stories, and/or First Nations issues in their own way. They also received an in-kind sponsorship from local First Nations artists to design their Indigenojerseyssey. Funding and sponsorships can feed into hegemonic capitalistic sporting structure, yet the club queered practices by ensuring they engaged with local First Nation artists and did not just perform tokenistic ‘diversity’ rounds. However, at a later date, they held a truth telling yarn with a local Elder, which brought to light that the First Nations community would have liked more engagement in the design of the club's Indigenous jumper. Instead of being defensive on this matter, one participant detailed that the feedback from the Elder was well received, with open, transparent honesty, and a desire to learn, improve and engage meaningfully (Bhattacharyya et al., 2024). A club founder discussed wanting to change the club's name to connect to the Indigenous history of the game and land on which they play. The clubs’ efforts appear to inherently recognize and seek to address the colonial implications of sport and community on First Nations populations. Supporting relational allyship literature, Club possum clearly has a desire for ongoing education and learning from mistakes (Bhattacharyya et al., 2024).

Club possum also provided structures that supported a welcoming environment for women and gender diverse members who experienced other intersecting forms of discrimination in traditional sporting contexts. For example, seeking to be representative of the community around them, the club engaged with a local factory to attract women on working visas from the Soloman Islands. Club possum eradicated fees for these players and provided transportation and uniforms to remove some of the structural barriers to participation. They also developed a programme with the local women's prison, where club volunteers went to the prison to teach footy skills. Beyond the programme itself, there was a hope that when some of the women were released from prison, they may join the club. To support these outreach programmes and initiatives, Club possum actively applied for grants and funding. Often, ‘diversity and inclusion’ programmes are viewed as external to the everyday operations of a sports club and thus require external funding (Spaaij et al., 2018). Many sporting clubs only focus on daily operations and believe they are inclusive without challenging the dominant structural forces re-producing power and priority (Jeanes et al., 2018, 2022). However, a major limitation in implementing outreach programmes is funding opportunities are usually one-off grants, which do not support sustainable inclusion programmes or embedding inclusion into the structures and practices of sports clubs (D’Angelo et al., 2021). The aim of club possums outreach programmes was to engage and support the wider community particularly people who have had limited opportunities to access sport. Despite initial reliance on dedicated funding for outreach programmes, a part of the normative inclusion programme funding model (Spaaij et al., 2018), there was a desire to embed the programmes into the structure and practices of the club, thus queering traditionally ‘othered’ inclusion and diversity efforts in sport. However, it also shows a reliance on ongoing financial and human resources and investment, even by clubs that embody inclusion.

Furthermore, the club's values were embedded in inclusion, community and fun. Although there was some desire to win games, competition was not the sole purpose of club possum. Participation in a queer subculture was valued over winning (Beaver, 2012; Hoole, 2024), where a focus on competition can be exclusionary for diverse identities (Spaaij et al., 2019). Club representatives articulated that inclusion and community are at the core of the club; they believed this would not be the same if they were part of an already established men's club.

It's one of the values, we were discussing the values and fun is one of the values and I thought actually, I hadn't really realized that because I, you know, I think they talk a lot about being inclusive and welcoming, you know, in all kinds of ways, but I thought I know, it's because it's fun that I'm there. [sic] (Niki)

Similar to Hoole's (2024) findings with a DIY queer football club, initial engagement with club possum was friendly, welcoming, supportive and non-judgmental, allowing new participants and those who have not played for many years to return and continue their participation. There were many older players who had not played the sport before or previously had poor experiences associated with men's clubs, where their value was diminished or they did not fit into hegemonic gender or sexuality norms, leaving them to feel like an outsider (Hoole, 2024; Stride, Drury & Fitzgerald, 2019). Comparatively, in club possum, everyone was equally valued and part of the community with constant encouragement and support, across all skill levels, body shapes, cultures, ages, genders and sexualities (Sanders, 2020; Shaw, 2025). This was structurally supported through different membership types – training-only, social or competitive memberships – queering traditional competitive-focused sport structures. Although formal and informal leaders existed, showing hierarchy and juxtaposing DIY ethos which promotes being ‘leaderless’, internally the club de-constructed club hierarchy, by allowing for a horizontal structure, part of a DIY ethos – where every voice was represented and valued (Beaver, 2012; Jeppesen, 2018). Club members felt they could provide honest feedback, opinions and suggestions at any point in time, whether on clothing options, food and beverage provision, poor umpiring or discriminatory language and behaviour. Furthermore, the power that often transcends hegemonic sport hierarchies aimed to be dismantled through queering practices, as detailed by the examples provided here.

