Abstract
The phenomenon of domestic work extends globally, reflecting entrenched socio-economic inequalities, gender norms, and cultural practices. The purpose of this study is to inform targeted interventions that protect and empower Ghana’s vulnerable child domestic workers. It examines the lived experiences of 100 child househelps (40 boys and 60 girls) aged 14 to 17, using secondary qualitative data acquired from key informant interviews across all 10 regions. The aim was to explore the arrangements under which househelps are engaged, their roles and schedules, the challenges they face, and their coping strategies. Results indicated significant gender disparities, with girls disproportionately assigned household responsibilities. Participants reported exploitative conditions, such as excessive hours and maltreatment, yet demonstrated resilience through coping strategies like prayer and social support. The study indicates that child domestic work leads to educational deficiency and perpetuates cycles of poverty and gender inequality. Effective legislative actions are urgently required to enforce labour laws, improve access to education, and address cultural norms that encourage exploitation. Further, it is essential that future research and advocacy efforts prioritize the protection of the rights and well-being of child domestic workers within Ghana’s socioeconomic framework. By incorporating insights from Social Learning Theory, the study also highlights how societal norms influence children’s acceptance of their roles, underscoring the need for comprehensive interventions that challenge these entrenched beliefs.
Introduction
The phenomenon of domestic work spans the globe, reflecting deep-seated socio-economic inequalities, gender norms, and cultural practices (Deb et al., 2024; Strapcova et al., 2006). It encompasses tasks such as cleaning, cooking, childcare, and other household chores (Cartier et al., 2018; Putnick & Bornstein, 2016; Zhang & Coene, 2024). There are nearly 76 million domestic workers worldwide, constituting a significant proportion of the labour force, with 76% being women aged 15 and above (Bonnet et al., 2022; International Labour Organisation [ILO], 2021). Despite their critical contributions to household functioning and the economy, domestic workers, especially children in this role, often operate in precarious conditions characterized by low wages, long working hours, abusive environments, and limited legal and social protections (Bonnet et al., 2022; Tsikata, 2009; UNICEF, 2020).
In developing countries, domestic work is frequently informal and unregulated, thereby exposing workers to heightened risks of exploitation, abuse, and neglect (George Bernardshaw et al., 2019; Tewathia, 2017). The International Labour Organization (ILO) estimates that over 17 million children globally are engaged in domestic work, many of whom are concentrated in Sub-Saharan Africa, South Asia, and Latin America (ILO, 2021). These children, who often come from economically marginalized households, are denied access to education and are especially vulnerable to physical, emotional, and sometimes sexual abuse (ILO, 2021; UNICEF, 2020). In many contexts, cultural expectations and gender roles further entrench this phenomenon, positioning domestic work as an acceptable responsibility for children, particularly girls (Huebler, 2008; Putnick & Bornstein, 2016; Samman, 2018).
In the Ghanaian context, domestic work, locally known as “househelp,” has become a livelihood strategy for many children, particularly those from impoverished rural areas (Awumbila et al., 2017; Tetteh, 2011; Tsikata, 2009). These children, often aged 14 to 17, migrate to urban centres in hopes of supporting their families or gaining access to education. However, their experiences are often marked by exploitative labour, long hours, lack of rest, and vulnerability to verbal and physical abuse (Awumbila et al., 2017; Ministry of Gender, Children and Social Protection [MoGCSP], 2018; Tsikata, 2009). The feminization of child domestic work in Ghana is pronounced, with girls making up the majority of child domestic workers due to deeply rooted gendered social norms (Kwankye et al., 2009; MoGCSP, 2018).
This study is timely and necessary due to the growing national and global recognition of children’s rights, particularly their rights to protection, education, and freedom from exploitative labour (UNICEF, 2020). Despite continued advocacy by civil society and international bodies, empirical, child-centred, and context-specific studies that foreground the perspectives of child domestic workers in Ghana remain scarce (MoGCSP, 2018; Tetteh, 2011). This gap is significant, as understanding children’s lived experiences is crucial for informing interventions that are not only effective but also genuinely responsive to their specific needs and realities.
Previous studies in Ghana have primarily examined the socio-economic causes of child domestic labour and the migration pathways that bring rural children into urban households (Adonteng-Kissi, 2018; Awumbila et al., 2017; Kwankye et al., 2009). However, these studies rarely amplify the voices of the children themselves or explore the complex payment arrangements, coping strategies, and internalized perceptions that sustain their roles. This study offers a novel, nationally representative perspective by centering the narratives of child domestic workers across all 10 regions of Ghana. The study’s originality also lies in its focus on the various forms of payment, monetary, in-kind, and task-based, and how these intersect with risks of abuse and deception. In particular, the study seeks to explore the various arrangements through which househelps are engaged in households, examine the roles and daily schedules assigned to them, identify the challenges they encounter in the course of their work, and investigate the coping strategies they employ to navigate these challenges.
The study’s contributions are threefold: it provides empirical evidence to guide targeted policy interventions; it challenges societal norms that normalize child domestic labour by amplifying children’s rights to education, protection, and well-being; and it advances academic scholarship by filling a critical gap with a nuanced, child-led understanding of domestic work in Ghana. By incorporating insights from Social Learning Theory (SLT), the study also aims to elucidate how children internalize societal norms and expectations related to domestic work, further informing strategies for effective advocacy and intervention.
