Abstract
Background:
Cannamom culture (CMC), an online movement for acceptance of cannabis use among mothers, has gained traction on social media. The urgency for exploration of CMC in a Canadian context was enhanced through legalization of cannabis in 2018, followed by legalization of cannabis edibles in 2019.
Objectives:
We sought to explore cannamoms’ social media and blog posts, and their representations of cannabis use and motherhood.
Methods:
This qualitative study utilized reflexive thematic analysis of Canadian cannamom blog posts (N = 30) and Instagram posts (N = 34). Analysis of these outlets was considered through the lenses of similar social media phenomena, such as influencer, wine mom, wellness, and mental health cultural movements.
Results:
The overarching theme identified was mothers marketing to mothers, with outlets advertising cannabis products and coaching. Three inter-related sub-themes were present within posts that facilitated this marketing: (1) a focus on increased normalization, attempted destigmatization, and legalization of cannabis due to its favorable health effects compared to other normalized substances; (2) responsible and personalized cannabis consumption to promote health and wellness; and (3) cannabis use as a way to achieve motherhood ideals including thinness, productivity, mental wellness, and engaged parenting.
Conclusions:
CMC spaces online reproduce intensive motherhood narratives and position cannabis as an acceptable solution to motherhood struggles. The focus on wellness and personalization draws on wellness movements by constructing cannabis consumption as natural, responsible, and health promoting. These findings have implications for policy makers and healthcare providers regarding mothers’ understandings of cannabis use and health.
Introduction
Intensive motherhood is defined as “child-centered, expert-guided, emotionally absorbing, labor intensive, and financially expensive” child rearing,1(p8)and has become a dominant approach to parenting in Canada and the USA since the 1980s and 90s. The ideals of intensive motherhood, which include unrealistic expectations of attentiveness to children and partners, thinness, and productivity, have served as the latest in a long line of social constructions of motherhood that overburden women.(e.g.,2,3) As a result, the expectations of intensive motherhood can perpetuate or normalize mothers’ struggles with isolation, anxiety, and guilt.4,5 This normalization is of particular concern for marginalized mothers who, despite attempts to resist intensive mothering, are held to the same expectations even if they do not have the resources to uphold intensive motherhood ideals. 6 Currently, intensive motherhood narratives circulate on social media, which women and mothers disproportionately use.7,8 These narratives also contribute to norms and expectations of whether or how mothers “should” use mind-altering substances, such as alcohol and cannabis.
Canadian Context for Cannabis: Cannabis Use and Stigma
Despite Canadian legalization through the passage of the Cannabis Act 9 in 2018, concerns about stigmatization or fear of negative social repercussions persist. Individuals who use cannabis report criticism and stigmatization,10,11 which have been associated with negative impacts to physical and emotional wellbeing, along with concealing of use (e.g., from doctors).12,13 Parents, pregnant individuals, and those from equity deserving groups experience additional scrutiny for their cannabis use,14-17 which has been found to negatively impact physical and mental health-seeking behaviors.5,18 Specifically, researchers have previously identified that racialized individuals are more likely to have their cannabis use associated with crime and cultural stereotypes, exacerbating stigma for racialized and ethnic minorities.19,20 Despite these findings, the impacts of intersectional stigma on cannabis use among racialized mothers has been relatively underexplored. Intersectionality refers to the theory of how multiple social identities or positionalities may create distinct, multiplicative oppressions that cannot be analyzed in isolation, and was first described by Crenshaw. 21
Parents have also identified the expectation to hide cannabis use from their children because of internalized stigma and to “prevent” future cannabis use by their children.16,22 Concerns that stigma has stayed consistent post-legalization, 23 including from medical professionals,14,24 remain. However, the cannabis industry has been characterized as working to distance itself from stigmatized and/or stereotypical consumption, 25 resulting in increased social acceptance, higher willingness to disclose cannabis use, and decreased stigma for highly stigmatized groups.26-28 Cannabis use stigma can be mitigated with perceived responsible and moderate use.29,30 Additionally, social media and online sources have been identified as important sites of information, community, and respite from cannabis-related stigma.31-33
Representations of Mothers and Substance Use on Social Media
On social media, the societal debate over motherhood and substance use is exemplified by wine mom culture (WMC). WMC has been portrayed as a light-hearted, humorous resistance to the stresses of modern, intensive motherhood. 34 Also emerging from WMC is the use of social media to market to women, feminizing wine consumption through sparkly pink and floral imagery. 35 Following the proliferation of WMC was the emergence of Cannabis using mothers (Cannamom) social media groups and “momfluencers” mobilizing similar discourses to WMC to cope with intensive motherhood ideals.36,37 Previous work describing American cannabis influencers demonstrated a similar feminized marketing of cannabis “as a desirable accessory in certain feminine lifestyles.”38(p135) Social media use by women has also been consistently linked with “wellness” culture, 39 such that wellness content on social media is primarily created and consumed by women. 40 The “wellness” movement is defined as a “holistic concept comprised of various interrelated components of everyday life that are utilized to predict overall health” including environmental, behavioral, and individual factors.41(p49) Cannabis use is promoted as enhancing “wellness” through aiding with sleep and menopause symptoms, pain, anxiety, and reducing appetite.42-44 The links with anxiety and sleep further converge or are influenced by mental health movements online that promote disclosure of mental health concerns with the aim of reducing stigma. 45 This linkage is especially relevant to potential motherhood mental health challenges, which have only been heightened post-COVID-19 pandemic. 46 Cannamom culture (CMC) is also tied to broader “wellness” movements promoting heavily branded lifestyles of self-care and discussing health and nutrition using medicalized language such as “medicine” and “doses.” 39 These “wellness” spaces rely on predominantly wealthy, white imagery and “glossy” ideals, and are a multifaceted and diverse “cultural field” requiring further investigation. 40 Therefore, we sought to explore the operation and portrayals of cannabis use and motherhood present in Cannamom blogs and Instagram posts guided by the research questions: Who are Cannamoms? How is motherhood and cannabis use constructed in CMC? What role has changing cannabis policy and legalization played in CMC’s portrayals of stigma? How are previous social media movements, such as WMC and wellness movements, reproduced in CMC?
