Abstract
Since the ratification of the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), awareness of children’s inherent value and their right to participate in decision-making processes affecting them has grown significantly. Despite these advancements, the realisation of children’s participation rights remains limited in many contexts, including Ghana. This study, guided by the Evolving Capacities of the Child Theory (ECCT), focuses exclusively on the perspectives of parents and government officials regarding children’s participation rights. Specifically, it explores parents’ opinions on children’s rights, their sources of knowledge about these rights, and their willingness to grant children participation rights, while also assessing government officials’ perspectives on the national policies supporting such rights. The study utilised secondary qualitative data from the Ministry of Gender, Children and Social Protection (MoGCSP), comprising interviews with 100 parents and 20 government officials. Findings revealed that while most parents acknowledged children’s rights to survival, protection, and development, they often neglected the right to participation. Many parents feared that granting children participation rights would lead to excessive freedom and challenge traditional authority structures. These findings underscore the persistence of cultural resistance and the need for targeted public education and policy interventions to bridge the gap between awareness and practice in Ghana’s implementation of children’s participation rights.
Introduction
Individuals possess essential rights that ensure their survival, development, and protection. The Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) is a global treaty that acknowledges these rights specifically for persons under 18 years (United Nations Children’s Fund [UNICEF], 1989). This study focuses on the scope of two key stakeholder groups, parents and government officials, whose roles are critical in realising children’s participation rights in Ghana. It examines parents’ understanding of their children’s rights, the sources of information that shape their knowledge, and their willingness to grant participation rights. In parallel, it explores government officials’ perspectives on national policies and institutional efforts to promote the recognition of children’s participation rights.
This dual focus is essential because parents serve as the primary implementers of children’s rights within the household (Detrick, 1999; United Nations, 1989), while government officials design and enforce the policy frameworks that shape national action on child participation (Archard, 2014; United Nations, 1989). By examining both groups, the study provides a comprehensive understanding of how awareness, cultural norms, and institutional mechanisms interact to influence the recognition of children’s participation rights in Ghana (Ansell, 2016; United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child, 2009). The CRC defines parents’ duties and obligations to their children, emphasising their entitlement to essential services such as education and healthcare. It also highlights the importance of ensuring children are well-informed and actively participate in exercising their rights (United Nations Children’s Fund [UNICEF], 2007).
This study specifically addresses Article 12 of the CRC, which underscores children’s right to participate in decision-making processes that affect their lives within families, schools and communities (United Nations, 1989). Article 12 defines ‘children’s participation’ as their active involvement in decisions, initiatives and policies that impact them. It promotes dialogue and mutual respect between children and adults, considering children’s ages and maturity levels (Davey et al., 2010; Ponet, 2011). When children are given opportunities to engage, they develop confidence and competence, while adults gain valuable insights into their perspectives (Ansell, 2016; O'Kane, 2003).
The CRC, the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (African Union, 1999), and Ghana’s Children’s Act of 1998 (Act 560) all recognise children’s participation rights as fundamental principles (Government of Ghana, 1998). However, among the four CRC principles, the right to be heard is the most contested in Ghana. Many parents resist this notion due to cultural beliefs that view children as immature and lacking decision-making abilities, insisting they must defer to parental authority (Lansdown, 2005; Manful et al., 2020; MoGCSP, 2021).
Consequently, many parents perceive child participation rights as a challenge to their authority, fearing it may undermine family structures or lead to irresponsible behaviour in children (Hafen, 1976; Stephenson et al., 2004). Traditionally, children have been seen as objects in need of protection rather than individuals with rights equivalent to those of adults (Archard, 1993; Stern, 2006). In Ghana, the prevailing belief is that parents own their children and, therefore, should control decision-making, which contributes to a reluctance to grant children participation rights (Kyei-Arthur & Kyei-Gyamfi, 2024; Manful et al., 2020). This exclusion from family and community decision-making limits children’s ability to express their thoughts and preferences.
Despite Ghana’s commitment to the CRC and efforts to integrate its principles into national laws and policies, children’s participation rights remain inadequately enforced. While the Children’s Act of 1998 and awareness-raising initiatives by the Ministry of Gender, Children, and Social Protection (MoGCSP) aim to uphold children’s rights, significant opposition persists (Kyei-Arthur & Kyei-Gyamfi, 2024; MoGCSP, 2021, 2022). According to Ghana’s sixth and seventh Consolidated Reports to the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child (MoGCSP, 2021), many parents support principles such as non-discrimination, the best interests of the child, and survival and development, yet remain hesitant to accept children’s participation rights.
Research on children’s rights in Ghana has largely concentrated on survival and protection (Guštin, 2022), as well as development (Covell et al., 2010; Jerome, 2016), with limited focus on participation rights (Abdullah et al., 2018; Imoh & Okyere, 2020; Kyei-Arthur & Kyei-Gyamfi, 2024; Manful et al., 2020). To address this gap, this study examines the opinions of parents and government officials on children’s rights. By examining diverse viewpoints, the research aims to contribute to a better understanding of how to effectively implement children’s participation rights in Ghana.
