Abstract
This study examines how journalists in the Ghanaian media use datasets, visualization tools, and interactive graphics to strengthen democratic accountability. Using Actor–Network Theory as a guiding framework, we trace how both human and non-human actors come together to shape data journalism. Through in-depth interviews with practitioners, three themes emerged: recognition of the value of data-driven stories, uneven professional adaptation in newsrooms, and persistent barriers to data journalism uptake. Participants described data journalism as a catalyst for trust that enables audiences to compare government claims with verifiable data. They also recount the slow pace of uptake, noting that incomplete open-data infrastructure, limited statistical fluency, and tight budgets of newsrooms often reduce data projects. Drawing on both global and African scholarship, we critically appraised these findings within broader debates about media innovation, transparency, and techno-economic gaps. To make data journalism a regular part of news production in Ghana, we recommend expanding training programs that are tailored to local contexts and open-data policies that ensure timely access to public information. We also suggest integrating data practices into both journalism education and everyday newsroom culture.
Introduction
In contemporary journalism, data journalism has gained global traction for its ability to enhance objectivity, deepen audience engagement, and strengthen investigative reporting (Chiumbu & Munoriyarwa, 2023; Coddington, 2015; Serwonoo et al., 2024). Unlike traditional journalism, which often relies on narrative accounts, interviews, and observations, data journalism uses numerical evidence and visualization to uncover hidden patterns and present complex information in accessible ways. As Motsaathebe et al. (2025) explain, data journalism involves “telling stories with numbers or using visualization techniques to enhance storytelling, transparency, and the credibility of stories” (p. 2).
In the United States, organizations like ProPublica and Stanford’s Big Local News initiative collaborate with local and national newsrooms to scrutinize datasets tied to housing, health, education, and criminal justice (International Journalists’ Network, 2019). In Europe, Germany’s investigative teams at Bayerischer Rundfunk and Der Spiegel conducted a large-scale automated audit of discrimination in the housing market by sending over 20,000 rental applications to test bias. In Asia, Taiwanese outlets, for example, employed interactive infographics and maps to analyze parliamentary funding and election results (International Journalists’ Network, 2019). These global examples illustrate how data journalism is thriving across continents. They reinforce that accountability and transparency through data are not confined to one region but form part of a broader and globally shared journalistic evolution.
In Africa, data journalism holds the promise of revitalizing the core mission of journalism, particularly as the region grapples with widespread corruption (Mutsvairo, 2019), diminishing public confidence in the media (Chibuwe et al., 2022; Danso, 2025), and an increasing demand for media that prioritize the public interest (Chibuwe et al., 2022). However, scholars such as L. Moyo (2019), Mutsvairo et al. (2020), and Muneri (2019) argue that the adoption of data journalism in Africa has been sluggish and remains largely underutilized. The slow adoption of data journalism can be attributed to various factors, including lack of necessary skills among journalists (Munoriyarwa, 2022), challenges in acquiring technology within newsrooms (Mutsvairo, 2019), and the inadequate preparedness of journalists (Gondwe & White, 2022).
Research on data journalism is gradually expanding in Africa, especially in South Africa (Moyo, 2020; Munoriyarwa, 2022), Zimbabwe (Muneri, 2019; Munoriyarwa & Chiumbu, 2024), Zambia (Gondwe & White, 2022), Botswana, and Namibia (Motsaathebe et al., 2025). Munoriyarwa (2022) examined the adoption of data journalism in business news reporting in South Africa. The study revealed a gradual increase in data-driven reporting practices, though journalists expressed concerns about their own professional competencies. The study further argues that data-driven news practices have disrupted the traditional and structured routines of news production by empowering non-elite sources, encouraging newsroom collaborations, and enhancing newsroom autonomy. Similarly, Gondwe and White (2022) explored journalists’ perceptions of data journalism in Zambia and Tanzania. The study revealed that journalists are inadequately prepared for the practice due to their perceptions of data journalism and the lack of necessary resources. This is largely due to the absence of advanced computer-assisted reporting tools and a decline in proficiency with advanced quantitative methods. Additionally, the findings suggest that female journalists exhibited greater skepticism toward the practice of data journalism.
Despite a growing body of research on data journalism across various African countries, there remains a notable gap in scholarship when it comes to Ghana. No empirical study has yet examined how Ghanaian media institutions and journalists are embracing or responding to the practice of data journalism. This lack of evidence makes it difficult to identify the specific enablers and obstacles within the local media system. This study responds to that gap by critically exploring the uptake of data journalism across Ghanaian newsrooms. Specifically, our study is guided by three key research questions: (1) What opportunities does data journalism present in the Ghanaian media? (2) How have journalists in the Ghanaian media adapted to the use of data in storytelling? (3) What are the main challenges faced by journalists in implementing data journalism in the Ghanaian media?
Overview of the Ghanaian Media
Ghana’s media environment is one of the most vibrant and diverse in Africa, playing an important role in democratic governance, public accountability, and socio-economic development (Yeboah-Banin & Adjin-Tettey, 2023). Over the years, Ghana has witnessed significant growth in media freedom, plurality, and technological transformation, making it a key player in the West African media space. The 2024 Reporters Without Borders analysis ranks Ghana among the top 10 African countries recognized for making significant progress in promoting journalistic freedom, transparency, and the safety of media professionals. Adams et al. (2023) highlight that Ghana’s media sector has evolved significantly from its colonial-era press system to a more liberalized and dynamic media industry. The 1992 Constitution guarantees press freedom and has contributed to the rapid expansion of print, broadcast, and digital media. The repeal of the Criminal Libel Law in 2001 further strengthened journalistic independence, allowing for more critical reporting and investigative journalism (Acheampong, 2017; Owusu, 2012).
Ghana’s transition to democracy in 1992 began with a modest media environment, consisting of a single national broadcaster that provided both television and radio services, along with predominantly state-owned newspapers (National Communications Authority, 2020). Today, the media industry has expanded significantly, hosting over 500 active radio stations, more than 121 television stations, and hundreds of newspapers and magazines, the majority of which are privately owned (National Communications Authority, 2023). With increased internet penetration and mobile phone usage, digital media has also become an essential part of Ghana’s media space (DataReportal, 2023).