Methods
Design
We conducted a qualitative study of blog and social media posts utilizing Braun and Clarke’s “open, exploratory, flexible and iterative” reflexive thematic analysis, 47 which has previously been applied in an analysis of WMC on Instagram. 48 As qualitative analysis of social media is an emerging method, we drew on the data collection approach, particularly the search strategy outlined in Harding et al. 48 The use of reflexive thematic analysis is grounded in the paradigm of social constructionism, emphasizing how assumptions and interactions shape and reflect socially constructed realities. 49
We were also informed by the concept of social movement spillover 50 to intentionally explore the potential interactions between CMC and other social media movements, such as wellness and WMC. Social movement spillover is the process by which the organizational structure, shared communities and membership, and external influences can cause social movements to affect each other. 50 Overlapping tactics and membership can lead to agenda spillover where movement objectives become shared across multiple interconnected movements51,52 and can even lead to movements using similar strategies to frame their activism. 53 Social and online media are a unique medium for potential spillover as a place for mobilization, increased reach to other actors, and for audiences to share resources.54-56
Ethics
This study utilized publicly available data, specifically Instagram and blogs posts. No direct contact with individual post creators was made. The University of Manitoba Research Ethics Board, as well as the Tri-Council Policy Statement (TCPS 2.0) guidelines, confirmed that institutional ethics board approval was not required. 57 We also followed best practices within the literature on the ethical use of social media data.58,59 For the collected Instagram posts, we removed personal or identifying information (e.g., poster name, handle, profile picture, etc.) to anonymize the original post creator. Moreover, we did not use direct quotes or images from the Instagram posts in any later analysis or in this manuscript. Instead, we discussed data in an aggregated fashion. Each post was assigned a code to anonymize the data. Due to the public nature of the blog selected for analysis, direct quotes or references are included in the text.
Data Collection
Searching was conducted based on methods outlined in Harding et al. 48 Inclusion for both blogs and Instagram posts were determined after initial review of the posts and content to ascertain the types of posts and content related to cannamoms, as well as through discussions with the research team. Inclusion criteria required an Instagram or blog post to discuss one of the following topics regarding cannabis specifically: motherhood, sexual intercourse, wellness (broadly defined), alcohol, wine mom culture, edibles, and/or stigma. As a result, the blog selection process was theory driven to capture potential overlaps with wine mom culture. Posts were collected for both outlets in May and June of 2024.
To determine which blog(s) to collect, we started by searching for blogs using the search terms “cannamom” or “marijuana mom” which yielded 8 blogs that were both cannabis themed and intended for mothers. We chose the Canadian-based blog weedmama.ca 60 because it had the widest selection of potential posts (N = 87 articles), covered our topics of interest, and was produced over the longest timeframe (2018-2024). The other 7 blogs identified had limited content (e.g., under five total blog posts), a limited timeframe (e.g., only having posts from a single year, only having posts from pre- or post-legalization) and/or covered the same topics as weedmama.ca, which led to our selection of weedmama.ca, as the most representative and data-rich blog in the CMC space we could find. After screening using our inclusion criteria, we were left with 36 articles. We then excluded 3 articles for being too similar to another article (e.g., “Cannabis for depression” was excluded in favor of “Be a happy mama: 3 ways cannabis can help you with anxiety, stress and depression”) and four more were excluded due to lack of relevance to motherhood. Finally, we included one additional article about the risks of cannabis use to ensure collected articles portrayed cannabis use both positively and negatively, resulting in a total of 30 blog articles for analysis.