Entwined in a participatory and democratic approach, everyone could provide formalized feedback to Club possum. For example, in a 2022 club survey, it was revealed that childcare was one of the biggest barriers to participation. In 2023, the club received one-off funding to support childcare, allowing parents to be able to train and play for a small fee, without worrying about supervision for their children. However, in 2024, no funding was available which inhibited participation for some parents–as both players and volunteers. Furthermore, at the observation, several people discussed that the club has several neuro-divergent children who cannot be left unsupervised. All interview participants – both parents and non-parents alike – discussed childcare as a substantial barrier to participation. Across elite and community sporting participants, a lack of accessible, affordable childcare provision means that many women and gender diverse parents are unable to participate in sport (Kaim, 2015). Historically, childcare has been recommended as a key priority area to address women's sporting participation (e.g., Bloomfield, 1973). Yet over the last couple of decades, there has been a lack of structural support and childcare has been absent from the rhetoric of women and gender diverse parents’ community sports participation. This then reinforces traditional heterosexual gendered labour roles, with men who are parents afforded more opportunity to play (and volunteer) in sport. Clearly, childcare requires more dedicated attention, time and investment. The way Club possum engaged with the community and sought to address this barrier showed understanding and addressing the community's needs is paramount to providing inclusive, supportive spaces across all identity markers. Breaking away from traditional gender regimes (Butler, 1990) and normative sporting practices, the DIY subculture allowed a sense of ownership, empowerment and belonging, creating authenticity in the queer community culture (Beaver, 2012; Halberstam, 2003; Hoole, 2024; McKay, 1998).

Structural negotiations

Along their DIY football journey, club possum faced several structural impediments showing that when attempting to build an alternative queer sub-culture, sporting clubs must negotiate the hegemonic systems and structures they exist within, where power remains with the overarching sporting structures reinforcing heterosexist norms. Originally two of the club developers approached a local men's Australian football club to partner with. In these initial discussions, the founders of Club possum asked for financial autonomy, to ensure that any money raised by and for women was invested back into the women's side. Furthermore, they asked that the women's coach was remunerated; in response, they were laughed at. Finally, they had requested to do a gender equity inclusion action plan and the club never got back to them thus, the founders recognized that amalgamating with an established men's club was not a good fit due to the lack of accountability, interest and value in the women and gender diverse side, by the club's founders. Instead, Club possum developed their own club and culture, using a DIY approach to provide a community of practice where collaboratively they engaged in an alternative cultural production (Jeppesen, 2018) and queering structures and practices. Although some of these practices, such as remunerating a coach do not align with DIY praxis, it does however queer hegemonic gender sporting norms where men coaches of men's teams are often remunerated, and women coaches are de-valued and expected to volunteer their time, knowledge and skills (Norman, 2010). Below, Asher describes how she felt there were no other options but to separate from mainstream norms and develop their own queer football community:

After being laughed at and told I was being political for the, the suggestion around remunerating the coach, that was like a pretty big indicator to us that to (co-founder and I) that it just wasn't gonna work, the vision that we had. So, I guess that was kind of like the motivating factor for us to start our own club was like, you know, there's just nothing out there that reflects the needs of the cohort that we're trying to support to be able to play footy. [sic](Asher)

While embodying a DIY ethos within the internal structures and culture of their club, they desired to play in a competitive football league, which meant existing and navigating heterosexist governance structures and systems. Club possum found it extremely challenging to gain entry to a league and secure access to facilities. They had affiliated with the governing body and sought to play competitively in mainstream leagues, thus not entirely embodying DIY, as this would entail rejecting the entire system in which they sought to join. However, they wanted to exist within a structure that cis-gendered men have rite of passage to and is culturally revered in the state of Victoria (Pavlidis et al., 2023; Sanders, 2020). So, counteracting DIY governance structures and systems, club possum founders proceeded with creating an application to what they considered was the most logical geographical choice of leagues, yet simultaneously, the men's club they had originally approached were also lodging an application for a women's team in the same league. Club possums’ application was unsuccessful, and they felt they did not receive explicit feedback on why they were denied inclusion in that league. Below, one of the founders discussed why she believes they were rejected – gendered hegemonic regulatory norms (Butler, 1990) were a contributing factor, where club possum aimed to take a queer, intersectional approach.