Literature Review
Definition and Nature of the Role of Househelps
The term “domestic worker” denotes individuals who engage in domestic work for remuneration within the homes of others. In Ghana, these workers are commonly referred to as “househelp,” a term that will be consistently used throughout this paper. The term “househelp” is often equivalent to the Twi word abaawa, which has historically served as a derogatory label for individuals who live with and serve their masters and mistresses (Akurang-Parry, 2010). Historically, domestic work has been deeply racialized, gendered, and classed, often performed by ethnic minorities and perceived as a subordinate occupation (Nesbitt-Ahmed, 2016; Rollins, 1985). It has frequently been associated with migrants and individuals facing limited employment opportunities, thereby embedding structural vulnerabilities into the very fabric of domestic labour (Anderson, 2000; Ehrenreich & Hochschild, 2003). Such dynamics contribute to the stigmatization of domestic workers, reinforcing societal hierarchies and perpetuating inequalities within the labour market (Nesbitt-Ahmed, 2016). This historical context underscores the subordinate status of househelps in numerous households, where they are perceived as inferior and treated as second-class members of the home, providing critical background to understanding the contemporary lived experiences examined in this study.
Househelps provide a variety of services, including cleaning, laundry, cooking, childcare, and caring for the elderly or individuals with disabilities. They may also engage in tasks such as gardening, driving, and security (International Labour Organization, 2013). The responsibilities of househelps are extensive and vary based on the needs of the household. In many cases, the tasks they have to perform extend beyond their original scope, resulting in long hours of labour with little rest. For child househelps, the burden is particularly heavy, as they are often the last to go to bed and the first to wake up, ensuring the household operates smoothly (Awumbila et al., 2008), a reality that this study captures from the perspectives of the children themselves.
This work can be physically demanding and mentally taxing, especially for children who are still in their developmental stages. Reports from Ghana highlight instances where househelps are required to perform tasks far beyond their capacity, including lifting heavy loads and engaging in hazardous activities without adequate protection or supervision (MoGCSP, 2018; Okyere, 2013).
Domestic workers represent a significant segment of the national workforce in many countries, particularly in the developing world (Bonnet et al., 2022). Their work enables many workers with family responsibilities to participate more actively in the labour market than would otherwise be feasible (Blackett, 2012; Tsikata, 2009). Globally, domestic workers are predominantly from economically disadvantaged backgrounds, making them vulnerable to exploitation and abuse (Awumbila et al., 2017; ILO, 2021; Nesbitt-Ahmed, 2016). In many contexts, the role of househelps is marked by power imbalances, with some being subjected to demeaning and oppressive treatment akin to modern slavery (Anderson, 2000; Thi et al., 2021). Studies indicate that such workers are often overworked, denied access to education, and subjected to physical, verbal, and emotional abuse (Ibrahim et al., 2019; Thi et al., 2021).
Demographics of Domestic Workers
Globally, domestic workers are predominantly female and often come from marginalized communities or impoverished rural areas (Bonnet et al., 2022; ILO, 2021; Samtleben & Müller, 2022). In Ghana, similar trends are observed, with girls and young women particularly vulnerable to recruitment as domestic workers due to socio-economic hardships, cultural practices, and limited access to education (Awumbila et al., 2017; Samtleben & Müller, 2022; Tetteh, 2011). While women predominantly engage in domestic work, earlier studies indicate that this field has not exclusively been female-dominated; it has historically included both men and women in European societies (Fauve-Chamoux, 2024; Roff, 2010). In Ghana, studies indicate that househelps are often internal migrants from rural areas in search of better economic opportunities (Awumbila et al., 2017). The vast majority are young girls who are sent by their families to work in urban centres, often under informal arrangements (Kwankye et al., 2009; Tsikata, 2009). These workers frequently lack legal contracts, leaving them vulnerable to exploitation and abuse (Tsikata, 2009).
Legal Framework Governing Househelps
Domestic work regulation poses a significant global challenge (ILO, 2021), Although, the ILO Convention 189 defines a domestic worker as anyone who performs domestic duties as part of their job, the definition excludes persons who conduct domestic work on an irregular or sporadic basis. The ILO Domestic Workers Convention of 2011 (No. 189) defines requirements for decent labour, such as fair wages, acceptable working hours, and protection from abuse. Despite these standards, adoption and implementation of the agreement differ greatly across countries. In Ghana, the Labour Act of 2003 (Act 651) provides certain rights for domestic workers by establishing minimal working conditions. However, enforcement is inadequate, especially in the informal sector, where the bulk of househelps work (Government of Ghana [GOG], 2003). The Domestic Workers Regulations, 2020 (LI 2408) seek to increase domestic worker protections by establishing written contracts that stipulate job terms such as salaries, rest times, and health-care benefits (Bentsi-Enchill, Letsa & Ankomah, 2020). These regulations also guarantee minimum wages, annual leave, and protection against sexual harassment or ill-treatment (Government of Ghana, 2020). Nonetheless, public understanding of these policies is limited, and enforcement methods are ineffective (MoGCSP, 2018). Inadequate domestic work rules and inadequate monitoring systems increase the vulnerability of househelps, particularly children (Okyere, 2013; Tsikata, 2009). Although working hours are legally limited to 16 hr per day, with mandated rest times and extra pay, informal arrangements and cultural norms frequently blur the distinction between work and rest, complicating enforcement (Tsikata, 2009).
Initiatives to Address the Concerns of Househelps in Ghana
Ghana has undertaken several initiatives aimed at addressing the challenges faced by househelps, particularly children. Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and advocacy groups have played a crucial role in raising awareness of domestic workers’ rights and providing essential support services, including housing, education, and skills training (Awumbila et al., 2008; MoGCSP, 2022). Child protection agencies, such as Child Rights International, have actively worked to rescue and rehabilitate child domestic workers while advocating for enhanced legislative protections (Child Rights International, 2021; MoGCSP, 2018).