Data Journalism Uptake in the Media: A Literature Review
The rise of data journalism and its integration into African newsrooms has strengthened key journalistic practices, particularly investigative reporting. Driven by the expansion of big data (Hammond, 2017), data journalism has evolved from a niche field to a widely recognized and institutionalized practice (Bounegru & Gray, 2021). Journalists and news organizations view it as a means to enhance journalism’s accuracy, credibility, and systematic approach, offering a rare opportunity for growth in an industry facing economic challenges (Zamith, 2019). Felle (2016) emphasizes its role in promoting accountability through data-driven reporting. Motsaathebe et al. (2025) examined newsroom engagement with data journalism in Botswana and Namibia, revealing that journalists now effectively interpret vast datasets, a development previously uncommon in African journalism. Additionally, the adoption of techniques such as data scraping, open data sourcing, and visual data analysis has significantly improved the quality of investigative journalism on the continent. These discussions echo the view of Kosterich and Weber (2019), who contend that “the rapid growth in popularity of data journalism is shaping traditional newsrooms’ culture and workforce” (p. 76).
Havely and McGregor (2012) argue that data journalism is rapidly evolving into a fundamental practice in modern newsrooms, significantly reshaping how journalists collect, analyze, and interpret news in the digital age. Expanding on this discussion, Trinidad (2020) highlights that at a macro level, data journalism has fostered ongoing collaboration and information exchange among journalists and news organizations. Larrondo-Ureta and Ferreras-Rodríguez (2021) point to major transnational investigations such as Football Leaks, Migrant Files, Lava Jato, Medicamentalia, NarcoData, and the Panama Papers as key examples of data journalism-driven collaborations. Cueva Chacón and Saldaña (2023) argue that such partnerships have strengthened investigative journalism by helping organizations overcome challenges like limited funding and insufficient investigative tools. Additionally, these collaborations have expanded data journalism’s reach, ensuring its findings impact a broader audience.
Through a systematic literature review, de-Lima-Santos (2024) investigated the entanglement between data journalism, collaboration, and business models. Consistent with the above discussions, de-Lima-Santos noted that from the perspective of practitioners, facilitating the production of data journalism in the newsroom is seen as expensive. Scholars such as Fink and Anderson (2015) and Zhang and Chen (2022) also hold similar sentiments, arguing that adoption of data journalism in the newsroom is difficult due to inter-institution-level factors such as time, technological tools, manpower, and legal resources.
Data Journalism Research in Africa
Studies on data journalism in Africa suggest that access to reliable, machine-readable public data, newsroom budgets and infrastructure, and the political control of information often determine the extent to which journalists can use public data (Chiumbu & Munoriyarwa, 2023; Motsaathebe et al., 2025; Munoriyarwa, 2023). Studies from West Africa suggest that, even when data journalism does occur, it is often oriented toward accountability and investigative reporting rather than routine beat reporting (Elega et al., 2024). Furthermore, its reach remains limited by unstable funding, precarious jobs, and uneven editorial support. Recent reviews and mapping studies also caution that data quality, collaboration practices, and viable business models remain weak in many African countries (de-Lima-Santos & Mesquita, 2023; Fleerackers et al., 2025; Papageorgiou et al., 2023). This limits the adoption of data journalism in Africa and sets the continent’s experience apart from the largely technique-focused accounts that dominate the literature in the Global North (Fleerackers et al., 2025). However, given that this body of work is still limited and geographically selective, we undertake this Ghana-centered empirical study to investigate whether the access, political economy, and newsroom infrastructure patterns identified in earlier works hold in a media system with relatively strong press freedom and distinct digital access patterns.
Theoretical Grounding
This study on the uptake of data journalism in the Ghanaian media draws on Actor-Network Theory (ANT), a sociotechnical framework primarily developed by Bruno Latour, Michel Callon, and John Law. ANT enables an understanding of how data journalism emerges through interactions between human and nonhuman actors. It resists reducing agency to individual journalists and instead considers how datasets, digital tools, funding agencies, policies, and infrastructural conditions collectively shape journalistic practice (Wiard, 2019).
The core arguments of the theory are that the world is composed of assemblages (also known as actors, actants, and actor-networks), which provide causal explanations on how and why events occur (Latour, 1986, 2005). With this in mind, ANT encourages researchers to consider material objects and not just human, social, or cultural factors as contributory causes of social events. Latour (2005) argues that researchers must “follow the actors” (p. 68), or follow “associations” (Latour et al., 2012, p. 591), which serve as the connections that make up these assemblages (Elder-Vass, 2015). Further, Latour (2005) encourages researchers to look deeper into societal influences that are attributed to larger social powers in his argument that “the idea of a society is in the hands of later-day ‘social explainers,’ like a big container ship which no inspector is permitted to board and which allows social scientists to smuggle goods across national borders without having to submit to public inspection” (p. 68). This position directs us to pay attention to the black-boxing of certain practices and technologies, where tools or standards become so normalized that their internal workings are no longer questioned (Stalph, 2019).
When we place these assertions in the context of newsroom innovations, they point towards the different actors and actants responsible for the development of emerging journalism practices, such as data journalism, within certain social contexts. As Latour (2005) writes, “Anything that does modify a state of affairs by making a difference is an actor” (p. 71). This means that even poorly maintained government data portals, which some data journalists rely on, are actors in the network as it shapes what is possible, which stories are told, how reliable the numbers are, and what kinds of journalistic workflows are viable. In this regard, we indicate that the Ghanaian data journalism culture is shaped not only by the availability of digital tools but by the material realities and institutional legacies that determine how those tools are adopted, resisted, or reshaped.