And I think that they were just really afraid of someone reimagining what football looked like and you know that that commission is made up of bulk of cis-gender, white privileged men, and I think they were just really freaked out and intimidated by what we had to offer. And maybe they, you know, maybe they didn't think we could sustain it. But I think really, ultimately, it came down to a lack of understanding of what we were actually trying to achieve and the fact that it wouldn't take away from what they'd already built as well. (Asher)

Alternatively, another local league accepted their application. This league appeared to be generally supportive, yet there still seemed to be a lack of understanding of what the club was trying to achieve, with dominant heterosexist norms embedded in the league's processes and practices (Knoppers et al., 2021). For example, at the start of all games, club possum representatives advised umpires that the club had several players who are gender diverse or non-binary and asked them to also use gender inclusive language. Although many umpires do not rebuke this request, their practices continue to be normative, not altering their gendered language. This bottom-up approach was one example of how Club possum was attempting to (unsuccessfully in this instance) queer the heteronormative practices and embody DIY principles embedded within the hegemonic sport of Australian football (Duncombe, 1997; Jeppesen, 2018). This can be understood as a queer approach since club possum attempted to disrupt hegemonic discourses which govern and exclude anyone who does not sit within the gender/sexual binary (Burchiellaro, 2021; Shaw, 2025). Furthermore, club players suggested that transphobic commentary was rife from other team players or supporters on the sidelines (supporting the other team). Club possum addressed and dealt with this independently, having felt that complaints would not be taken seriously. Similar to examples provided by Shaw (2025) of addressing negativity to LGBTQ+ women in rugby, interview participants provided explicit examples where club possum had shut down’ transphobic commentary by calling it out early in games and refusing to continue playing if discriminatory behavior continued. The club collectively rejected gender binaries entrenched in sports dominated by masculine norms (Butler, 1990; Pavlidis et al., 2023) and made a clear stance that discriminatory behavior was unacceptable and had no place in a queer subculture. These are only some of the examples provided by Club possum displaying that gender and heterosexuality norms are embedded in football structures. Sporting members must conform to hegemonic norms including traditional practices and processes to be able to play sport (Jeanes and Lucas, 2019). This may be the ‘dark side’ (Pavlidis and Fullagar, 2016) of DIY football clubs. That is, within Club possum members appeared to feel welcomed, joyous and included and fundamentally felt ‘good’ within the insular confines of the club, yet AFL remains a hegemonic, heterosexist, heteronormative, competitive space (Pavlidis et al., 2023). Club members faced structural and spatial inequalities and negotiated their values and beliefs within a larger system that did not support, or value their identities (Bevan et al., 2024; Culp, 2020; Pavlidis and Fullagar, 2016).

Facilities were identified as another key structural barrier. In regional Victoria, there are varying models of ground and facility ownership and allocation. In this municipality, all sporting grounds are owned by the local council which delegates responsibility to a committee of management – current ground users – to administer the local sporting grounds, except one council-managed ground. This model does not allow the opportunity for new clubs to have a voice in gaining ground access, reinforcing spatial injustice (Bevan et al., 2024) and in this instance, the committee of management blocked access to grounds and facilities. For example, the club was advised certain grounds were not booked, but other clubs may want to book them, so Club possum was unable to book the ground, just in case it may be used by another club. After several years of moving between sites, or receiving no access to grounds or facilities, showing mismanagement, eventually, the council provided access to the ground they had authority over. Eventually, they were able to access grounds and facilities, and the club were collectively relieved. However, they only received access to the change rooms and oval at this facility–all other spaces were denied access (e.g., canteen, club rooms). The queer subculture of club possum clearly threatened the heterosexual matrix of facility decision-makers (Butler, 1990; 1993). Furthermore, the facilities at away games were limiting and problematic. Interview participants spoke to appalling conditions where men received precedence and players were often informed they needed to change in their cars, share change rooms with other teams, or with men walking into the change rooms. Although the interview participants who were transgender and/or gender diverse stated that they themselves did not feel overtly uncomfortable about sharing change rooms, they spoke about other team members who felt discomfort. Research supports these findings, where change rooms can be the ‘heart of a club’ (Shaw, 2025: 12) but also a common and contentious site of discrimination and micro-aggressions against transgender people and people who are gender diverse (Storr et al., 2022). Below Blake, an influential gender diverse club member explains how men take over the change rooms with little consideration of other users of the space.

We've been told we can use the men's change rooms, but men will come in and piss in the open urinals and we'll just have to deal with that if we're getting changed. And we turn up quite often after the men's game into the change rooms and they look like shit. Like, there's crap everywhere and the men just haven't bothered cleaning up after themselves. So that's a huge issue. (Blake)

Blake's excerpt shows how women and gender diverse sporting participants were responsible for their own safety and comfort, and inherently recognized that the rituals many men embody in hegemonic spaces and cultures need to change (Shaw, 2025). Aligned with queer theory, they also take hold of their own narratives by suggesting how heterosexist norms embedded in AFL can change (in the section below), thus providing a sense of control over their future narratives (Bendl et al., 2008). Unfortunately, exclusive, limited access or poor experience is a common experience for women and gender diverse regional sporting participants where most sporting facilities are outdated, built over 50 years ago and designed by and for men. Previous research has shown that women have significant structural barriers impeding their participation, such as limited access – if any at all – to change rooms (Pavlidis, 2018). In recent years, facilities have received significant traction in the discourse of women's sports participation, leading to substantial government funding invested into upgrading sporting facilities across Victoria and Australia (Department of Health & Aged Care, 2023; Department of Treasury & Finance, 2021). Access to appropriate facilities was discussed by the participants, however sporting systems and models require a transformation in the fight for gender equity in sport. In recent years, structures and systems have received greater attention through a proliferation of policies, programmes and initiatives that seek to address gender inequities (Casey et al., 2019). However, previous research suggests that top-down policies tend not to affect systemic change across sporting structures and sporting clubs enact them as they see fit (Fairley and Phillips, 2018; Skille, 2011). Despite the structures, systems, practices and processes that inhibit them, club possum queered footy norms in their own sub-culture (Beaver, 2012).

