Invisible Masculinities and Psychosexual Identity: Visibility of Thirunambi in Chennai

Abstract

This study explores the lived experiences and psychosexual identity formation of transmasculine individuals in Chennai, with particular attention to the culturally embedded identity category Thirunambi. While transgender scholarship in India has largely centered on transfeminine communities, transmasculine narratives remain comparatively underrepresented. Using qualitative narrative analysis based on semi-structured interviews with transmasculine participants in Chennai, the study examines how linguistic identity, socio-cultural expectations of masculinity, and institutional structures shape their diurnal experiences. The analysis introduces the concept of a “visibility paradox,” wherein transmen may experience relative social invisibility by being perceived as cisgender men, yet simultaneously face exclusion from transgender support structures and policy frameworks. The findings reveal four key dimensions shaping transmasculine life: Linguistic identity formation, negotiation of domestic and social roles, institutional barriers, and the emergence of digital safe spaces. The study contributes to emerging scholarship on trans-masculinity in South Asia and highlights the need for inclusive policy structure that recognize the diversity of transgender experiences.

Introduction

With the advent of transperson rights being discussed and revolutionized across the world, it has gone through an avalanche of changes and discourse in Tamil culture as well, especially in the regional-metropolitan aspects of it. With the proposal of a private bill on transgender rights, Tamil Nadu has been on the forefront on leading the era of respect and esteem for transgenders and it predominantly started with the linguistics dialoguing, a discussion on accepted terminology in a way to be not only politically correct but give dignity and agency to that particular community in a way that one celebrates them and not oppresses them. ¹ This study aims to analyze the impact of linguistic reclamation efforts for transmasculine identities on their everyday lives. This study covers three main aspects: (a) The reclaiming of language, the essential terminology; (b) the perceived function at home, gendered domestication, and its expectations; and (c) the challenges faced by them within institutions, both legal, and medical, not to mention rejection on various other grounds such as employment, dignity in society, and the causes, and pain points of intersectionality.

This study addresses the following research questions:

How do transmasculine individuals in Chennai construct and negotiate their identities within Tamil socio-cultural structures of masculinity?

How does the linguistic identity Thirunambi shape the social recognition and self-perception of transmasculine persons?

In what ways does the “visibility paradox” influence access to resources, institutional recognition, and community belonging among transmen?

Literature Review

The theory of gender performativity provides an important conceptual foundation for understanding transgender identities. Judith Butler argues that gender is not an innate or stable identity but is produced through repeated social performances that align with culturally sanctioned norms of masculinity and femininity. ² Within this framework, transmasculine identities challenge the presumed naturalness of binary gender roles by revealing how masculinity itself is socially constructed and enacted. In the context of Tamil society, where masculine identity is often tied to cultural ideals of the “Tamil man,” transmasculine individuals both inhabit and reconfigure these performances of masculinity. ³ Raewyn Connell’s concept of hegemonic masculinity further illuminates the social hierarchies embedded within gender systems. Connell argues that societies privilege certain forms of masculinity that reinforce male dominance and marginalize alternative masculinities. ⁴ Transmasculine individuals often navigate complex relationships with hegemonic masculinity, simultaneously seeking recognition as men while confronting structural exclusion from dominant male institutions. Scholarship on transgender politics in India has increasingly highlighted the diversity of transgender experiences beyond the widely studied Hijra community. Aniruddha Dutta emphasizes the importance of recognizing localized gender identities and regional terminologies that shape transgender subjectivities in South Asia. ⁵ In this regard, the Tamil term Thirunambi represents a culturally embedded articulation of transmasculine identity that reflects both linguistic reclamation and social negotiation. In Tamil Nadu, transgender activism has historically centered around Thirunangai (transfeminine identities), particularly within the Hijra community. However, emerging scholarship and community advocacy have begun to draw attention to transmasculine experiences, which remain comparatively invisible within public discourse and policy structures.

Methodology

The study employed a narrative analysis framework, drawing on phenomenological and ethnomethodological traditions to foreground the transmasculine lived experience in Chennai. Rooted in the interpretive paradigm, it unraveled participants’ subjective stories as co-constructed knowledge, illuminating the visibility paradox and negotiation of the Tamil masculinity. ⁶ Primary data emerged from semi-structured interviews with 12 self-identified transman in Chennai, aged 22–45, recruited through purposive and snowball sampling. Their occupation included self-employed, business, and salaried.