As De Maeyer (2016) notes, ANT is useful because it allows us to understand that data journalism is a dynamic practice in constant negotiation, mediated by the availability of data, the compatibility of software, and the alignment or misalignment of institutional goals. For instance, donor-funded initiatives, such as those led by Code for Africa or DW Akademie, often attempt to introduce new tools, training modules, and conceptual frames into Ghanaian newsrooms, carrying with them implicit assumptions about what journalism should be: investigative, data-driven, or civic-minded. However, they enter into environments where newsrooms are underfunded, understaffed, and frequently beholden to political or commercial interests. In many cases, journalists attend these workshops but lack the time, resources, or editorial support to apply what they’ve learned. The tools may be available, but the network needed to sustain their use is absent or incomplete. Aligned with the theory’s call for research to interrogate a social system’s internal workings, Stalph (2019) warns that black-boxing, particularly in data journalism, can translate data providers’ interests into journalistic products without adequate scrutiny, thereby reifying power structures under the guise of transparency. The journalist, in this case, may become a relay in a longer chain of translation and amplification. In the end, the theory offers a sensibility and invites us to trace the associations, follow the mediators, and watch how actors align, resist, or mutate through their encounters with others.
Materials and Methods
Research Approach
This study employed the qualitative research approach to explore data journalism uptake in the Ghanaian media. According to Creswell (2017), qualitative research is ideal for exploring a phenomenon with limited research because it allows for an in-depth understanding of participants’ perspectives. Given that data journalism is relatively new in Ghana, qualitative research provides the flexibility to explore emergent themes that structured methods may overlook (Silverman, 2020). Moreover, this approach aligns with the interpretivist paradigm that seeks to understand human behavior in context (Pervin & Mokhtar, 2022). In examining newsroom practices, skills gaps, and technological readiness, qualitative inquiry facilitates rich and contextualized findings that quantitative surveys alone cannot yield. Hence, qualitative research is most suitable for uncovering the complex realities surrounding data journalism uptake in Ghana’s diverse media landscape.
Data Collection and Purposive Selection of Participants
This study used in-depth interviews as the primary method to explore the opportunities, professional adaptations, and challenges related to the uptake of data journalism in the Ghanaian media. Researchers find in-depth interviews to be well-suited for the probe of participants’ attitudes, values, and beliefs (Osborne & Grant-Smith, 2021). Participants were selected using purposive sampling, targeting individuals who have been involved in data journalism in Ghana and also have the potential to offer insightful perspectives on the subject matter.Omona (2013) contends that in qualitative research, purposive sampling is the prevailing method in selecting study participants.
A total of 23 participants, comprising journalists, editors, data journalists, investigative journalists, news producers, and other media professionals working in both the broadcast and print media organizations, were interviewed in March 2025. The researchers settled on the sample size based on Hagaman and Wutich’s (2017) suggestion that qualitative research involving interviews generally needs between 20 and 40 participants to achieve data saturation. Table 1 presents the demographics of the participants. The inclusion of participants from both broadcast and print sectors is to provide a well-rounded understanding of how data journalism is being practiced across different forms of media. The choice to focus on journalists with at least 5 years of experience was deliberate, as it ensures that participants possess a sufficient level of professional expertise and are capable of providing informed and reflective responses on the changes in the media industry over time. The principles of the ANT informed the development of the interview guide. We designed the questions considering both human (Ghanaian journalists) and non-human elements (data tools, equipment, and programs) as co-actors. The interview questions were designed to capture participants’ descriptions of the tools and data sources they rely on, the breakdowns, challenges, and controversies they encounter. Also, it focused on the effectiveness of funders and training programs in supporting data journalism, and the influence of government agencies and policies on their daily work. Our selection of experienced journalists equally served an ANT purpose, as we sought ideas from participants who could articulate the heterogeneous relations (technical, institutional, financial, and legal) that stabilize or destabilize data-journalism practices in Ghana. The interviews were conducted in person, and each session lasted approximately 40 min. Johnson et al. (2021) argue that in-person interviews are often regarded as the ideal or ‘gold standard’ method, while other formats, such as phone or online interviews, are typically viewed as less effective or secondary alternatives.
Demography of Interview Participants.
Source. Authors.
Ethical Adherence
To ensure consistency, all interviewees were anonymized using the label “IP” (Interview Participant), and any identifiable names mentioned during the interviews were concealed. The study received ethical clearance from the Institutional Review Board of the Directorate of Research, Innovations and Development at the University of Media, Arts and Communication (Ethical Code: UNIMAC/DRID/ET/2025/02). Furthermore, verbal informed consent was obtained from each participant. According to Mikkonen and Kääriäinen (2020), credibility and dependability are essential components of qualitative research. In line with this view, participants were encouraged to speak candidly about their experiences to strengthen the study’s credibility. Although the wording and follow-up questions varied depending on the natural flow of each interview, all sessions consistently addressed the same core themes to ensure dependability.
Data Analysis
The data analysis followed Charmaz’s (2014) thematic coding approach, which emphasizes a systematic and iterative process of moving from raw transcripts to higher-level thematic categories. This procedure comprised three key stages: open coding, focused coding, and axial coding.
Open Coding
In the initial phase, the transcripts were analyzed line by line and incident by incident to break the data into smaller analytic units. This close reading allowed us to capture participants’ meanings, actions, and assumptions without imposing pre-existing categories. For instance, when a participant stated, “We often rely on anecdotal stories, but data helps break the monotony of long texts,” this was initially coded as “anecdotal stories with data” and “breaking the monotony of text-heavy reporting.” Similarly, a statement such as “most journalists are afraid of numbers” was coded as “fear of numbers and statistics.” This open-ended process produced a wide range of preliminary codes that reflected the diversity of experiences reported.
Focused Coding
During focused coding, we reviewed the large set of initial codes and identified the most significant and recurring ones that best explained patterns across the dataset. Codes were then clustered to form broader conceptual categories. For example, the open codes “anecdotal stories with data,” “breaking monotony of text-heavy reporting,” and “visualization tools enhanced clarity” were grouped under the sub-theme “improved storytelling.” Similarly, codes such as “journalists lack foundational skills” and “inadequate training opportunities” converged into the sub-theme “slow uptake.” This process enabled us to reduce the complexity of the data while retaining its richness.