The Domestic Workers Regulations of 2020 (LI 2408) empower domestic workers to report incidents of sexual harassment, ill-treatment, or wrongful termination to authorities such as the Labour Department, the Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice (CHRAJ), or the police (GOG, 2020). These regulations are significant as they stipulate that employers who fail to address repeated allegations of sexual harassment may face legal repercussions (Tsikata, 2009). Moreover, the regulations mandate reasonable living conditions for live-in domestic workers, ensuring access to safe and private amenities, adequate food, and a comfortable living environment.
Another noteworthy initiative is the Free, Compulsory Universal Basic Education (FCUBE) program, which aims to eliminate child labour by ensuring educational access for all children (MoGCSP, 2022). However, the effectiveness of these initiatives is often hampered by resource constraints and cultural barriers, particularly in rural communities (MoGCSP, 2022). This underscores the necessity for a multifaceted approach that not only enforces existing regulations but also addresses the socio-economic conditions contributing to child labour.
Ultimately, the narratives in the literature so far emphasize the unsafe conditions experienced by househelps, especially child domestic workers, both in Ghana and globally. This study advances the discourse by centering on the lived experiences of child househelps, offering a unique national perspective grounded in the authentic voices of the children themselves. Through an exploration of their roles, challenges, and coping mechanisms, the study provides original insights that can directly inform targeted policies and interventions aimed at protecting and empowering this vulnerable group.
Theoretical Foundation
The Social Learning Theory (SLT), formulated by Albert Bandura, provides a suitable theoretical framework for understanding the complex challenges related to child domestic work in Ghana. This theory underscores the importance of observational learning, imitation, and modelling in behavioural development, especially within social environments. Utilizing the SLT, may explain how children assimilate societal norms related to domestic labour and how these norms sustain cycles of exploitation and vulnerability.
SLT asserts that individuals acquire behaviours, values, and attitudes by seeing others, especially influential figures like parents, peers, and media portrayals (Bandura, 1977). Within the realm of child domestic work, children may witness and replicate the roles and behaviours demonstrated by adults in their surroundings, resulting in the normalization of domestic labour as an acceptable and anticipated role for children, particularly females. This copying is not solely passive; it entails active participation with observed behaviour, reinforced by society reactions and expectations (Bandura, 1977). In Ghana, the enlistment of children in domestic work frequently stems from socio-economic constraints and cultural norms that perceive such employment as a rite of passage or an essential contribution to family income (Awumbila et al., 2017; Tetteh, 2011).
Many children, especially girls, are taught from a young age that their primary responsibility is to facilitate domestic responsibilities, resulting in the internalization of gendered expectations (Huebler, 2008; Samman, 2018). This phenomenon corresponds with Social Learning Theory (SLT), wherein behaviours related to domestic work are rewarded by societal validation and the imitation of adult behaviours. Moreover, their surroundings frequently normalize the difficult circumstances encountered by child domestic workers, including extended hours, restricted rights, and vulnerability to abuse. Children may witness adults acquiescing to such circumstances without objection, so reinforcing the notion that these experiences are intrinsic to their work (ILO, 2021; UNICEF, 2020). Observational learning plays a vital part in sustaining the cycle of exploitation; children not only adopt but also emulate the behaviours and attitudes they witness.
The advantages of Social Learning Theory encompass its thorough comprehension of behaviour acquisition and continuation, rendering it especially pertinent for examining child domestic labour. The theory underscores the impact of social and environmental elements, facilitating a more nuanced comprehension of the pressures that shape children’s experiences. Furthermore, SLT provides practical insights for formulating interventions aimed at behaviour modification through modelling and reinforcement. Nonetheless, the idea possesses certain shortcomings. It may over emphasize observational learning, thereby neglecting the influence of individual agency and intrinsic desire in behavioural change. Furthermore, SLT may inadequately consider cultural differences in behaviour and learning processes, hence constraining its usefulness across varied contexts. It may also neglect overarching structural issues, such as economic disparity and institutional exploitation.
The utilization of Social Learning Theory in examining child domestic work in Ghana is particularly appropriate because of its focus on the interaction between individual behaviour and social setting. By analyzing how children acquire and internalize societal norms, Social Learning Theory elucidates the intricacy of their circumstances and the pressing necessity for focused interventions. Comprehending the mechanisms of observational learning and reinforcement can inform the creation of initiatives designed to alter cultural norms and advocate for children’s rights. Consequently, SLT not only enhances the examination of child domestic labour but also establishes a basis for efficacious advocacy and intervention efforts. In conclusion, the use of Social Learning Theory deepens our comprehension of the dynamics related to child domestic labour and provides a robust framework for tackling the issues encountered by child domestic workers in Ghana. By concentrating on both observed behaviours and the overarching social context, interventions can be formulated to interrupt detrimental cycles and enable children to attain better futures.
Methods
Study Design and Sampling Procedure
The study focused on children between the ages of 14 and 17. The larger research project that provided the data employed a mixed-method approach; however, this study solely examined the qualitative aspect to achieve its specific objectives, utilizing secondary qualitative data from the Department of Children’s (DOC) within the Ministry of Gender, Children, and Social Protection, which conducted the initial study. During the initial study, the DOC performed Key Informant Interviews (KIIs) with children aged 14 to 17 who were engaged in domestic work across 10 localities in all 10 regions of Ghana at the time the study was conducted. Participants were purposively selected based on their willingness to participate and their guardians’ consent. Children aged 10 to 17 were eligible if they volunteered to participate and had their guardians’ approval, while those unwilling or whose guardians withheld consent were excluded. Notably, the age focus was narrowed to 14 to 17 years due to reluctance among younger children to share their experiences.