The questionnaires used for the basis of this research were of an unstructured format, mostly consisting of four key sections. The foundation of data collection was an interview style with in-depth interaction recorded with each interview of individuals in the non-governmental organization (NGO), lasting between 30 and 45 minutes, approximately, also dependent on the availability of the participant and willingness to answer the questions asked. In accordance with the ethics codes, the name of the NGO is confidential. Since the interviews were conducted at the NGO, we initially informed the participants of the researcher’s availability and the best time an interview could be held, wherein the researcher met with participants in a private space in the NGO premises and spoke to them to ensure the confidentiality of the participants. The participants were briefed on the purpose of the study beforehand in detail, and before the in-depth interview, both written and oral consent (recording) was obtained from them. The written form also contained the consent details on how the data will be used solely for academia, and identities will be kept confidential, and withdrawal from the study can be procured anytime for any specific reason.

Secondary data included Tamil literature, policy documents, media representations, and case laws. This sample design limits generalizability to rural Tamil Nadu, as self-selection may amplify resilient voices over those in extreme marginalization. However, this reflexive methodology centers transmasculine agency, transforming personal testimonials into a socio-cultural critique. This study begins with the breakdown of linguistics, the gradual rejection of curse words to refer to transmen, and the gradual dignity attained in terminology by the usage of Thirunambi, a revolutionary step toward their acceptance in society. This study employs a qualitative research design grounded in narrative analysis to explore the lived experiences of transmasculine individuals in Chennai. Narrative methods are particularly suited to examining identity formation, as they allow participants to articulate their personal experiences and social realities in their own voices. The concept of the “visibility paradox” emerged inductively during the analysis of participant narratives. ⁷ Several interviewees described experiences of relative social invisibility when perceived as cisgender men, which simultaneously afforded social safety while limiting access to transgender-specific resources and community networks.

Findings: Linguistic Identity of Thirunambi

Tamil Nadu has been at the forefront of leading the era of respect and esteem for transpersons, and it predominantly started with the linguistic dialogue, a discussion on accepted terminology in a way that is not only politically correct but also gives dignity and agency to that particular community in a way that celebrates them and not oppresses them. The literature on transgender have been diverse in the Tamil culture as well as severely polarized, with parallel schools of thought put across in several works, one is accepting of transwoman as something divine, to be revered, as well as perceptions of transmen as abnormal due to form and appearance. ⁸ Predominantly, these works have defined the Sangam era, wherein Tamil literary works defined what it means to be a Tamil man, a male of the region with pre-defined traits such as bravery, physical strength, confrontation through muscle, and notions of female protectiveness, a provider for the family. ⁹ Historically, masculinity has been associated with being primal to a certain degree. Superiority, physical fortitude, have mostly been associated with masculinity, while traits considered predominantly feminine, such as emotional, softer disposition, have been considered shameful for a male to behold. Scholars have mentioned across many years that transfeminine characteristics were called on pejorative terms such as pottai (a slur for “effeminate” or “weak”). ¹⁰ It should be noted that pottai was also a term used to describe young, timid girls. One has to note here that various schools of feminism as well have a closer connection to transfeminine individuals since both in appearance and self-identity consider themselves as women. Transmasculine individuals are, however, lost in that discourse and do not themselves have the support of masculine counterparts, that is, the support of cisgender men, as the latter are more likely impacted by transphobia conditioning by society. Transmasculine persons are more likely to be left with no support systems at all, as cisgender men do not understand their ideology of self, and the former’s families refuse to consider them as the ideal man in the house. Women, whether they are born women or identify themselves, are at some point considered a weaker sex by a society marred by traditional gender constructs, and since transmen are born as women, they are not provided the powers to transition to the masculine role, unlike transwomen, for whom transition into the gender role of women might be slightly easier. ¹¹ The modern narrative, however, has seen changes in Chennai with the major shift toward terminology: The adoption of the term Thriunami, as in Thiru meaning divine or noble, and Nambi meaning man. This is parallelly derived with similarity to the transwoman being called Thirunangai. Thirunambi invokes masculine dignity and autonomy, although predominantly the community is subjected to secondary erasure due to the visibility of transwomen as opposed to transmen. ¹² A 29-year-old information technology (IT) support technician noted, “Growing up in an urban household, my family members called me pottai behind closed doors, even if I fix the vehicle and other such gender-assigned tasks. When I was identified as Thirunambi by my friends, I felt as though I had reclaimed my Tamil roots, not some foreign label.” He further added that transmen mostly pass off as cisgender men in cross-dressing and are able to skip oppression more than transwomen, who are subjected to severe oppression because of their appearance.