Instagram posts were collected from #cannamomlife (16 posts), #420mom (9), #cannabismom (4), #weedmom (2), #momswhosmoke (1), #cannamomsofinstagram (1), #cannamommy (1), #cannamomsunite (1), and #marjiuanamomma (1), which yielded an initial total of 36 posts. Of the posts identified, those that also included #cannamom in their captions were collected. We initially aimed to collect posts using Instagram search results of the hashtag “cannamom,” but Instagram’s Restricted Goods and Services policies made certain hashtags unsearchable when the hashtag term or its content was repeatedly deemed to violate Instagram’s Community Guidelines. 61 For the duration of post collection, #cannamom was subject to such search restrictions. While #cannamom search yielded very few results, the posts it did return allowed for the identification of the similar hashtags like those above that did not face the same searchability problems and were thus used as search terms to indirectly find #cannamom posts. The decision to keep the use of #cannamom as an inclusion criterion was made because of the popularity of #cannamom in CMC Instagram spaces. Despite being subject to content restriction, there were over 302K posts using the hashtag as of May 2024. The 36 collected posts were reviewed and two posts were excluded, one due to its limited content and the other because it did not include the hashtag “cannamom,” leaving a final sample of 34 Instagram posts. Because our study examined the detailed content and associated meanings of blog posts and Instagram posts (e.g., images, textual postings, comments, and interactions), we focused on a representative sample of images and posts, as determined by the research team, to explore depth and interpretation of meaning. As such, this final sample of blog and Instagram posts was considered sufficient based on the previous analysis of 40 posts by Harding et al, 48 as well as the determined breadth, depth, and conceptual overlap for detailed analysis. As suggested by Braun and Clarke 62 regarding reflexive thematic analysis, we did not use a concept, such as data saturation, to determine how many images or posts were necessary for analysis or when to stop data collection; rather, we collectively determined our final sample for inclusion based on our mutual co-constructions of meaning in our sample as well as the conceptual overlap across posts.
Data Analysis
We imported data sources into NVivo 14 for analysis. Blogs (coded by TS) and Instagram posts (coded by SK) underwent two rounds of coding. The first round involved familiarization of TS and SK with the content, and developing preliminary codes. The codebook was further developed in the second round of coding, where TS, SK, and NR met regularly to discuss codes, evaluate any code drift, establish consistency in coding, and identify any differences between the outlets we were observing. The final codebook was co-constructed, single, and uniform, informed by the research team’s diverse knowledge and expertise to be used across sites in the final analysis. Preliminary codes and findings were shared with KH for input and refinement, before the codebook was finalized.
In reflexive thematic analysis, 47 inductive coding was used to determine both semantic and latent themes within the posts, while situating the two coders (TS and SK) as “critical friends” 63 who questioned and built upon each other’s identified patterns in the data. While coding, we purposefully engaged with other social movements (e.g., intensive mothering, wellness, WMC) to explore their potential narrative spillover and to examine if depictions of motherhood remained consistent across movements. We did not initially use theory-driven codes, instead allowing for engagement with other social movements to develop during theme refinement. Upon completion of the second round of coding, each coder went back and re-coded the first five posts to ensure consistency internally and between the coders. Findings were then presented to the research team (TS, SK, NR, KH and AW) using visual techniques (i.e., mind mapping) to develop the final themes and sub-themes presented here.
Results
Our analysis of the 64 blog and Instagram posts generated the overarching theme of mothers marketing to mothers. We also identified three inter-related sub-themes: (1) normalization, attempted destigmatization, and legalization of cannabis use; (2) promoting responsible and personalized consumption for health and wellness; and (3) cannabis use can support motherhood ideals. While ethical reporting precludes reproducing images or exact text of Instagram posts, we have reported paraphrased examples or described the posts and referred to post numbers using CM#. With the blog posts, we have referred to direct quotes with the corresponding article number. Our sub-themes and the corresponding categories of codes are summarized in Table 1.
Summary of Thematic Analysis with Exemplar Quotes or Descriptions.
The sub-themes support the overarching theme of mothers marketing to mothers.
Some categories are repeated as the sub-themes are inter-related.
Numbers in parentheses refer to coded blog numbers and parentheses with CM refer to the coded Instagram posts.
Mothers Marketing to Mothers
The overarching theme of both the blog and Instagram posts was mothers marketing cannabis, and cannabis-related products, to other mothers. This marketing occurred through various strategies, including direct and indirect product placement (e.g., pictures of products embedded in posts, links to purchase products, and affiliate discount codes). Another strategy included tailoring products and advertising to women or mothers specifically. Cannabis products were emphasized for women’s health including during pregnancy or breastfeeding, for hyperemesis (a severe form of morning sickness), and effects on estrogen and premenstrual syndrome. Specific products were also recommended for wellness-oriented, female consumers (Blog Post 1; blog posts subsequently referred to only by #), drawing on discursive resources that are associated with women. Feminine coded imagery (e.g., graphics that were pink or glittery, holding cannabis with painted nails, having children and family pictures posed next to cannabis plants) were featured within the posts.