In total, 100 children aged 14 to 17 years participated in the study, comprising 40 males and 60 females, all selected voluntarily following consent and assent proceduresThe DOC selected the study districts based on reports of child rights infractions provided by Regional Directors of the Ministry, supplemented by media accounts and documented evidence of domestic servitude. By including participants from diverse socio-cultural settings across Ghana, the study captured a broad spectrum of experiences, highlighting regional variations in the lived realities of child househelps.
To ensure confidentiality and comfort, participants chose interview venues that minimized the likelihood of their experiences being overheard by members of the households they worked for. The qualitative approach enabled an in-depth understanding of these children’s lives, many of whom had never had the opportunity to share their stories.
Study Setting
The study was conducted in Ghana, a sub-Saharan African country bordered by Burkina Faso to the north, Togo to the east, Côte d’Ivoire to the west, and the Gulf of Guinea to the south. According to the Ghana Statistical Service (GSS, 2021), the country had a population of 30.8 million, with 22.1% (6.8 million) being individuals below the age of 18. While the research was conducted in 2018, Ghana then consisted of 10 administrative regions, which have since been expanded to 16. This geographical context underscores the need to consider both urban and rural dynamics when examining child domestic work in Ghana.
Data Collection
The broader study from which the data were sourced focused on various aspects of child domestic servitude, including the nature of household tasks, living arrangements, challenges faced, and coping strategies employed by child househelps. Data collection spanned 7 months, beginning in April 2018. Field assistants underwent a one-day training workshop on conducting interviews with child participants, emphasizing ethical considerations and sensitivity.
KIIs explored a range of topics, including the nature of domestic tasks (e.g., cleaning, babysitting, and farming), living arrangements (e.g., sleeping and meals), remuneration and benefits, and challenges encountered by child househelps. The open-ended nature of the interviews facilitated rich, detailed accounts of participants’ lived experiences. To ensure validity, the DOC produced the interview guide after doing an extensive review of existing literature on child domestic work, consulting subject-matter experts, and pre-testing with a small sample of children from similar circumstances in Accra. This method guaranteed that the questions were culturally appropriate, understood by participants, and capable of eliciting relevant and meaningful responses. Furthermore, the National Child Protection Committee assessed all study instruments to ensure that they met ethical standards and the study’s objectives before approving its commencement.
Data Analysis
The interview transcripts underwent thematic analysis. Audio recordings of the interviews, conducted in native languages such as Twi, Ewe, and Dagbani, were transcribed verbatim and translated into English. Each transcript was reviewed multiple times to ensure a comprehensive understanding of the participants’ narratives. During the coding process, statements relevant to the study’s objectives were identified and categorized. Codes addressing similar issues were grouped into subthemes, which were then organized into broader themes. The analysis produced five major themes: “Roles, Tasks, and Schedules of Child Househelps,”“Living and Working Conditions,”“Challenges and Exploitation,”“Coping Strategies and Resilience,” and “Future Aspirations and Education.” Each theme comprised several sub-themes that captured more specific aspects of the children’s experiences (see Table 1). For instance, statements concerning the specific roles, tasks, and schedules of child househelps were coded and consolidated into the theme “Roles, Tasks, and Schedules of Child Househelps.” Similarly, codes related to challenges, such as sleeping arrangements, meals, and remuneration, were synthesized into distinct thematic categories. For clarity, these findings are summarized below and presented in Table 1.
Summary of Themes and Sub-Themes Identified.
Ethical Considerations
The study adhered to ethical standards, including the principles outlined in the Helsinki Declaration. Approval was obtained from the National Child Protection Committee at the DOC, ensuring that the study met established guidelines for research involving vulnerable populations. Participants’ rights were prioritized throughout the study. Informed consent was obtained from both the children and their guardians before participation, and confidentiality was maintained through the anonymization of all collected data. Additionally, efforts were made to protect participants’ privacy by allowing them to choose interview venues that ensured discretion.
Results
Socio-Demographic Characteristics of Children
The study analyzed the socio-demographic characteristics of 100 child househelps aged 14 to 17 years, as presented in Table 2. The majority of the child househelps were female (60%), while males constituted 40%. The largest proportion of participants was 17 years old (40%), followed by those aged 16 years (35%). Children aged 15 years made up 18%, while the youngest group, aged 14 years, accounted for 10%.
Demographic Characteristics of Children.
Nearly half of the participants (45%) were not in school, indicating significant educational deprivation among this group. Only 14% had attained primary education, while 41% had reached junior high school (JHS) or higher. The majority of participants identified as Christian (83%), followed by non-Christian religions (15%), and a small minority reported having no religion (2%). Participants were evenly distributed across Ghana’s 10 regions, with each region contributing 10% of the sample. This balanced representation ensured that the study captured diverse socio-cultural and regional dynamics influencing the experiences of child househelps.
Types of Engagement Arrangements for Househelps
The study explored the various arrangements through which househelps are engaged in households. Findings from the Key Informant Interviews (KIIs) identified three main types of engagement: (a) monthly waged employment, (b) in-kind payment agreements, and (c) work-based payment arrangements. Each of these reflects different expectations, forms of compensation, and levels of vulnerability for the househelps involved.