Masculinity Negotiating in Tamil Society

Originally, the script of what a Tamil man should be has been proven an obstacle for transmen, while the concept in itself is contradictory in its own ways, calling for one to be strong while expecting care when it comes to family. The notion of Tamil man in Chennai is an everyday journey, a harsh one at that, for transmen to navigate while also expecting to perform various roles during various scenarios.

Domestic Roles and Diurnal Experiences

A role that is paramount in a cosmopolitan city with nuclear families, the head of the household, similar to the patriarch of bigger families, plays the key role in decision making for both the household and is the representation of the family to the outside world, to society. “I live with my family, with my parents, in a nuclear flat in Chennai. I have to do all the household work as the breadwinner who pays the equated monthly instalment (EMI). I have faced a few faltering job interviews when human resources (HR) spots my pre-transition photos on old profiles. ¹³ With god’s grace, I am earning enough for my flat.” Notes a 30-year-old accountant. The Tamil man, head of the house, is defined by his ability to earn and provide. Dialoguing from transmasculine individuals have time and again been vocal about their challenge in finding “employment,” especially as testament to their manhood to their families and skeptics. Transmen also do not have the luxury to play the patriarchal role freely. In a very binary society where gender construct is polarized at only manly or womanly, transmen’s decisions can be viewed as stemming from a feminine side and undermined.

Institutional Barriers and Socioeconomic Challenges

The dichotomy of contradiction is obvious here, when the definition of “wholesome masculinity” (defined by care and respect) and the societal construct of “toxic masculinity” (addressed by aggression and dominance) clash within oneself, and one is lost in the notions of which expectation to deliver. Transmen are commonly physically not as brawny as their cisgender male counterparts. ¹⁴ The very fact that they are trans has also limited their mental health strength, physically and emotionally, not always capable of handling the myriad confrontations that come with going through the trans-life experience.

Digital Spaces and Community Formation

Transmen are often homebound due to the family stigma of them being treated as female or with feminine chores of laundry, cooking, and cleaning. This is dissimilar to transwomen who are most likely expelled from home due to their appearance and what is considered disgrace to the family to have a man turned to woman or the gender perceived notions that change entails. Families may allow transmen to dress like men, but there is some sort of cognitive dissonance when it comes to their identity, wherein the appearance is acknowledged but denied when it comes to function. ¹⁵ For families that are still conservative, even if one was to accept transmen as not the traditional women they may still be subjected to treatment of women and forced in some ways to carry out what is considered a woman’s gendered role in the household, that of a caretaker, cooking and nurturing alone while discounting other potentials such as going to work to earn or any physical strength involved work normally done by cis-gender men. A 25-year-old student noted: “I wear kurthas and bind my chest. I flex toughness at college debates, but panic attacks hit when people probe my soft voice and gendered outfit. Chennai girls rock pants now, so my style blends in until I am demanded to marry a woman to normalize.” ¹⁶ One has to note that families that may support a transman (born woman) to dress like a man, which may not seem too out of the ordinary in a cosmopolitan city such as Chennai, where cisgender women do wear pants, trousers, and shirts (traditionally considered men’s wear), the next step of accepting sexuality is out of question. Transmen have also had to face discrimination in their peer circles, wherein they are considered cisgender women who dress like a man simply because they are making a pseudo statement about lesbianism, a commonly misguided stereotype. ¹⁷