Axial Coding
At the axial coding stage, we examined relationships among sub-themes to develop higher-level themes that addressed the research questions. For instance, the sub-theme “improved storytelling” was integrated with other related sub-themes to generate the main theme “opportunities within data journalism.” Likewise, sub-themes such as “slow uptake” and “low data literacy and technical skills” were combined under the overarching theme “professional adaptation among journalists.” This relational mapping clarified how structural factors (e.g., “limited access to quality data”) and resource barriers (e.g., “financial and resource constraints”) interconnected to hinder the widespread uptake of data journalism.
Through this layered process, raw textual data were systematically transformed into structured codes, then into sub-themes, and finally synthesized into overarching themes. Table 2 illustrates this coding trajectory, presenting the progression from initial codes to sub-themes and main themes.
Codes, Sub-Themes, and Main-Themes.
Source. Interview data.
Interrater Reliability
To ensure the trustworthiness and consistency of the analysis, both authors independently coded the transcripts and then compared their outputs. Initial differences in code interpretation were openly discussed, leading to refinement of code definitions and resolution of discrepancies through consensus. Throughout the process, the authors engaged in continuous dialogue and cross-checking to confirm that categories and themes accurately reflected participants’ perspectives. Although no formal coefficient value (e.g., Cohen’s Kappa) was calculated due to the interpretive and constructivist nature of the study, reliability was reinforced through negotiated agreement and iterative refinement of codes and categories, thereby enhancing the credibility of the findings and minimizing individual researcher bias.
Findings
This section explores the key findings on how data journalism is gradually being adopted across various media organizations in Ghana. Drawing on qualitative interviews with media practitioners (see Table 1), the study identifies three main themes that characterize this transition: opportunities within data journalism, the level of professional adaptation among journalists, and the challenges that hinder data journalism’s widespread uptake.
Opportunities Within Data Journalism
Data journalism has emerged as a powerful tool in the digital age, offering journalists new opportunities to tell compelling and evidence-based stories through data analysis and visualization. As the availability of large datasets continues to grow, journalists can now uncover hidden trends, patterns, and anomalies that were previously inaccessible using traditional reporting methods. This transformation presents numerous opportunities for enhancing the quality, accuracy, and depth of journalism.
Improving Storytelling
One of the key opportunities presented by data journalism is its ability to significantly enhance storytelling. By integrating data into news narratives, journalists provide deeper context, support claims with evidence, and reveal patterns that traditional reporting might overlook. Data-driven storytelling moves beyond anecdotal reporting, allowing audiences to engage with facts in a visual and interactive way. A news anchor and data journalist indicated that: Data journalism builds trust. The audience knows that when they tune into my broadcast, they’re getting factual and data-driven reporting. It’s not just hearsay. If I report that an earthquake had a magnitude of 7.9 this year, and 100 people died, listeners can compare that to the previous year’s earthquake with a magnitude of 5.2. With the data, they will understand that this year’s event is much more severe. (IP4) Instead of just reporting news in the traditional way, data journalists take raw information from various sources, analyze it, package it well, and present it in a way that is accessible and meaningful to the audience. (IP5)
The views of IP4 and IP5 (both from the broadcast media) complement each other by highlighting the value of data journalism. IP4 focuses on trust and credibility, asserting that data-driven reporting assures audiences of facts and enables them to make informed decisions. This perspective underlines the importance of transparency and objectivity in building audience confidence. IP5 also emphasizes the process and presentation aspect of data journalism, showcasing how journalists transform raw data into accessible and meaningful stories.
Consistent with the views of IP4 and IP5, an editor from the print media also noted that: Data journalism enhances authenticity and factual reporting. If deeply explored, it helps the audience to understand the context of reported stories. For example, if a report states that women are being abused, it remains vague. However, if we incorporate figures such as 500 women were abused last year, it makes the news more engaging and understandable. (IP11)
These findings from both participants (broadcast and print) underscore that data journalism significantly enhances the credibility, clarity, and impact of news reporting by grounding stories in verifiable facts, offering contextual depth, and making complex issues more accessible and meaningful to audiences.
Other participants, such as an investigative journalist from the print media, highlighted the importance of data journalism in an era where disinformation and misinformation continue to influence news reporting.
In this era of disinformation and misinformation, data plays a crucial role in separating the facts from fiction. For instance, when you consider the ongoing debates about the Free Senior High School policy, the government in power claims 5.1 million students have benefited, while the opposition says otherwise. Data journalism helps to verify these claims. It provides objectivity, truth, and facts, which are essential for holding leaders accountable. You can’t do that without credible data. (IP17)
Strengthens the Democratic Functions of the Media
Data journalism plays a crucial role in strengthening the democratic functions of the media by enhancing transparency, accountability, and informed public discourse. Several participants indicated that by relying on verifiable data rather than speculation or opinion, journalists hold governments, institutions, and corporations accountable to the public. It is noteworthy that this form of journalism empowers citizens with accurate information, enabling them to make well-informed decisions and participate meaningfully in democratic discourse. Other participants also noted that data journalism enables journalists to challenge misinformation and propaganda with evidence-based reporting. An investigative journalist from the print media explained that data journalism contributes significantly to the media’s mission of safeguarding democracy by holding government institutions accountable.
You can’t practice journalism meaningfully without data. Data is essential. It has really helped in keeping governments accountable. For example, if the president says the education sector needed $2 million but the official document shows $5 million, I can question where the extra $3 million went to. This creates a system of checks and balances, ensuring transparency and accountability. (IP23)
Similarly, a news anchor from the broadcast media revealed that data journalism enhances investigative reporting by unraveling hidden truths and holding politicians and government officials accountable.