Monthly Waged Househelps
The KIIs indicated that some participants are employed as househelps and receive monthly stipends. However, none have formal written contracts; instead, arrangements were made with their parents at the outset regarding these stipends. The children provided the following statements:
My employer, with whom I live, visited my parents to arrange for me to come and assist his family with household chores. Although we haven’t signed any contract, he agreed with my parents that I would receive money at the end of each month, along with accommodation, food, and clothing. [KII 1, 17-year-old girl]. I’m not sure what arrangements were made before I came to live with my aunt, but she occasionally sends money to my parents in our hometown and gives me pocket money from time to time. I overheard her telling a friend that she is supposed to pay me each month, but she struggles to do so regularly. She mentioned that if she calculated the cost of the food I consume in the house, it would exceed the amount she would pay me. [KII 2, 16-year-old boy]. My parents and my master entered into an arrangement to assist them with their fishing activity and since then I have been a part of all their fishing expeditions in Elmina and environs. Since I came, I have never been paid regularly. I only receive fish, which i sell to get little income. The erratic nature of these payments exacerbates my financial position, making it difficult for me to effectively plan and meet my basic needs. [KII 3, 17-year-old boy].
In-Kind Payment Arrangements
KIIs revealed that some househelps are compensated in-kind, receiving essential goods and services rather than traditional salaries, and been promised opportunities in various trades, such as hairdressing and dressmaking, as well as support for purchasing a taxi after completing driving school or capital to start a business after a period of service. Some of the experiences shared are as follows:
My aunt provides me with food and occasionally gives me clothes to wear. Although I have been living with her for about two years, I have never received any payment. I came here on the promise that she would enrol me in a dressmaking training program, pay my apprenticeship fees, and eventually set me up with my own sewing machine and workspace as a seamstress. This is why I am here, but I worry whether she will honour her promise after I have served her. [KII 3, 17-year-old girl]. My uncle invited me to live in their home to help around the house since he is often out of the country. He claims that I am just idle in my village and that I would be more useful assisting his wife while he is away. He says he will send me to drive school after I serve for a while and help me get a taxi to earn a living. While I don’t doubt him, I sometimes worry that he may disappoint me. [KII 4, 17-year-old boy]. I live with my mistress to help her at home and provide other household services. She wants me to do this for two years when I will be 18 years, after which she has promised to put me in a hairdressing apprenticeship until I complete my training. Occasionally, I express doubt about whether this will materialize, but my mother keeps telling me to trust her. [KII 5, 16-year-old girl].
Work-Based Payment Agreements
Key informant interviews (KIIs) revealed that some househelps are engaged for specific tasks and are compensated for their work without residing in the households they serve. Participants noted that in these arrangements, the househelps are hired to perform some household activities, and after completing their tasks, they receive their payment and leave.
I work for a woman on weekends. I go to her house in the morning and assist with any household activities she needs help with. At the end of the day, I receive my payment and go back home. I have been doing this every weekend for the past eleven months. [KII 6, 17-year-old boy]. I live in another part of town, but every Saturday and Sunday, I go to a woman who lives in a flat to assist her around her house. Since I started doing this, I have also been invited by other neighbours in the flat to engage in similar activities. After completing the work, I receive my payment and return home. I have been doing this for three years. [KII 7, 17-year-old boy].
Roles and Schedules
To understand the diverse roles and schedules of child househelps in Ghanaian households, participants shared their lived experiences during the key informant interviews (KIIs). The findings reveal that the responsibilities of these children extend across a wide range of domestic duties, including cleaning, meal preparation, childcare, and other household tasks.
Roles
Many children emphasized that their roles were critical to maintaining the functionality and well-being of the households in which they worked. One participant reflected on her experience managing household cleaning and laundry tasks:
I live with my aunt, who has three children, and I wash all clothes in the house except the underwear of my aunt’s husband, which is done by my aunt. After washing, I iron the clothes, arrange them in the respective wardrobes, and also make sure the whole house is clean of dirt. This division of household chores allows my aunt, a career woman, to concentrate on her responsibilities while I handle the laundry and cleaning tasks. By taking care of these duties, I contribute to maintaining a tidy, organized home environment for everyone. [KII 8, 17-year-old girl].
Others described their involvement in meal preparation, ranging from assisting with cooking to preparing full meals:
I assist with meal preparation at home or sometimes, I do all the cooking, except for special meals my auntie wants to prepare herself. Aside from that, I also assist in the pounding of fufu [a popular local cuisine] any time we are supposed to eat fufu. [KII 9, 17-year-old girl].
Child househelps play an integral role in childcare and various household logistics, as indicated in the statement of one participant below:
I take my uncle’s children to school, and when they close, I have to take them back home. In addition, I wash all the cars at home. These responsibilities underscore my role in the household, guaranteeing regular care for both the children and the vehicles. By managing these tasks, I help maintain a smooth daily routine for my family. [KII 10, 16-year-old boy].
In some instances, their roles involved balancing domestic responsibilities with childcare for their employers:
I dropped out of school when I became pregnant, so I currently live with my mistress to work as a nanny and care for her youngest child at home. Occasionally, I accompany her to the office, where I wait in the car while she works and sneak out to breastfeed the baby. [KII 11, 17-year-old girl].
Beyond domestic tasks, the role of househelps often extend into family livelihood activities such as farming, fishing, and market work. For instance, children shared their experiences supporting agricultural and economic activities:
I have come from my hometown to live with my uncle, who owns farms. I assist him with work on them. Although I am not paid, my uncle ensures that he gives me food, shelter, and occasionally pocket money. My sole role is to assist him on the farms. [KII 12, 17-year-old boy]. My uncles, whom I live with after my daddy died, are fishermen. I accompany them to sea, and after each fishing expedition, they give me portions of the fish catch, which I sell to gain income. My role is to sit on the canoe and scoop water out of the boat whenever we go to fish at sea. [KII 13, 17-year-old boy].