Institutional Barriers and Body Autonomy

In a state such as Tamil Nadu and its capital of Chennai, while there is revolutionary progress when it comes to access to standards of life for transpersons and, in extension, transmen, there is equally transphobia prevalent that forms harsh gatekeeping in accessing their basic needs, necessities, and rights over the years. ¹⁸ This gatekeeping stems from zero to minimal representation and exposure in the first place. While there is plenty of dialogue and discourse on gender rights, roles of men and women, and cisgender understanding, there are not a lot of studies and materials in understanding the nuances of being trans persons, particularly transmen. While transperson representation has increased multi-fold over the last couple of decades, there is even less discourse on the sub-sect of transmen and the nuances of being one. A 28-year-old musician stated, “What kind of access do we need? What rights are our priority? While representation was being questioned and the minority was lost in discourse, transphobia has many avenues to seep in, and denial of access/rights became common.” ¹⁹ Body autonomy is as doubtful as the construct of gender itself. To understand why transmen’s rights are denied, one has to understand that the social construct of gender in itself is quite limiting. The role of masculine and feminine characteristics is pre-defined traditionally, and these conservative, outdated views of what makes gender not only traditionally limit cisgender women but, in extension, their transgender peers as well. Trans women may be treated as women and subjected to oppression that cisgender women go through, such as sexual abuse, denial of basic rights, and curbing freedom of choice. ²⁰ When it comes to transmen, they are wholly rejected as male counterparts and are still treated on the plane of cisgender women and thereby subject to the same abuse, rights denial, and basic freedom to be how they want to be.

Challenges: Healthcare Access

The predominant care when it comes to the health of transpersons, extended to transmen, is reproductive and sexual healthcare access, especially in the spectrum of HIV, among other diseases. While the HIV prevention and control have been a priority for transmen, the understanding of transmen’s bodies and their sexual autonomy has also faced severe obstruction. Three key elements that brought about change was the National Legal Services Authority (NALSA) judgment (2014), ²¹ Transgender Persons Protection of Rights Act (2019), ²² as well as landmark judgments by the Madras High Court, reaffirming human rights of the transgender community combined with a progressive government outlook, and modern social, and cultural acceptance toward transgender community, supported by social justice, and self-respect movements made way for clinics to be established. ²³ With the adoption of Transgender Persons Protection of Rights Act 2019, the state of Tamil Nadu had come up with “Gender Guidance Clinics” as a way to offer gender-affirming treatments, support, hormonal routines, and counseling, yet transmen have admitted that accessing the same has been difficult as well. ²⁴ While transwomen are openly visible as women in appearances, transmen are often questioned, ridiculed, and even molested in the name of healthcare checks. During the research, it was discovered that Chennai is miles ahead in transgender healthcare access in India. It is also to be noted that most transmen felt humiliated and subjected to transphobia by doctors as well. Transmen have reported several invasive procedures in the guise of “protocol” by doctors and unnecessary physical exams. Insensitive attitudes, incomplete knowledge, and the inability to afford proper health care have led to transmen feeling discriminated against and, oftentimes, without basic medical support pertaining to their unique problems and bodies. ²⁵

Legal Documentation

The rights of an individual, of identity, start first with legal documentation of said individual, to give oneself the dignity of the very identity one is. The foremost challenge that trans persons have in the case of legally documenting themselves is first education. Most transpersons have not studied too much to even understand how the legal process of documentation works, and second, most transpersons are rejected/expelled from their unaccepting family, more often than not leaving them without birth certificates, ²⁶ school certificates, and whatever identity cards that were previously availed to them by their parents or family. The literacy rate of transpersons is almost one-third of the literate population, and the downside is that even if there was family support, the slightest inclination that a young student is trans-identified, most schools and academic institutions shun them and expel them, a rejection that stems from transphobia. Left with no social support, friends, and mentors, most trans persons are left out of education, thereby making understanding legal rights available to them a far-fetched dream. However, assuming that a trans person is going through a legal documentation journey, fully understanding the procedure, the process in itself is very limiting. Understanding a digital process and the use of a computer might prove to be a challenge in a city such as Chennai. The transmen narrative also shows that 91% of transmasculine individuals struggle with bad experiences when updating their identity, more often than not battling to explain to government officials how their identity works. Many government officers are still unaware of transmasculine discourse due to a lack of representation and are not fully sensitized to working with the same. Oftentimes, transmen may be helped by NGOs or humanitarian organizations to fill out their government forms, but what about the number of people who do not have access to that help? Transmasculine people require additional support to fill forms, especially since they are likely to change their name and gender to what they identify themselves with. The National Transgender Portal indicates that applications should be approved in 30 days from the day of receipt, many transpeople have reported unexpected delays and long waiting periods. Also, there are chances that, unlike transwomen who can be perceived so by their appearance, transmen cannot be, and thus, with a minor possibility that their application is rejected altogether. The Trans Act prohibits physical checks as a means to confirm the identity of a transperson as yet, officials may at times discriminate against them with unwarranted checks. The Supreme Court of India in April 2014 had mentioned that surgery or hormone therapy documentation is not necessary to show as proof to have legal recognition of gender change. Self-identification would be fine, after which there is a gender change affidavit, notarized by a magistrate, followed by a gazette announcement. ²⁷ Despite the Trans Act being in place, the Ministry of External Affairs requires verification for passports of transpersons when it comes to a change of gender markers, meaning they are required to go through a medical examination by a government doctor or civil surgeon. Those who apply for passports for the first time can choose to self-declare themselves as a third gender. As of 2017, transmen are required to have a doctor declare them as phenotypically a man based on surgery on the top half of their body. While there have been instances wherein passport officers have declined passports in some cases where no phalloplasty or metoidioplasty has been performed on the individual. The additional challenge faced by transmen is that most officials mandate them to update their documentation on the Thirunangai app, a process separate from the National Transgender Portal. ²⁸ This could possibly create a mismatch in data, having to enter details twice in two different platforms. The app also allows them to identify as a third gender category to those who are intersex, yet this subsumes under the transgender umbrella and does not really provide for their needs or rights. There is also room for error when it comes to consensus of collecting data for transpeople, since several participants in this study reported choosing not to participate for documentation in the first place due to the long process. The Hindu Succession Act has also recently been amended to include transperson and even claim of inheritance cannot be made without following documentation in National Transgender Portal and the Thirunangai app not to mention updating all educational documents and government IDs such as Aadhar, Voter ID, Driving License, PAN card, and more, with all these challenges most likely transmasculine ²⁹ individuals opt for no documentation change and continue to live without a validation of their self-identity.