Data journalism enhances investigative reporting. You can’t do investigative journalism without data. Data journalism helps journalists expose hidden truths, raise questions, and spark public interest. It keeps authorities in check. When journalists ask questions, politicians and government officials know that they’re being watched. The data is there, and it holds them accountable. (IP16)
The views of IP23 and IP16 affirm the indispensable role of data journalism in promoting transparency and accountability within democratic societies. IP23 emphasizes how data empowers journalists to question discrepancies in official narratives, reinforcing journalism’s watchdog function through evidence-based scrutiny. IP16 complements this by underscoring data journalism’s centrality to investigative reporting, highlighting its role in exposing hidden truths and maintaining pressure on those in power. Both perspectives reflect a shared belief that data is not just a tool but a foundation for meaningful journalism, one that shifts reporting from opinion to fact and from passive observation to active accountability. Together, both views validate the idea that without data, journalism risks losing its power to challenge authority and inform the public meaningfully.
Other participants, such as a data journalist from the print media and a news anchor from the broadcast media, revealed that data journalism helps in exposing corruption and holding power to account.
The political landscape is driven by propaganda. So data journalism comes into play by helping to uncover issues of corruption. This creates a niche around the neck of politicians because they know journalists will hold them to account. (IP9) Data journalism improves investigative reporting. Look, data-driven insight exposes corruption, inefficiencies, and social issues. In investigative journalism, you need to bring out all the facts by engaging in holistic background data research. (IP15)
The views from IP9 and IP15 highlight that data journalism is a powerful tool for strengthening investigative reporting and curbing political propaganda by equipping journalists with factual evidence to expose corruption and hold power to account.
Professional Adaptation Among Journalists
A key theme that emerged from the study is professional adaptation among journalists. As data journalism continues to reshape the global media landscape, Ghanaian journalists are gradually recognizing its relevance in enhancing news reporting. However, the pace and nature of adaptation vary widely across newsrooms, revealing two important sub-themes: slow uptake, and institutional and structural support.
Slow Uptake
The study revealed that despite increasing awareness of the opportunities offered by data journalism, many journalists in the Ghanaian media are still in the early stages of adapting to this shift. The slow uptake of data journalism in the Ghanaian media highlights a significant barrier to professional adaptation. Many journalists in Ghana are still largely reliant on traditional reporting methods, with limited exposure to data-driven storytelling techniques. Several participants noted that while some media houses are beginning to acknowledge their importance, the integration of data journalism into mainstream reporting remains uneven across newsrooms. This results in a gradual shift rather than an immediate transformation in how journalists approach data-driven storytelling, as reflected in the comments of an editor (print media) and a data journalist (broadcast media) Data journalism is relatively new in the Ghanaian media. We are still trying to adopt it. It is not common in most of our reporting. However, last year, my media organization implemented some data journalism elements through our Government Tracker show, where we correlated government activities and presented them in graphs for better understanding. Another media station also infused some data journalism, particularly in its quantitative reporting. But generally, data journalism has not yet gained a strong ground [foothold] in Ghana. (IP12) Well, per what I have noticed so far, we are not there yet. We are still grappling with the use of data in telling the stories. (IP6)
Both IP12 and IP6 underscore that while there is recognition of data journalism’s potential, there is still a long way to go before it becomes a standard practice across the Ghanaian media. These views suggest that data journalism is slowly gaining traction, but institutional support and further skill development are needed to accelerate its adoption.
In line with the views of IP12 and IP6, a sports journalist (broadcast media) explained the state of data journalism in the sports industry.
It’s been a gradual process, but we are getting there. Now, even in our sports segments, we’re trying to incorporate analysis, not just reporting scores but using data to tell the stories. (IP18)
Other participants, such as an investigative journalist from the broadcast media, highlighted that even though the adoption process has been slow, constant education on data journalism will help boost the adoption rate.
The adoption has been slow. As I mentioned earlier, journalists need more education on data journalism. We are making efforts to incorporate it into our work, but it is a new approach that requires time for full integration. (IP3)
Institutional and Structural Support
Institutional and structural support plays a vital role in facilitating professional adaptation and enhancing the uptake of data journalism in the Ghanaian media. While individual interest and skills are essential, the broader media environment significantly influences how effectively data journalism is integrated into newsroom practices. The study found that media organizations that provide formal training, allocate resources, and create enabling structures are more likely to see meaningful engagement with data journalism. Even though there is a slow uptake of data journalism within the Ghanaian media, the findings indicate that some legacy media have begun introducing workshops, partnerships with data analysts, and editorial encouragement for data-driven stories, signaling a shift toward institutional recognition of the value of data journalism. A news producer and an editor (all from the broadcast media) commented as follows: Our media house has started recognizing the importance of data journalism, so we’ve begun integrating data elements into our news bulletins. Sometimes, we include simple graphs to show trends in fuel prices, inflation, or other economic indicators. It’s not fully developed yet, but we are making steady progress. (IP13) We have been encouraged by our media organization to do a lot of data stories. We are in an era where a lot of things have changed. If you don’t follow the trend, you will be last. Remember, there are other competitors in the media industry who are adapting to data journalism. We also need to adapt to it. (IP7)
In line with the views of IP13 and IP7, a news producer from the broadcast media revealed that their media organization has implemented a policy requiring all news stories to include some form of data to promote data journalism.
It has become the organization’s policy that if you’re a presenter and you’re going on air to discuss an issue, you have to contact the research desk to give you the data that will enhance your news report in terms of fact and accuracy. (IP8)
The insights from IP13, IP7, and IP8 reflect a promising shift toward institutional commitment and cultural change within the Ghanaian media landscape regarding data journalism. IP13 highlights the gradual but deliberate integration of data elements such as graphs and trend analyses into news bulletins, signaling a growing appreciation for the role of data in enhancing storytelling. IP7 emphasizes the competitive nature of the media industry, noting that data journalism is no longer optional but a necessary innovation to stay relevant and credible in a rapidly evolving information environment. IP8’s account of a company-wide policy requiring presenters to consult the research desk for data before going on air illustrates a structural commitment to data-driven reporting and fact-based communication. These practices are highly effective in boosting data journalism uptake.