Children assisting in market trading also described their dual responsibilities at home and in their employers’ businesses:
My madam, with whom I live, sells provisions at the market, and I work as a salesgirl in her store there. We also have a small store at home, where I assist with sales when I return from the market. [KII 14, 16-year-old girl].
Finally, others detailed their multifaceted roles running errands and managing essential household logistics:
I run all kinds of errands at home, from buying groceries and foodstuff from the market to fetching water and disposing of solid waste at the rubbish dumpsite for the household. [KII 15, 14-year-old girl].
Schedules
Participants shared detailed accounts of their schedules as househelps, which included the times and frequency with which they provided their services. These narratives reveal structured routines that often-demanded consistency and adaptability to household needs. The schedules varied significantly depending on the nature of their tasks, reflecting the multifaceted responsibilities they shouldered. One child highlighted the variable nature of her laundry duties, illustrating how her schedule adapted to the immediate needs of the household:
The frequency with which I do my work varies. For instance, I wash some clothes in the morning, afternoon, or evening, depending on which ones are dirty and require washing. There are some clothes I wash during the weekends, but largely, laundry is done every day. [KII 16, 14-year-old girl].
Another participant, who was responsible for escorting children to school, explained how her daily routine changed based on school schedules and extracurricular activities:
When school reopens, I have to send my uncle’s children to school each morning and take them back home each day when school closes. If they have to attend extra classes, then the schedule changes, as I have to hang around the school until they close. This only happens on days when they stay longer at school for extra classes. [KII 17, 16-year-old boy].
Child househelps engaged in family livelihoods, such as fishing, described their highly regimented schedules that aligned with the demands of the trade:
I accompany my uncles to assist them with fishing each day except Tuesday, which is when all fishers are forbidden to go to sea. Even on that day, we spend it at the fishing landing site mending our nets or working on the canoe if there is any maintenance required. [KII 18, 17-year-old boy].
Those working as salesgirls emphasized the intensity and daily nature of their responsibilities, which often left little room for rest:
As a salesgirl who assists my mistress at the market and also helps with sales at the home store, I have a tight schedule of working each day, including weekends. On weekends, we don’t go to the market but operate in the provisions shop at home. [KII 19, 16-year-old girl].
Errand duties, such as fetching water and managing household waste, also followed a routine pattern to meet the daily needs of the household:
I fetch water twice for the house, to enable household members to have enough water to wash in the mornings before everyone goes to work or school, and in the evenings to replenish water supplies. With the rubbish, I dump it once a day. [KII 20, 14-year-old girl].
Challenges
The challenges faced by child househelps reflect the complexities of their roles, often exacerbated by difficult working conditions, experiences of abuse, and limited access to basic rights such as education and healthcare. These challenges highlight the vulnerability of children engaged in domestic work and underscore the need for better protections.
Working Conditions
Many participants reported gruelling working hours, physically demanding tasks, and little to no time for rest:
I wake up at 4 a.m. every day to sweep the compound and start preparing breakfast. By the time I am done with all the house chores, it’s already late at night, and I barely have time to rest. I am usually last to sleep, and first to wake up to sweep at home. [KII 21, 15-year-old girl]. I sometimes work late into the night, especially when we have visitors at home. I have to cook, clean, and still wake up early the next day to continue my tasks. It feels like there is no break. [KII 22, 16-year-old girl].
Experiences of Abuse
Some participants shared accounts of verbal, physical, and emotional abuse at the hands of their guardians or employers:
When I make mistakes, my aunt beats me with a cane or yells at me in front of everyone. My younger cousins, even though I am older than them, disrespect me and talk to me anyhow. It’s very embarrassing, and sometimes I cry myself to sleep. [KII 23, 14-year-old girl]. One time, I accidentally broke a plate, and my uncle slapped me so hard that my ear hurt for days. He said I was careless and that he wouldn’t tolerate such behaviour. [KII 24, 15-year-old boy].
Access to Basic Rights
The inability to attend school was another major challenge for many househelps, limiting their future opportunities:
I wish I could go to school like other children, but my madam says I am here to work, not to learn. She says education is expensive and unnecessary for someone like me. [KII 25, 14-year-old girl]. When my father died, I had to stop school and start working as a househelp. Sometimes, I see children in their uniforms and wish I could join them, but I have no choice. [KII 26, 17-year-old boy].
Coping Strategies
Despite the challenges, child househelps employ various coping strategies to navigate their hardships. These insights shed light on their resilience and how they attempt to find meaning and balance in their lives. Children employed a variety of coping mechanisms to deal with their challenges, from finding solace in prayer to fostering relationships with supportive individuals:
When I feel overwhelmed, I pray to God to give me strength. I believe that one day, things will get better for me. This reflects a sense of hope and faith in a positive future, suggesting that, despite current struggles, there is an expectation for improvement. The act of praying serves as both a source of comfort and a way to seek inner resilience during challenging times. [KII 27, 14-year-old girl]. I talk to a neighbour who is kind to me. She listens when I share my problems and sometimes gives me food or small gifts to cheer me up. Her thoughtful gestures and willingness to listen create a supportive bond between us, making her a comforting presence in my life. This kindness not only lifts my spirits but also fosters a sense of community and connection. [KII 28, 15-year-old girl].
Other children coped by mentally focusing on their long-term goals or practicing endurance:
I tell myself that this is temporary. I want to save money so that I can go back to school one day. This mindset helps me stay focused on my financial goals and maintain hope for the future. By viewing my current situation as a stepping stone, I can remain motivated to work toward my educational aspirations. [KII 29, 17-year-old boy]. I’ve learned to keep quiet and obey instructions. When I follow instructions, I encounter less trouble and navigate through the day more effortlessly. This approach allows me to navigate challenging situations with minimal conflict. By following directions, I create a smoother daily experience for myself. [KII 30, 16-year-old girl].