Employment and Discussions

Participants’ narratives also highlighted how caste and class intersect with transmasculine identity. Individuals from economically marginalized backgrounds often reported greater vulnerability in employment and housing, while caste hierarchies further shaped access to social support networks. These findings align with intersectional gender frameworks that emphasize how gender identity interacts with other axes of social stratification. As seen before, the wholesome masculinity attached to a Tamil man predominantly rests on his will and capability to provide for his family. Employment and dignity of labor have been one of the biggest challenges for transpeople, extended to transmen. While most organizations downright refuse to hire trans persons and are openly discriminated against, companies that are open to hiring are not completely equipped to accommodate the needs of a transperson employee within their offices. While Transgender Persons Act of 2019 states that discrimination against the employment of transpeople will be penalized, it does not plan for affirmative actions toward employment, such as reservations in jobs or for education. Although reservations were once more agreed upon by states because of the NALSA 2014 judgment, Tamil Nadu is yet to fully implement the same, unlike states such as Karnataka, which has already done so. The challenges of some human resources policies also pose a problem to some transmasculine individuals. There is a cycle of economic marginalization, since even though many of them hold valid degrees and sometimes are even highly educated with doctorates and more, the unemployment rate remains a steep 87%. Government institutions alike, medical and academic institutions still subtly discriminate against trans workers even in the off chance that they are employed and frequently pushed to a point where they are cornered to resign. With no dignity of labor, most transwomen are left to either beg in the streets or do sex work; here, too, transmasculine individuals are left with the dilemma of being unable to do both. Transmen also have additional challenges if they do not opt for surgeries that indicate physical traits of being a man; they are still looked at as women and, in this case, subject to discrimination at work, pay inequality which all women face, issues when it comes to public spaces given the questioning glances and other issues and concerns in using restrooms at office spaces. Even the latest Indian sanitation policy introduced under the campaign of Swachh Bharat has overlooked the inclusion of transperson concerns and social discrimination faced by third gender cases. ³⁰ Appearance also plays a huge role in bias that limits washrooms for gender non-conforming persons. One has to keep in mind that while transmen identify themselves as such and perceive themselves as men, menstruation, or mammary gland growth can still impact them and traumatically. Organizations have to be equipped to handle the concerns that come with transition, especially if transmen are choosing not to medically-physically change their bodies as well. In contrast to transfeminine communities in Tamil Nadu, particularly the Hijra community, which has gained visibility through activism and legal recognition, transmasculine individuals remain comparatively underrepresented in both policy discourse and public awareness. This asymmetry in visibility contributes to the paradoxical position of transmen who may be socially invisible as transgender individuals, yet excluded from community resources.