Although they could not dismantle the overarching heterosexist governing structures, they were committed to creating an equitable, supportive community within an inequitable structure that does not support or value them. Devaluing is a common experience for women and gender diverse participants in AFL (Pavlidis et al., 2023). With a strong sense of social responsibility, Club possum acknowledged that if they did not have to spend so much time fighting against structural inequities, they would be able to allocate more time to providing better opportunities for the community.

The ideal future

In interviews, club members were asked about the ideal future direction of Club possum. Mostly, they envisioned an alternate queer future from the current hegemonic gendered processes and practices embedded in AFL (Pavlidis et al., 2023). They want a sporting future that is more representative of the queer subculture they created in their club, led by the government and sporting ecosystem. Central to intersectionality, Blake and Asher desired to centre the community's voices and needs (Hill-Collins, 1990), with genuine financial and human investment. Blake considers that gender equity should be fundamental to the systems, structures and priorities of sport and the community. To make genuine transformation, gender equity must be at the forefront of every decision.

We need every single aspect, the umpires, league, football league, other teams, the government to all be truly putting gender equity as the first priority. And that doesn't mean that you're not playing football well, it doesn't mean that any sports aren't still being sports and being competitive and being great games. But it means that we're all turning up to those games with an understanding that we live in a very imperfect world at the moment. And that imperfect world is killing women and children on a, you know, on a very regular basis. And, yeah, I think if we're, if we're turning up to sport with that at the front of our minds, then we are making very different decisions about you know what's being allocated and who has access to what and how things are being played. [sic] (Blake)

Here, Blake speaks about current systems and structures being heterosexist, inequitable and not prioritizing gender equity. Blake recognizes the link between gender equity and systemic gender-based issues. In comparison to Hoole's findings, where participants did not view hierarchical reforms within the football association possible (2024), Blake and Ashers’ queer vision, supported by other club representatives and policies, required systematic disruption of sports structures. They wanted their queer subculture to be the norm, to permeate the structures and systems, by radically transforming the current sporting model and giving power to the people. By placing gender equity as the priority and engaging with the local community, they believed this would support de-constructing hegemonic sporting norms. Although we are critical of the likelihood of this happening in sporting structures, club possum desired a transformed sporting future, where a queer subculture such as what they have created is embedded across more sports and structures. This approach would queer sporting structures (Knoppers et al., 2021) and develop a sporting future for young people who do not want to exist within the heterosexist, patriarchal, capitalistic, settler colonial conventional sporting models (Ahmed, 2017). Thus, sport would be more accessible and available for all.

Conclusion

Club possum provides a case study of what can be achieved by sporting communities radicalizing and contesting hegemonic sporting norms. Club founders dedicated a considerable amount of time to combating structural inequities, while also transforming sport through a queer subculture and striving to include women and gender diverse community members. This case study provides an example of how a queer subculture provided an alternative community to the sporting mainstream. Club possum did not develop a DIY praxis since they existed within heterosexist governing structures and systems, however, they embodied DIY principles, existing within an inequitable and exclusionary system reinforcing hegemonic gender norms and impeding participation. Instead, they queered their respective community space to provide a safe, welcoming inclusive space for diverse identities, skill levels, bodies, shapes, cultures and ages. The present findings suggest queer subculture alternatives provide more inclusive environments, but sporting structures, systems and processes require radical transformation to genuinely include more women and gender diverse sporting participants, especially those who experience intersectional forms of discrimination. Further research is required to show how hegemonic sporting structures can be transformed and how DIY praxis may provide alternate sporting cultures.

Footnotes

Declaration of conflicting interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: Australian Research Council (grant number DP220100880).

ORCID iDs

Nadia Bevan

Ruth Jeanes

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Queering a community sports club in Australia: A case study of gender inclusion

Abstract

Keywords

Introduction

Theoretical framework – DIY cultural studies and queer theory

DIY sports clubs

Methodology and methods

Findings

An innovative DIY inclusive approach: Queering a football club

Structural negotiations

The ideal future

Conclusion

Footnotes

Declaration of conflicting interests

Funding

ORCID iDs

References