Challenges That Hinder Data Journalism Uptake
Despite its growing relevance, such as enhancing factual reporting, transparency, and accountability, the study reveals that the uptake of data journalism in the Ghanaian media has been relatively slow, largely due to a range of underlying challenges. Many journalists and media organizations have yet to fully embrace data journalism as a routine part of their practice. The slow pace of adoption is attributed to limited access to quality data, low data literacy and technical skills, and financial and resource constraints that hinder training and capacity-building efforts.
Limited Access to Quality Data
One of the major challenges hindering the uptake of data journalism in the media is the limited access to quality and reliable data. For data journalism to thrive, journalists need timely, accurate, and well-structured data from credible sources. However, in the Ghanaian media, data is either unavailable or difficult to obtain due to bureaucratic hurdles and a lack of transparency from public institutions. A data journalist and an investigative journalist (both from the broadcast media) bemoaned that: Getting data in Ghana is difficult. It takes a lot of time before getting the right information. (IP10) A lot of government agencies do not like sharing their information. They are of the view that when they release their data, journalists will tell a story that will end up exposing their corrupt activities. (IP3)
Furthermore, a sports journalist from the broadcast media drew a contrasting comparison between data availability in Ghana and in Western countries, noting that certain critical types of data are simply not accessible in the Ghanaian context.
One major challenge is access to reliable data. In developed countries, you can find detailed records from decades or even centuries. However, in Ghana, some critical data are just not available. For instance, if you asked me the exact number of young women in leadership positions, I wouldn’t know where to find it. (IP20)
Other participants, such as an investigative journalist from the print media, noted that even when data exists, it is often not digitized or shared in formats that support easy analysis and visualization, and also sometimes inconsistent. This makes it difficult for journalists to conduct in-depth reporting or uncover meaningful insights that add value to their stories.
Data availability is a challenge; our records are often inconsistent. Unlike in Western countries, where data is accurately stored and retrieved, Ghana struggles with keeping proper records. Gathering data remains a significant problem. (IP21)
Other participants, such as a data journalist (broadcast media), observed that, despite the passage of the Right to Information (RTI) Act in Ghana, accessing data from institutions remains particularly difficult.
Even with the RTI Act in place, some institutions remain hesitant to disclose information. (IP19)
The Right to Information (RTI) bill is a law that empowers citizens to access information held by public institutions, thereby promoting transparency and accountability in governance. In Ghana, this right is enforced through the Right to Information Act, 2019 (Act 989), which provides the legal framework for individuals to request and obtain information from government bodies.
Furthermore, some participants, specifically data journalists from both print and broadcast media, shared a concerning perspective, noting that in certain cases, journalists are required to pay for information before it is released to them.
Limited access to data is also a challenge. Bureaucracy within government agencies can make it difficult to obtain data, and sometimes officials may even demand money before releasing the information. (IP2) We now have the RTI Act, which makes it possible to access public information. However, in practice, it’s still not that easy. I don’t know if you’ve ever used the RTI process before. Even with the bill, you sometimes have to pay money to people just to get the information you need. (IP5)
When journalists pay before accessing information, it undermines the core principles of transparency and accountability that data journalism and the Right to Information (RTI) Act are meant to promote. This practice creates a barrier to equitable access, limiting the ability of journalists, especially those from less-resourced media houses, to pursue important stories or hold institutions accountable.
Low Data Literacy and Technical Skills
Low data literacy and limited technical skills among journalists present a major obstacle to the widespread adoption of data journalism. Many media professionals lack the foundational knowledge needed to interpret, analyze, and visualize data effectively. This skills gap makes it difficult for journalists to move beyond traditional storytelling methods and engage in data-driven reporting that uncovers deeper insights and trends. Without the ability to use tools such as spreadsheets, data visualization software, or basic coding platforms, journalists may feel intimidated by the technical demands of data journalism. A news reporter from the broadcast media explained that this slow adoption is partly due to a lack of interest among journalists in mathematics or statistics.
Most journalists perceive data journalism as being difficult due to the mathematics or statistics components embedded in it. This discomfort with numbers deters journalists from embracing data journalism. (IP1)
Furthermore, an editor (print media) associated the slow uptake with a lack of specialized knowledge or technical skills in data interpretation among editors.
Editors may not fully understand data journalism. You know, traditional editors, chief editors, and others may not have specialized knowledge in data interpretation. They might review your work at a surface level, but they won’t always scrutinize the figures, graphs, and statistics in detail. (IP14)
The views of IP1 and IP14 highlight two interrelated barriers to the widespread adoption of data journalism in Ghana: journalist perception and editorial limitations. IP1 points to a common reluctance among journalists to engage with data journalism due to a fear or disinterest in mathematics and statistics. This suggests that many journalists still view data work as a technical burden rather than a valuable storytelling tool. Meanwhile, IP14 raises an equally important concern about editorial leadership, which often lacks the expertise or confidence to deeply engage with data-driven content. This can lead to surface-level editorial oversight, reducing the overall quality and rigor of data journalism outputs. These views emphasize the need for a cultural and educational shift within newsrooms.
Financial and Resource Constraints
Financial and resource constraints significantly hinder the adoption and practice of data journalism in many media organizations, particularly in Ghana. Engaging in data journalism often requires access to specialized software, reliable internet, data acquisition tools, and trained personnel that many newsrooms, especially smaller or regional ones, simply cannot afford. Tight budgets typically prioritize day-to-day operations and immediate content production, leaving little room for investment in technology, training, or dedicated data journalism teams. Additionally, the lack of funding for continuous professional development means that journalists rarely receive the necessary support to build and update their data skills. These constraints not only slow the growth of data journalism but also limit the media’s capacity to produce in-depth, evidence-based reporting that can hold power to account and inform public discourse. A data journalist (broadcast media) revealed that: Frankly speaking, it’s not easy. Data journalism is not a regular or traditional form of journalism. It’s an innovative idea that we’re introducing. For instance, when I told my organization I wanted to be a data journalist, they loved the idea, but then questions arose: Is it expensive? Is it costly? How do we finance it? Even though I understood what I wanted to do, convincing them to buy into the idea due to the financial cost was a challenge. (IP5)
Similarly, a sports journalist (broadcast media) hinted that: Now, when it comes to software, that’s another cost. PowerPoint, for example, is becoming outdated. In television programmes, where data journalism is most common, you need advanced software for data visualization. Some of these tools require premium subscriptions, and most media houses are not willing to pay. (IP22)
A data journalist (print media) highlighted that in some cases, they have to use their own money to buy some of these data-driven tools.