Discussion
The study explored the various arrangements under which househelps are engaged in homes, examined the roles and daily schedules assigned to them, identified the challenges they face in the course of their work, and devised solutions to deal with these challenges. The study found a considerable gender imbalance among child domestic househelps, with females making up 60% of the participants. This is consistent with the findings of Webbink et al. (2012) and Hashim and Thorsen (2011), who observed that girls are more likely to be recruited for domestic work due to societal expectations regarding their role in household management. Similarly, Tsikata (2009) and MoGCSP (2018) point out that gender norms frequently create a disproportionate burden of unpaid labour on adolescent girls, especially in low-income settings. SLT explains these concerns through observational learning by emphasizing how children internalize societal standards about gender roles. This internalized behaviour can set off a cycle in which girls feel driven to adhere to these expectations, frequently at the expense of their education and personal development. As a result, perpetuating such gender norms limits girls’ potential and maintains societal disparities.
The findings of this study show three main arrangements under which househelps are engaged in Ghanaian households: monthly waged arrangements, in-kind payment arrangements, and work-based payment agreements. These arrangements reflect broader socioeconomic trends and cultural norms that influence domestic work in developing countries (ILO, 2017; Tsikata, 2011). The monthly wage system emphasizes the informal and unstable nature of domestic work, as indicated by the lack of formal contracts. In this arrangement, the children or their parents reach verbal agreements on monthly stipends, housing, food, and clothing. However, irregular payment methods and employer rationalizations, such as factoring in the cost of food consumed by the household, contribute to financial instability. This is comparable to research from other poorer countries, where domestic employment is rarely regulated, resulting in exploitative practices and financial insecurity such as the absence of written contracts (ILO, 2017; Ogbechie & Oyetunde, 2019; Setrini et al., 2023; Tsikata, 2009).
The in-kind arrangements for payment highlight the vulnerability of househelps who rely on promises of future benefits, such as apprenticeship training or business startup capital. While some househelps expressed hope, others questioned whether these promises would be fulfilled. These findings are consistent with previous studies, which show that the promise of future rewards is frequently used to manipulate domestic workers and postpone compensation (Davidson, 2015; MoGCSP, 2018; Sarasúa, 2025). This reflects the mechanisms of observational learning from SLT, where children may internalize the idea that immediate needs can be compromised for anticipated future gains, a concept that can lead to acceptance of exploitative practices. These actions are also similar to the concept of postponed compensation, which is common in the context of bonded labour and servitude, in which workers’ current needs are ignored in favour of expected future rewards. This approach not only exacerbates the immediate difficulties encountered by the househelps, but it also maintains a cycle of dependency and exploitation. As a result, the promise of future compensation frequently becomes a kind of deception, trapping many in a system that denies them their fundamental rights and dignity.
Work-based payment agreements represent the most transactional approach, where househelps are engaged for specified tasks and paid immediately upon completion. Participants characterized this arrangement as providing more freedom and independence because they could return home after work and were not tied by long-term obligations to their employers. This model reflects global developments in the casual labour market, where people perform short-term, task-specific work (Chen, 2012). While this structure gives househelps considerable liberty, the lack of legal protections makes them vulnerable to exploitation and underpayment (ILO, 2017; Setrini et al., 2023). In line with SLT, children may observe others engaging in similar work arrangements and internalize the notion that such informal agreements are standard, further entrenching these practices within their communities.
These findings contribute to the understanding of domestic employment arrangements in Ghana by confirming, conforming to, or contradicting previous research. For example, domestic employment in Ghana is informal and exploitative, as is the case worldwide (ILO, 2017; Tsikata, 2009). However, the fact that some individuals are compensated in-kind demonstrates a cultural feature in which promises of future opportunities are valued over current remuneration. Similarly, the rise of work-based payment agreements reflects the increasing casualization of the labour market in both rural and urban areas.
The roles of child domestic house help encompassed a wide range of household and economic tasks, including cleaning, childcare, meal preparation, farming, fishing, and market trading. These findings are consistent with research that highlights the multifunctional nature of child domestic labour not only in Ghanaian households but globally (Cartier et al., 2018; Okyere, 2013; Putnick & Bornstein, 2016; Tetteh, 2011; Zhang & Coene, 2024). Notably, the involvement of children in both domestic and economic activities underscores the blurred boundaries between household chores and income-generating roles (Okyere, 2013; Webbink et al., 2012).
The exploitative working conditions, such as late-night sleeping and waking very early in the morning to begin chores, provided by child househelps should be viewed as a significant public health issue. The structured but gruelling schedules, characterized by minimal rest, inadequate sleep, and prolonged physical exertion, pose severe risks to the physical, psychological, and emotional well-being of these children. According to SLT, these adverse conditions can normalize the acceptance of such exploitation, as children witness adults enduring similar circumstances without challenge. The ILO (2021) has emphasized the exploitative nature of such working conditions, which can lead to long-term health consequences if not addressed. This issue needs to be factored into the public awareness programs of MoGCSP and its operational affiliates within the media and NGO sectors.
The study identified three primary challenges faced by child househelps: poor working conditions, abuse, and limited access to basic rights. Gruelling work hours and physically demanding tasks mirror the findings of studies by Pugmire (2022) and Hamenoo et al. (2020) which describe child domestic work as among the most exploitative forms of labour. Experiences of verbal and physical abuse reported by participants align with findings from the World Health Organisation (2017) and a rapid systematic review from, which highlight the prevalence of mistreatment among child labourers. Through the lens of SLT, these experiences can further reinforce the acceptance of abuse as a norm, impacting children’s perceptions of their rights and roles.