Another marketing strategy was that post-creators positioned themselves as experts. For example, one blog article described the blogs goals to expose the reader to “an entire part of the market with products made for women” (11) and to highlight their expertise and authority on motherhood-focused cannabis use specifically. These outlets also established their credibility as a perceived trusted educational source by referring to cannabis research including “long-term studies that have been peer reviewed” (5) as well as directing people toward “how to” guides, courses, and the “Learn” sections of their website. On Instagram, Cannamom influencers encouraged mothers to block out critics and instead listen to their intuition and the guidance of other mothers who have experience with cannabis. Occasionally this authority was presented in contrast to medical opinion. For example, in a post detailing a woman’s pregnancy struggles, she described treating her morning sickness with cannabis, choosing not to visit the doctor and instead listening to her body (Instagram User/Commentor [CM07]). Taking a more direct approach, the blog creator questioned the authority of doctors: “When I was pregnant with my second child I had so many bad opinions thrown my way by my healthcare professionals” (5) and credibility of academic research for example, “There’s so much information out there that it’s hard to know what to believe and trust and what not to” (30). Similarly, the blog writers often encouraged women to “to do what’s right for you” (5), especially around cannabis use during pregnancy and breastfeeding, also demonstrating resistance to medical and evidence-based advice. Therefore, through their posts, creators positioned themselves as experts and leveraged this perceived expertise for marketing purposes to encourage mothers to consume cannabis products, listen to their bodies, make decisions for themselves, and ultimately empower themselves to be experts as well.
A final marketing strategy, which also contributed to normalization and attempted destigmatization, was encouraging support of mothers, particularly mothers of color, and their contributions to the cannabis industry. The Instagram posts specifically highlighted the need to support racially diverse mothers by buying from women-owned brands to further legitimize women as a normalized part of the cannabis industry. Interestingly, representations of Cannamoms included mothers from a variety of racialized and ethnic backgrounds, body types, and physical presentations (e.g., tattoos, face piercings, dyed hair) as part of cannabis spaces, but these representations were not the majority and seemed to tokenize these identities. Thin, white women were 3 times more likely to be pictured than any other racialized group or body type on Instagram.
Normalization, Attempted Destigmatization, and Legalization
Presumably to support the overall goal of selling cannabis products and services to mothers, these outlets portrayed cannabis, and its use, as legally and socially acceptable, and emphasized that much of the stigma around cannabis use originated, at least partially, from its (previous) illegal status. For example, one post noted that “many moms felt the need to be responsible and not use something illegal” (11). However, an increase in positive attitudes toward cannabis use post-legalization was conveyed by both outlets, which could contribute to destigmatization. Specifically in the blogs, legalization was described as resulting in a “huge change in attitudes around cannabis” (11) including higher levels of social acceptance for cannabis use.
Despite both outlets describing more favorable attitudes toward cannabis post-legalization, existing stigma surrounding cannabis use was reported to persist. The blogs highlighted “decades of reefer madness style propaganda” (22) has contributed to pervading negative myths around cannabis use that contribute to stigma. Stigma was portrayed as leading individuals to hide their cannabis use especially in communities with low social or legal acceptance of cannabis, such as the medical community. Although both outlets acknowledged that acceptance of cannabis has increased, they still argued that there was more work to be done particularly for compounding stigmas (e.g., race and ethnicity, pregnancy, etc.). Both the blog and Instagram posts described stigma experienced “especially [by] moms of color who use the plant is intense and completely unfair” (8). Additionally, increased stigma for pregnant women using cannabis could result in calls to “protective services if she tests positive for THC while pregnant” (5) was also recognized. The surveillance or judgment about cannabis use among mothers was also identified as a concern. Both outlets also employed adversarial strategies to support destigmatization. For example, the blog portrayed individuals critical of cannabis use as antiquated “fuddy duddy’s who can’t let go of their tired, worn-out ideas” (23).
On Instagram, Cannamoms advocated for destigmatization and normalization by posting photos of themselves consuming cannabis (both smoking and edibles) openly. In their captions, they shared anecdotes of overcoming mental and physical heath struggles through consuming cannabis, while citing social stigma as a significant barrier in their “healing journey” and a source of shame for mothers who consume cannabis. In one post, a mother described that her open cannabis consumption reduced social stigma faced by other women, particularly people of color who consume cannabis (CM18). Similarly, post creators from both outlets utilized affirmations such as “You’re not a bad mom for choosing cannabis to feel better” (8) to combat societal stigma of cannabis use. To further alleviate this stigma, both outlets put the onus on their audience arguing that it “requires those of us who use it, who live in a place where it’s legal to step out of the cannabis closet” (24) and to openly use (and buy) cannabis products to increase normalization -especially for mothers.