The Digital and Grassroots Safe Spaces

1. While the Hijra community has the privilege of having jamaat systems, the physical spaces for transmasculine people are fewer, and their narrative of Chennai life standards are increasingly digital. While transwomen’s visibility has been prevalent for many number of years, transmen have faced erasure under the larger trans umbrella, and as they may be transitioning to men from women, they are still subject to heavy sexual abuse that most women face in a country such as India. Especially if they are choosing not to go for invasive surgery, they are most likely still to be treated as women when it comes to rights and choosing a life partner as well. While Tamil Nadu Transgender Welfare Board has carved a niche for itself, the broader term of transgender has cannibalized the specific and special concerns of transmen, ignoring their unique problems, and those that come if they opt not to show in appearance.

2. Now online collectives such as groups on Telegram and WhatsApp serve as the “new pial” (traditional Tamil porch) where trans men discuss hormone-replacement therapy and legal rights. Left with no exposure and very little representation, transmen rely on social media and mass media platforms to voice their concerns and resolve their issues. Telegram groups and WhatsApp chat groups have served as a stage for transmen to open up and work on their problems. A movement that started in countries with oppressive governments, for example, Russia, these social media groups have sprouted as a refuge for trans persons to speak freely, exchange ideas, and come together with others like them. Tamil Nadu has introduced policies that provide concessions for free or discounted sex reassignment surgeries or sex reassignment surgery (SRS), but does not broaden concern on hormonal therapies to those who are not interested in surgeries but prefer a more gradual process. Pride marches, queer circles, and more on Facebook and Instagram, too, have given a sense of community for trans men to create discourse.

3. Local NGOs: Organizations such as Solidarity and Action Against The HIV Infection in India (SAATHII) and the Transgender Welfare Equity and Empowerment Trust (TWEET) Foundation have become pivotal in shifting the narrative from “medical pathology” to “human rights.” ³¹ NGOs and support associations try to understand and analyze the needs of transgender persons and, in extension, transmasculine individuals, their self-identity issues, guidance with documentation, employment, and many other requirements. The need of the hour is NGOs that shift the priority from appearance to body autonomy, to rights for those who are opting not to fit the gender construct in physical appearances. Especially rights for transmen who are focused on basic dignity of life, labor, and legal rights without having to look a certain way, find themselves at the cusp of being ignored if not for specific associations looking into their unique problems and guiding them on the same. These NGOs are also tasked with education and guiding transmen on how to handle continued menstruation, most likely irregular periods, body changes, puberty that they are most likely not prepared for, understanding their sexuality, and educating them on their basic legal rights and other healthcare access available to them. ³² The findings of this study suggest several policy implications. First, transgender welfare programs in India often focus primarily on transfeminine communities, overlooking the needs of transmasculine individuals. Policymakers should consider more inclusive frameworks that address the diverse experiences of transgender populations. Second, healthcare providers require greater training on transmasculine health issues, including gender-affirming care and mental health support.

Conclusion: Wholesome Masculinity

Through this study, we explored wholesome masculinity and the notion of a “Tamil man” and the perceived contradictions that are expected of them. While this in itself is a setup to failure, gender construct in the social sense is increasingly molded and redefined in the current age; trans individuality and self-respect as well are increasing multi-fold by them being vocal and creating representation for themselves and demanding exposure. Only a small percentage of the population identifies as transgender, and an even smaller portion of that as transmen. Chennai’s transmasculine community is rejecting the previous rigid expectation of a family man with traditional values and pioneering a version of masculinity that prioritizes empathy, vulnerability, and communal support. Transmen are no longer eradicated under the larger third gender wing but are actively creating social visibility for themselves. What was previously considered acceptable for cisgender females to do is reexamined via the transmasculine person’s lens, and gender is looked at with a fresher lens on what is feminine and masculine in the first place. Starting from identification, a sense of dignity by identity, dignity of labor, and dignity of representation, and livelihood, a career, and thereby attaining rights, and judicial change, the transmasculine community is rejecting the aggressive tropes already present in society and breaking down stereotypes and pre-conceived notions that show them in a negative light. This study contributes to emerging scholarship on trans-masculinity in South Asia by foregrounding the experiences of transmen in Chennai and examining the culturally embedded identity category of Thirunambi. By introducing the concept of the “visibility paradox,” the research highlights the complex dynamics through which transmasculine individuals navigate recognition, invisibility, and social belonging. Future research should expand comparative studies across different regions of India to better understand how local cultural frameworks shape transgender identities.