The coping strategies employed by the study participants, such as prayer, seeking support from neighbours, and focusing on long-term goals, reflect resilience and adaptability. These findings are consistent with research highlighting the role of supportive social relationships in fostering positive outcomes among children facing adversity (Smith & Pollak, 2021). However, the use of silence and obedience as coping mechanisms raises concerns about the normalization of subservience, a point also noted in studies examining coping strategies in adverse home environments (Crittenden, 1992). This normalization can be explained through SLT, where children learn to suppress their voices and accept abuse as part of their roles, further perpetuating the cycle of exploitation.
Limitations and Strengths
The study on child domestic servitude in Ghana revealed both limitations and strengths that are important for understanding its scope and applicability. One of the main limitations was the reliance on secondary qualitative data, which restricted the researchers’ ability to tailor data collection to emerging themes. The purposive sampling method may have introduced bias, and the exclusion of younger children (below 14 years) limited the diversity of perspectives. Challenges with translating interviews from local languages to English may have also affected the depth of meaning in participants’ narratives. Additionally, as a cross-sectional study, it captured experiences at a single point in time, missing any changes over time.
Despite these challenges, the study had significant strengths. It achieved a broad representation by including participants from all 10 administrative regions of Ghana, ensuring socio-cultural diversity. Ethical considerations were rigorously upheld, with measures such as informed consent and participant anonymity protecting the welfare of the children involved. By focusing on adolescents aged 14 to 17, the study offered detailed insights into their unique experiences, which can be understood through the lens of Social Learning Theory, as these adolescents are at a critical stage of absorbing societal norms and expectations. The use of thematic analysis provided a robust framework for uncovering key patterns in the data, allowing for the exploration of how observed behaviours and experiences shape children’s understanding of their roles. These strengths enabled the study to provide a comprehensive understanding of the issues faced by child househelps in Ghana.
Conclusion
The study highlights the complex realities of child househelps in Ghana, where gender norms, educational deprivation, and exploitative working conditions intertwine to create significant vulnerabilities. Female dominance in domestic labour reflects deep-rooted societal expectations, while limited educational access perpetuates cycles of poverty and dependence. The three identified house-help payment arrangements, monthly waged, in-kind payment, and work-based payment, demonstrate varying levels of exploitation, with in-kind arrangements posing particularly significant risks due to their reliance on unfulfilled promises. Through the lens of Social Learning Theory, these arrangements can be understood as learned behaviours that children internalize based on their observations of adults and societal norms (Bandura, 1977).
The diverse roles undertaken by househelps and their demanding schedules underscore the blurred lines between domestic and economic labour, often to the detriment of the physical and psychological well-being of these children. SLT explains how children may observe adults balancing these roles, leading them to accept similar expectations for themselves, further entrenching their precarious situations. Despite these challenges, the resilience displayed by child domestic workers highlights their adaptability, though coping mechanisms such as silence and obedience raise ethical concerns regarding normalized exploitation. The normalization of these coping strategies can be understood through SLT, as children learn to accept their circumstances and suppress their voices in response to the behaviours they observe around them.
This study adds scientific value by thoroughly exploring the relationships between gender, education, and payment methods in Ghanaian child domestic employment, which have previously been studied separately rather than collectively utilizing a social learning theory framework. The originality of this study lies in its application of the SLT to elucidate how exploitative practices extend beyond individual experiences. These practices are socially transmitted and internalized, offering a deeper understanding of how vulnerabilities related to child labour are perpetuated across generations. Addressing these issues requires robust policy interventions to enforce labour regulations, promote access to education, and challenge cultural norms that sustain exploitative practices. Leveraging insights from SLT can inform these interventions by focusing on changing the behaviours and attitudes of both children and adults within the community. Future research and advocacy efforts should focus on ensuring that the rights and well-being of child domestic workers are safeguarded within Ghana’s socio-economic framework
Implication for Policy and Practice
The findings hold important implications for policy and practice. They highlight the urgent need to strengthen and enforce child protection laws, such as the Children’s Act and the Human Trafficking Act, to prevent exploitation in domestic work. Education must also be prioritized, with programs designed to reintegrate child househelps into school or equip them with vocational skills. Public awareness campaigns are essential to challenge cultural norms that perpetuate child domestic servitude, and these efforts should involve community leaders and civil society organizations. Establishing support systems, such as hotlines, shelters, and counselling services, is crucial for protecting children and addressing their psychological well-being. Furthermore, addressing the root causes of domestic servitude requires livelihood interventions for vulnerable families, coupled with robust social protection programs to reduce poverty. Continuous research and data monitoring will also be vital for assessing progress and informing future interventions. Together, these strategies can create a more protective environment for children and reduce the prevalence of domestic servitude in Ghana.
Footnotes
Acknowledgements
I am grateful to the Department of Children for permitting the use of secondary data for this study. Their support has been invaluable in facilitating the research process and enriching the findings.
Ethical Considerations
The study received approval from the National Child Protection Committee of the Ministry of Gender, Children, and Social Protection (MoGCSP).
Consent to Participate
Written informed consent was obtained from all study participants. For househelps aged 14 to 17, additional written consent was secured from their guardians prior to the interviews. All study procedures complied with the principles outlined in the Declaration of Helsinki, ensuring the rights, safety, and well-being of participants.
Funding
The author received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Data Availability Statement
The datasets used and/or analyzed during this study are accessible from the corresponding author upon reasonable request.