Another way post creators from both outlets demonstrated normalization was contrasting cannabis with other substances, such as alcohol and pharmaceutical drugs, to establish cannabis as an equivalent or superior alternative for wellbeing. While cannabis use was occasionally portrayed as favorable to cigarettes and opioids, positive comparisons of cannabis to pharmaceutical drugs were more frequent. In the posts, pharmaceutical drugs were critiqued for being “unnatural,” while cannabis was described as a “flower,” “herb,” and “plant,” emphasizing its “naturalness.” For example, one Instagram post promoting a cannabinoid sleep aid described it as an “organic” “plant medicine . . . two times more effective” than the prescription drug Diazepam (CM35). Another Instagram user recounted years of negative experiences using prescription drugs to treat depression and anxiety before eventually finding relief with cannabis. These posts along with many others included the hashtag “plantsoverpills,” which exemplifies the positioning of cannabis as a perceived superior alternative to pharmaceuticals. This framing is further accentuated by feelings of being discounted as experts on their own lives, concerns regarding the expertise of physicians with respect to cannabis use and stigma exhibited from healthcare providers.
Conversely, descriptions of alcohol and comparisons with cannabis were not consistent. In some instances, alcohol was described as “highly addictive” (2) or as a “known carcinogen” (4), while cannabis was characterized as having “no lethal dose” (16-17, 19, 22, 25-26) and “isn’t addictive the same way alcohol or cigarettes are” (2). Weed Mama was the most explicit when discussing this divide by instructing readers to “Trade your wine for weed during dry January” (2) and to fight against the double standard where “having a glass of wine or 2 or 3 to manage parenting stress was applauded, [but] cannabis on the other hand was seen as bad parenting” (29). Alcohol, at times, was also shown more positively and utilized as an example of a normalized substance. One poster noted “When my mom friends say to me ‘I survive on coffee and wine’ I’ll say with a smile ‘for me it’s coffee and weed’” (23). Another post described their desire for weed to be normalized “the way alcohol is normalized” (29). Interestingly, the blog was overall more critical of alcohol, but the posts were also more likely to reference benefits of alcohol use, such as the difficulty of dealing with “day-to-day stresses without your glass of wine or beer” (2). Finally, Weed Mama used comparisons to argue that “I don’t hide my glass of wine, nor do I hide cannabis from my kids” (11), attempting to reinforce the normalcy of cannabis, such that it can be used around children.
Promoting Responsible and Personalized Cannabis Consumption for Health and Wellness
A final aspect of normalization, both outlets portrayed cannabis as something to be used responsibly and moderately. While both outlets overwhelming discussed the perceived positive effects of cannabis use, negative effects were associated with overconsumption. For example, “too much THC” [tetrahydrocannabinol] (19, 21, 25) led to “muscle weakness, trembling, hallucinations, paranoia and vomiting” (25). For men, cannabis use could lead to “erectile dysfunction” (2), or an individual having a “bad experience” (13). Using “too much” cannabis was consistently portrayed as negative. Instead, outlets advised using cannabis with “mindfulness and intention” (9) to feel “proper” (14), which required individuals to “respect the plant” (17, 19).
What was considered “proper” depended on the source. While the Instagram posts viewed getting high as a potential positive effect of cannabis use, the blog posts were more restrictive, describing proper use as “you don’t want to get high, you just want to feel relaxed” (14). Both the blog and the Instagram posts similarly recommended that when using cannabis “start low and go slow” (7, 13, 15, 17, 19, 21, 25) to find the “proper dose,” often in the form of microdosing, to minimize negative effects. The use of specific products or even active ingredients (namely, cannabidiol or CBD) was also an important part of responsible use. While “too much THC can increase anxiety” (21) and cause other negative effects, CBD was portrayed as “scrubbing bubbles, cleaning up around the edges” (14) and thus responsible use required the use of both products together.
Responsible cannabis use also applied to weight. While the blog was more explicit describing using cannabis in a way that avoids increased appetite or the “munchies” (2, 16), both outlets pictured primarily thin women using cannabis. These factors contributed to cementing cannabis use as a “responsible” choice that upholds feminine gendered norms of appropriate behavior and motherhood, including implicit fatphobia.
To ensure the “best results,” cannabis use required personalization. Specifically, both outlets highlighted the endocannabinoid system (ECS) and described how “Everyone is different in how their own ECS works and how their brain chemistry works, therefore THC will affect everyone differently” (7). Thus, there is no universal approach to cannabis use. Moreover, personalization also included individual medical conditions, such that responsible cannabis use can be medicinal in nature, serving to “treat many different health issues such as migraines, anxiety, depression, inflammation, pain, appetite, insomnia, PTSD, seizures, addiction, nightmares, OCD” (26). Furthering responsible consumption, outlets advised to “contact your doctor if you have a heart condition or are on blood thinners before using cannabis” (16).
Additional personalization was recommended for benefits of this medicinal cannabis use where personalized dosages depended on the intended effect [e.g., low dosages for “self-care” compared with high dosages for “sleep, pain and for boosting . . . creativity” (9)]. Although the described benefits of medicinal cannabis use were similar between the two outlets, the blog highlighted cannabis’ additional perceived positive benefits, including for children with epilepsy (17) and for dealing with painful sex (2, 9, 15, 17, 20-21, 27). On Instagram, cannabis use was described broadly as therapeutic, healing, and contributing to personal wellness regardless of if the poster identified themselves as a #MMJ (medical marijuana) or recreational user.