So, as a data journalist, you may have to use your own money to access certain features or buy credits for premium tools. If you stick to traditional tools like SPSS, Excel, and PowerPoint, it’s not too costly. But if you want to advance and improve your quality of work, you’ll need to invest in modern online tools, which the media house may not be ready to finance. (IP9)
The views of IP5, IP22, and IP9 collectively highlight a critical and often overlooked challenge in the uptake of data journalism: the financial burden associated with innovation in newsroom practices. Their perspectives paint a realistic picture of the enthusiasm journalists may have for data journalism, which is often curtailed by the economic realities of media organizations.
Discussion
This study examined the practice and uptake of data journalism within the Ghanaian media by exploring its current state, motivations for adoption, and the challenges that hinder its widespread integration. On the one hand, participants identified several strengths of data journalism: better analysis of social issues, novel storytelling, and professional growth, which mirror wider claims about data journalism’s value (D. Moyo & Munoriyarwa, 2019; Mtchedlidze, 2024). On the other hand, persistent gaps are evident: journalists still lack skills and support, and structural factors (political, economic, and infrastructural) constrain the uptake.
Participants consistently highlighted that data journalism in Ghana is still emerging, with its full potential yet to be realized across the broader media industry. Many journalists continue to operate within traditional methods of news reporting, relying on anecdotal narratives and press releases rather than data-driven insights. This aligns with observations, such as those by Appelgren and Nygren (2014), which suggest that data journalism tends to flourish within selected institutions that have the resources, personnel, and editorial vision to support its development. In Ghana, as in many developing countries, the uptake of data journalism is uneven and often determined by institutional culture and leadership commitment rather than industry-wide standards. Notably, there are positive signs of institutional evolution, as seen in the experiences of interview participants such as IP13, IP7, and IP8. IP13, for instance, described how graphs and trend analyses are now routinely incorporated into news bulletins, which is an indication of growing newsroom interest in data as a storytelling approach.
Despite these developments, the study also uncovered a range of challenges that continue to inhibit the widespread adoption of data journalism. Chief among these is the limited access to quality and reliable data. Participants repeatedly cited difficulties in obtaining data from public institutions, which points to bureaucratic red tape, institutional opacity, and even corruption as barriers to transparency. IP3 observed that some government agencies are reluctant to release information out of fear that it would expose corrupt practices. Others, such as IP10 and IP20, lamented the unavailability of critical demographic and administrative datasets, which hinder efforts to conduct thorough investigations or provide evidence-based coverage. Even where data is accessible under Ghana’s Right to Information (RTI) Act (Act 989), participants such as IP5 and IP2 revealed that journalists are often forced to pay bribes or unofficial fees to obtain documents, which speaks to an illegal and unethical practice that undermines the law’s intent and disenfranchises under-resourced journalists.
Another critical barrier is the low level of data literacy and technical skills within newsrooms. As IP1 explained, many journalists perceive data journalism as too complex or intimidating due to its association with mathematics and statistics, which are subjects that evoke anxiety or disinterest. This perception perpetuates a culture where journalists avoid engaging with datasets or analytical tools, preferring to stick with conventional methods of reporting. Further, we find that editorial leadership often lacks the capacity to mentor or evaluate data journalism outputs. IP14 noted that editors themselves are not always equipped to interpret charts, figures, or statistical claims, which can result in superficial assessments of otherwise rigorous stories.
Financial and resource constraints constitute a third major obstacle. Participants such as IP5, IP22, and IP9 provided candid accounts of how newsroom economics affect the adoption of data journalism. While journalists may be eager to experiment with data, they are often met with skepticism from management, who view it as a costly innovation. As IP5 shared, initial support for data journalism is frequently tempered by concerns over affordability and sustainability.
The findings align with past research on the subject in many ways. Ghanaian journalists similarly see data as a path to greater transparency, echoing the idea that data journalism can enable a more monitorial form of democracy (Munoriyarwa & Chiumbu, 2024) by surfacing facts beyond official narratives. Our observations about the nascent nature of data journalism in Ghana equally mirror the findings in past research. As Wright et al. (2019) note, data journalism is still emerging in many non-Western contexts, with only promising initiatives so far. While adhoc training workshops and collaborative projects have introduced data methods, routine day-to-day reporting remains largely unchanged.
The findings show that rather than newsrooms creating dedicated data desks to manage data-rich stories, the mandate is left for interested data reporters, who often juggle their traditional duties with extra data tasks. This pattern is consistent with Mtchedlidze’s (2024) study of Norwegian newsrooms, which found that even advanced media houses had to negotiate the integration of new developers into established workflows. The scholar further argues that even though developers bring technical expertise, reporters should acquire technical competencies. However, in Ghana, reporters have not yet widely acquired those competencies. Furthermore, training is limited, which makes the newsroom’s movement toward data-driven work tentative.
As earlier noted, professional adaptation to data practices is underway, but uneven. Some adaptation was driven by perceived audience need, as respondents confirm that stories with charts and interactive graphics tend to get more traction. Another important adaptation has been the use of free or open-source tools to reduce costs. This inclination also ties into broader critiques (Mohammed et al., 2024; Wright et al., 2019) about postcolonial tools and data dependence.