Personalization also extended to the products or strains of cannabis that can be selected based on their isolated, specific effects, which were discussed at length on the blog. For example, cannabinol was described as a “very mild psychoactive cannabinoid that may help with sleep” (3). The infinite combinations of strain, product, and dosage facilitated an individualized experience but also created the need for a litany of different products. In this way, the focus on personalization also contributed to the overarching theme of marketing. The personalization journey also required “expert” guidance. This framing provides the post creators with the opportunity to sell non-cannabis products, such as consulting services or cannabis dosing journals, designed to “help” and to provide mothers with personalized support about their “responsible” use.
While the Instagram posts focused mostly on tailoring cannabis consumption to individual needs, the blog also referred to contextual factors such as “Choose a time when you know you won’t be called into work or have to be with the kids” (19) and “be smart and start with a low dose in a safe setting” (19). As such, despite efforts to resist stigma and judgment, Cannamoms still explicitly plan their use, recognize the need to behave “responsibly,” prioritize work and parenting, and thus are self-policing their cannabis use according to intensive motherhood norms.
Cannabis Use Can Support Motherhood Ideals
Cannabis use was linked to being a “better mother” through discussions of, and assistance with, the implicit traits associated with “ideal” motherhood. There were a multitude of applications for cannabis toward overcoming motherhoods’ challenges, including pregnancy [e.g., “After my son was born via emergency c-section it was the exhaustion that got to me” (27)], relationships [e.g., “your relationship is suffering because you’re just too exhausted and you just need some balance, some ease of mind” (20)], or parenthood in general [e.g., “You’re forever worried about [kids] their safety and every decision you make has their wellbeing on your mind” (20)]. Both outlets described cannabis as facilitating mothers “to be more present and patient with my children” (29). They also described cannabis use as a “vacation from the chaos and the stress” (29) that “can really help you as a parent” (29) or as allowing “that sense of wonder [to] come back which helps you as a parent be there for your kids, even when things are hard” (28). The blog authors credit cannabis for increasing their alertness and blocking out external distractions, and Instagram mothers shared testimonials of using cannabis to unwind from parenting stress and to face difficult aspects of motherhood, such as managing tantrums (CM17), effectively and calmly. Moreover, mothers were typically pictured with happy or relaxed expressions often using cannabis, again contributing to the depiction of “ideal” mothers. Notably, discussion of fathers’ cannabis use was largely absent.
Cannabis use was framed as a way for mothers to simultaneously prioritize themselves and their children, with many posts describing how their children are better off because of their devotion to self-care (CM02, CM05). Thus, as described in both outlets, an “ideal” mother was also focused on her wellness and mental health. Self-care occurred through privileged feminized activities such as meditation, infused baths, or the “mental vacations” that cannabis was portrayed as complementing (10, 24). An “ideal” mother was “picking cheese cubes and grapes off the floor all day when my kids were small” (1), does not allow said tasks to “put a damper on my sensuality as well as my time and resources for my own selfcare” (1). Therefore, “ideal” motherhood required a balanced focus on others (i.e., children and spouse) as well as oneself. To responsibly maintain this balance, cannabis could be used in a “moderate” and “proper” way, avoiding the consequences of overuse, such as cannabis use disorder or weight gain.
To further the association of cannabis and motherhood, both outlets described cannabis in gendered terms: “Mother Ganja” and noting that “she’s got our back, ladies” (4). The blog used gendered stereotypic content including an illustration of a mother from the 1950s, in the kitchen with the caption “for instant happy woman just add weed” (21) to further tie cannabis on to historical depictions of ideal (white, cisgendered, and heteronormative) motherhood. Similarly, the frequent portrayals of appearance characteristics associated with femininity, as judged by western standards (e.g., women with their nails done, piercings, etc.), in tandem with cannabis use, implicitly suggested femininity as another trait associated with this motherhood ideal.
However, outlets also challenged the “ideal motherhood” construction. Both outlets did portray cannabis use as supporting mothers in achieving both explicit and implicit ideals of motherhood but recognized these as overwhelming or impossible to achieve. Defying expectations and narrow constructions of motherhood was the thesis of many blog and Instagram posts. In some instances, they openly disavowed the trope of the “supermom,” who is expected to “be attentive to our children while also keeping a perfect house, making every single meal healthy, socializing with friends, [and] being attentive to our significant other” (8). The blog also critiqued the “impossibly high standards” (24) placed upon mothers, mom shaming, and the idea that mothers are expected to overcome anything, balance all responsibilities, and to “leap over tall building[s] in a single bound! Even during a pandemic” (8). Despite this critique, narratives of mothers striving to reach “ideal” motherhood, overcoming a variety of struggles with the help of cannabis remained. The construction of an “ideal” mother was relatively consistent across the outlets, but there were a few differences. Specifically, whether the ideal mother should share her cannabis use with her children was a point of inconsistency. In the blog, while there were references to using cannabis “Away from kids of course” (3), children were also portrayed as helping to “trim the cannabis plants” (11) or standing for a family photo near cannabis plants. A consensus was not reached as to when it is and is not ideal for children to be exposed to cannabis. One of the more extreme Instagram posts went as far as to claim that mothers who use cannabis were far superior to the mothers against using cannabis who verbally berate or “bully” their kids in moments of stress (CM10).
Discussion
We identified that Cannamoms were mothers marketing to mothers as the overarching theme, and that marketing was supported by sub-themes of normalization, attempted destigmatization, and legalization of cannabis use; promoting responsible and personalized consumption for health and wellness; and cannabis use as supporting motherhood ideals. CMC reproduced intensive motherhood ideals, despite attempting to modify acceptable motherhood behavior to include cannabis use. In addition, we identified that societal stigma was portrayed as driving mothers away from seeking cannabis advice from health care professionals, instead turning to social media outlets for judgment-free advice on cannabis use.
We also identified that CMC online spaces were primarily reproducing existing narratives around intensive (neoliberal) motherhood through representations of an “ideal” mother who must balance her personal and professional demands (e.g., putting the needs of children and partners first, being both thin and feminine, etc.). 64 CMC spaces focused on individual empowerment and self-care rather than structural reforms to address systemic inequalities that mothers face. Cannamoms also had contradictory discussions on social media of how they balance their cannabis use to still be “responsible” and available for their children and families. Overall, this creates a dichotomy between self-care and self-regulation that can both reproduce and resist intensive motherhood. While the posts are very focused on mothers taking care of themselves (e.g., unleashing your inner goddess, not caring about the opinions of those who look down upon cannabis use, relaxing with activities such as sound baths, etc.) the reason for this self-care is to become the optimal caretaker, mother, and partner. So, while CMC attempts to explicitly resist intensive motherhood (e.g., disavowing supermom narratives, encouraging mothers to not put each other down, etc.) the focus on responsible use and avoiding psychoactive effects still reproduces intensive motherhood.
Some posts were resistant to “ideal” constructions of mothers with portrayals of a variety of racialized and ethnic backgrounds, body types, and physical presentations, extending the construction of who can be a Cannamom more broadly. Thus, there was not a consistent representation of mothers who use cannabis as “ideal mothers.” On the other hand, mothers of racialized/ethnic minorities and larger body types were infrequently portrayed, and therefore could be viewed as tokenistic portrayals. 21 Further research utilizing an intersectionality lens and purposive sampling of, for example, posts by racialized mothers, may allow for a more fulsome analysis of CMC.
The authors of previous commentaries on Cannamoms have situated CMC as a coping strategy for the pressures of intensive mothering.36,37 This finding aligns the CMC movement with WMC, which also embodies a similar tension; WMC content has been found to both reproduce hegemonic norms of intensive motherhood,48,65 while simultaneously including aspects of resistance to intensive motherhood narratives. 30 Overall, Cannamom social media appears to be focused on countering discourses that “good” and “responsible” motherhood cannot coincide with substance use,66,67 even alongside implicit self-policing of when, where, and how it is acceptable to use cannabis while parenting. These findings also align with analyses of other substances and movements, particularly WMC, that speak to women’s resistance of intensive motherhood ideals alongside the need for interventions to support women and mothers, rather than have them feel the need to turn to substances to cope. 48
By portraying cannabis use as enhancing the traits of a good mother (e.g., being present, more patient), mothers can still strive for intensive motherhood ideals while using cannabis to help with parenting struggles. Within the blog and Instagram posts we analyzed, we noted that that Cannamoms view cannabis use as an important mechanism that allows mothers to fulfill these ideals even as they also try to resist them (e.g., disavowing supermom narratives, encouraging mothers to not put each other down, etc.).
However, this framing of acceptable cannabis use and its use of qualifying terms such as “responsible” and “moderate” could achieve the opposite effect by further stigmatizing those who choose not to conform to these varying, socially constructed, and contingent definitions of “proper” use. Despite the struggle to breakthrough the hegemonic “ideal” motherhood, continuing to circulate these narratives in turn fails to move beyond the level of discourse and address the structural forces that impact mothers (e.g., increased parenting burdens, 68 gender inequities in workplace pay, 69 etc.). Ultimately, CMC, at least in these online spaces, is limited in its capacity to resist intensive motherhood ideals because of its overarching focus on capitalizing on the “momtrepreneur” opportunities of cannabis users. This culture of paying for “idealized” motherhood also inherently excludes lower-class individuals who do not have financial means to buy wellness-focused cannabis products.