This study advances conversations about data journalism in Africa in two complementary ways. First, our interviews show that data journalism’s value (better storytelling, greater public trust, and stronger accountability) is real and recognizable. However, as revealed by the participants (IP3, IP5, IP8, IP10, IP12, and IP21), its consolidation depends on editorial mandates that routinize research-desk use, reliable access to digitized official data, and sustainable funding models. Second, the Ghanaian case reveals a set of transferable empirical markers that other African studies can test and compare. For instance, our findings (IP5 and IP9) identify clear indicators of fragility (journalists’ self-funding tools and organizations refusing subscriptions) as well as signals of institutionalization (e.g., company policies requiring data checks). These markers speak directly to neighboring contexts. For example, Okon and Coker (2019) argue that even though data journalism training introduced new skills among journalists in Nigeria, the practice faded due to the absence of a newsroom policy and stable funding. In South Africa, studies show that weak newsroom infrastructure and contested access to official data keep many data projects from thriving (Chiumbu & Munoriyarwa, 2023). Similar Pan-African reviews also find a common pattern where donors and civic-tech groups seed capacity; however, uptake becomes durable only when those interventions are matched by internal newsroom rules and ongoing maintenance (Damilola, 2024). Together, other African newsrooms face similar practical dilemmas as documented in the Ghanaian newsroom. This setback requires pairing training with policy, funding, and technical upkeep to enhance data journalism.
Theoretical Contributions of ANT to Data Journalism Uptake in Ghana
Across the presented data, the democratic functions (holding power to account and separating facts from fiction) that some participants (IP16 and IP23) attribute to data journalism follow directly from the theory’s assertion: “anything that does modify a state of affairs by making a difference is an actor” (Latour, 2005, p. 71). This means that the practice of data journalism in Ghanaian newsrooms changes what questions can be asked, what answers count, and who can be held to account. This implies that data itself is an enabling actant in the civic chain of scrutiny that the participants described. Further, the access problems, such as bureaucratic opacity, pay-for-data practices, and inconsistent records that the participants (IP10, IP3, IP19, IP5, and IP21) recount, show how infrastructural and institutional actors operate as constraints in the network, which tends to prescribe what stories are possible and which remain invisible. The financial and resource constraints in particular (IP5, IP22, and IP9) demonstrate that funding mechanisms are equally active actors that enable or disable data practices because when journalists must self-fund tools or when organizations refuse subscriptions, the actor-network lacks the maintenance and enrollment needed to sustain data journalism. This causes data storytelling projects to remain episodic at best.
In terms of the impact of this research on ANT literature, the principal point to note is how some of our findings echo a prominent critique of the theory, mainly, how it does not offer researchers a systematic means of delineating assemblages (thus, elements that are put together to define what an actor, actant, or network consists of). As Elder-Vass (2015) clarifies, assemblages can end up being whatever mix of ordinary observable objects and people that the researcher judges relevant. In the case of our study, those we judged relevant were human actors (journalists, records gatekeepers, etc.) and non-human actants (such as datasets, tools, and policies). While this pragmatic openness allowed us to follow perceived actors and make causal inferences about factors (poor funding, low literacy, corrupt practices) that interact to produce the outcome of slow uptake of data journalism in Ghana, the study would have benefited more from a more concrete analytic framework for delineating and comparing assemblages. This requires a framework that specifies categories of actants and the observable criteria for inclusion of those actants. This would aid us in offering clearer prescriptions for where intervention might succeed in Ghanaian data journalism practice.
Conclusion and Recommendations
The uptake of data journalism in Ghanaian newsrooms is unfolding much as reflected in the Global South setting. It has a promising but uneven innovation shaped by a patchwork of local and global actors. Some Ghanaian media practitioners have caught the idea by recognizing the democratic and storytelling potential of data, with some beginning to adapt skills and collaborate in new ways. On the other hand, deep structural challenges remain endemic. Focusing only on skills misses the larger data politics: the state policies, market incentives, and media ecosystems that either enable or hinder journalists. In sum, our findings advance systems-based scholarship by demonstrating that newsroom innovations spread only as far as their surrounding environment allows. This is because elements like data access and editorial culture can either facilitate or hinder change, which thus raises questions about how best to cultivate data-literate mindsets capable of addressing some of the structural obstacles identified.
With this in mind, we recommend some key strategies to support the growth of data journalism in Ghana. First, conducting empirical studies that systematically assess newsroom needs for data literacy, data access, and editorial support. Second, training programs should be expanded and tailored to local realities by offering workshops on data analysis, visualization, investigative reporting, and fact-checking. These should be done by developing context-sensitive curricula in universities to reflect the specific needs and challenges of the Ghanaian media environment. Third, open data policies from government agencies and professional journalism bodies should be actively promoted to encourage transparency and make public information more accessible, particularly by pushing state actors to adopt a culture of openness. Finally, data-driven approaches and tools should be embedded into journalism education and newsroom routines to normalize the use of data in everyday reporting. These steps are essential for transitioning data journalism from an occasional innovation or isolated project into an integral and sustainable part of the country’s news production network.
Limitations and Suggestions for Further Research
This study is not without limitations. While this research offers insights into the lived experiences of Ghanaian journalists, the evidence is drawn from a relatively small sample (n = 23) of journalists and editors working in selected media outlets, which constrains the transferability of the findings to the wider Ghanaian media environment. Furthermore, the study privileges the perspectives of individual practitioners, without systematically engaging with organizational structures, institutional policies, or documentary evidence that might offer a more holistic picture of newsroom practices. Finally, while the study explored issues of state transparency and data access, it did not include the viewpoints of public officials or data custodians. The absence of these perspectives limits the ability to fully capture the institutional and structural barriers that shape access to open data in Ghana, even in the context of post-RTI reforms. Nonetheless, within these limits, our study aligns with broader debates. It confirms that without strong alliances between journalists, newsrooms, governments, data providers, and funders, data journalism in Ghana may remain precarious. Future research could expand on this study by employing mixed methods that combine qualitative interviews with quantitative surveys across a broader demography of journalists, including freelancers and regional reporters.
Footnotes
Ethical Considerations
The study received ethical clearance from the Institutional Review Board of the Directorate of Research, Innovations and Development at the University of Media, Arts and Communication, Ghana (Ethical Code: UNIMAC/DRID/ET/2025/02).
Consent to Participate
Verbal informed consent was obtained from each participant in the study.
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Data Availability Statement
Data is available upon written request from the corresponding author.