Implications for Research, Policy, and Practice
This study has important implications for cannabis-related stigma. We identified in the posts, and thus CMC, almost universal support for mothers’ cannabis use, and women in general as active participants in the cannabis industry. Also evident in the posts was an active recognition of stigma. This finding aligns with previous literature that has reported cannabis stigma persisting despite legalization.23,24 Secondly, the entrenched stigmatization of cannabis use by mothers also continues to have consequences, such as distrust, or unwillingness to discuss cannabis use with physicians, from whom posters identified stigma. This has been reported in both social media outlets and discussed previously in the literature.70-72 As a result, this hesitancy to discuss cannabis use with healthcare professionals contributes to a secondary role in CMC: to provide personal experiential information and support to mothers regarding the use of cannabis. This role of CMC, or social media in general, has also been previously identified.31,32,48 However, a combination of the unregulated nature of social media, the so-called cannabis “experts” of CMC, and the misinformation (or incorrect interpretations of scientific literature) creates a body of content impossible to navigate. Further contributing to this context is the influence of “wellness movements” where concepts, such as “medicine” and “doses,” are applied to cannabis in a self-care rather than medical context 39 or emphasizing the “naturalness” of cannabis. 73
Medical distrust and turning to so-called cannamom “experts” have important health implications. A lack of trust in physicians regarding cannabis has been found to negatively impact physical and mental health-seeking behaviors15,18 and potentially reduce trust in the medical system more broadly, with possible health implications beyond cannabis use. Relatedly, when women, and people in general, access health information in online and social media spaces, where misinformation proliferates, this has implications for myriad health issues beyond cannabis.(e.g.74,75) Future research could explore how healthcare or social service providers can support women, and mothers, in their cannabis use in a non-judgmental way. Finally, future research could include other social media platforms (e.g., Facebook, TikTok) along with studying other time frames or trends over time, as well as direct contact with self-identified Cannamoms to explore their experiences and perspectives directly.
Limitations
This study has several limitations. First, we used a single blog and timeframe for the collection of posts; therefore, the transferability of the data to other points in time may be limited. Second, because the blog and many of the Instagram posts were taken from either a Canadian or American (i.e., State) context where recreational cannabis is legal, the transferability of the findings to other jurisdictions is likely limited. However, the similarity in findings between the Canadian blog and Instagram posts that included American influencers supports a high level of transferability between jurisdictions with similar legalization policies and demonstrates persistent cannabis-related stigma despite legalization in these regions. Third, the Instagram search restrictions around #cannamom could have potentially unevenly censored CMC content and excluded more marginalized voices in the CMC space, although any impact on exclusion or representation would be speculative. As a result, future studies should attempt to reproduce this study if/when these Instagram content bans are lifted.
Conclusion
Among the sample of Cannamom blog and Instagram posts analyzed, we identified that mothers were using these spaces to market cannabis expertise and/or products to other mothers. Online Cannamom spaces were also providing support or respite from cannabis stigma, while seeking to normalize mothers’ use of cannabis and women’s presence in the cannabis industry as a strategy to attempt to address stigma. CMC, similar to WMC, also reproduced intensive motherhood narratives, despite reconstruction of motherhood ideals to accommodate the use of cannabis, requiring mothers to self-regulate and use responsibly. Wellness movements also had a notable presence within CMC, contributing language, as well as building up the perceived naturalness of cannabis. Thus, CMC shared many elements with other, parallel social movements, but utilized these elements in service of marketing that insidiously builds on mothers’ cannabis related stress. What such marketing discourses will always fail to address is the structural impediments that mothers encounter, and which may particularly affect certain mothers, such as those who are racialized, queer, single, at higher weights, living on lower incomes, or otherwise marginalized. While resistance to intensive motherhood is present in Cannamoms messaging, it is limited by its qualifications and its fundamentally neoliberal context.
Footnotes
Ethical Considerations
There are no human participants in this article and informed consent is not required.
Consent to Participate
Not applicable. There are no human participants in this article and informed consent is not required.
Author Contributions
Tanner M. Smith contributed to funding acquisition, data curation, formal analysis, investigation, writing-original draft, and writing - review and editing. Stella Kraft contributed to funding acquisition, data curation, formal analysis, investigation, writing-original draft, and writing - review and editing. Anne Waugh contributed to formal analysis, writing-original draft, and writing- review and editing. Kelly Harding contributed to the project conceptualization, formal analysis, funding acquisition, methodology, validation, writing-original draft and writing- review and editing. Andrea Bombak contributed to the conceptualization, funding acquisition, validation, and writing - review and editing. Natalie Riediger contributed to the conceptualization, data curation, formal analysis, funding acquisition, methodology, project administration, resources, supervision, validation, writing-original draft, and writing- review and editing of this project.
Funding
The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: TS was funded by a Mitacs Globalink Award in 2024, and SK was funded by an Undergraduate Research Award from the University of Manitoba. The study was also partially funded by the Terry G. Falconer Emerging Researcher Rh Award to NR, and an URGP (University Research Grants Program) from the University of Manitoba, also awarded to NR. The funders of this study were not involved in the study design, collection, analysis and interpretation of data, writing the report and submitting the article for publication.
Declaration of conflicting interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Data availability statement
Data is available upon request.