Theoretical Foundation: Evolving Capacities of the Child Theory
The study is anchored in the Evolving Capacities of the Child Theory (ECCT), a key principle derived from the CRC (United Nations, 1989). This international human rights treaty introduced the theory to highlight the dynamic and progressive nature of children’s development. The ECCT recognises that as children grow, their abilities and competencies evolve, necessitating a shift from adult-led decision-making to practices that include children’s perspectives. This approach offers a nuanced understanding of children’s rights, balancing their autonomy with their need for protection and guidance (Lansdown, 2005). It provides a solid foundation for understanding participation rights in contemporary society, emphasising the importance of involving children in decisions that affect their lives.
The ECCT asserts that children's capacity to engage in decision-making regarding their lives is influenced by their age, maturity, and experiences. Article 5 of the CRC explicitly supports this principle by emphasising the responsibilities, rights, and duties of parents or legal guardians to provide appropriate guidance in accordance with the child's evolving capacities. Article 12 of the CRC, central to this study, underscores children’s rights to express their views on issues affecting them, with due consideration for their age and maturity (United Nations, 1989). These principles are also mirrored in the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (African Union, 1999) and Ghana’s Children’s Act of 1998 (Act 560), specifically Section 11, which protects children's participation rights. Together, these frameworks encourage a systematic approach to recognising and facilitating children’s rights to participate in decision-making processes that affect their lives, creating an atmosphere in which children’s voices are heard and valued.
The theory’s relevance extends to understanding why parental control tends to diminish as children mature. In Ghana, many parents adjust their level of supervision as they recognise their children’s growing competencies and maturity (MoGCSP, 2021). This gradual transition underscores the dual responsibility of respecting children’s autonomy while ensuring their protection and well-being, fostering a developmentally appropriate and contextually relevant realisation of children’s rights (Lansdown, 2005; Lundy, 2007; MoGCSP, 2021).
The belief that children should be seen but not heard (Kyei-Arthur & Kyei-Gyamfi, 2024) persists, especially within the Ghanaian context, where traditional views of parental authority frequently conflict with modern understandings of children’s participation rights. Many parents, deeply influenced by cultural norms, view the recognition of child rights as a threat to established family hierarchies and parental control (Adonteng-Kissi, 2022; Manful et al., 2020). For instance, traditional practices prioritising domestic child-rearing responsibilities frequently contradict the freedoms and rights guaranteed under the CRC framework. The aversion is exacerbated by a lack of awareness regarding children's developing capacities, as some parents still view children as fundamentally unable to make rational and informed decisions (MoGCSP, 2021).
By employing the lens of the ECCT, the study illuminates the socio-cultural dynamics underpinning parental resistance to granting children participation rights. The framework offers a critical understanding of how entrenched cultural beliefs and limited knowledge about children’s developmental competencies shape attitudes toward autonomy and involvement in decision-making processes. The ECCT aligns effectively with the study’s research questions. The examination of parents’ awareness regarding children’s rights is closely linked to the theory’s focus on understanding children’s developmental abilities and the need to adjust parental guidance accordingly. Examining parents’ perspectives on granting participation rights reveals the interplay of cultural, social and personal factors that affect their recognition of children’s autonomy. The perspective of government officials on the implementation of policies that promote children’s participation rights corresponds with the ECCT’s promotion of policies that acknowledge children’s evolving capacities and support their engagement in decision-making processes (Manful et al., 2020; MoGCSP, 2021).
Utilising ECCT as a framework facilitates a thorough examination of the obstacles associated with the realisation of children’s participation rights in Ghana. The theory highlights the dynamic aspects of children’s development, offering a framework for dealing with resistance to these rights through education and community involvement. It also informs the development and implementation of culturally sensitive policies that uphold children’s participation rights while aligning with global standards (Lansdown, 2005; Manful et al., 2020).
In summary, the ECCT provides a solid theoretical framework for examining the viewpoints of parents and government officials regarding the granting of participation rights to children. This approach reconciles children’s rights to protection with their autonomy, promoting a balanced and contextually sensitive implementation of child rights. The theory underpins the study’s objectives by emphasising the relationship between children’s development and their participation rights. It contributes to the broader discourse on the protection of child rights in contemporary society.
Methods
Study Design and Sampling Procedure
The study serves as a sub-study from a wider nationwide mixed-methods investigation conducted by the Ministry of Gender, Children, and Social Protection (MoGCSP). The larger study surveyed 5,024 children and 100 key informants in Ghana with regard to the actualisation of child rights. The national study utilised a mixed-methods design to simultaneously gather quantitative and qualitative data from respondents, allowing for comparison and validation of findings from both data sources (Creswell & Clark, 2017). This study centred on qualitative data. The qualitative data includes key informant interviews (KIIs) with parents and officials from government organisations responsible for protecting the rights and welfare of children.
The qualitative data consist of KIIs with parents and government officials. For the KIIs with parents, 100 KIIs with parents were conducted, comprising 50 male parents and 50 female parents (Table 1). In each region, 10 parents were conveniently sampled, segregated by gender: five males and five females due to financial constraints. KIIs with parents were segregated by gender to ensure the perspectives of each gender were captured. Convenient sampling was used because it requires less time and financial resources. Convenient sampling was utilised due to its efficiency in time and resource allocation (Etikan et al., 2016; Patton, 2014), while yet guaranteeing gender-disaggregated representation and a variety of perspectives (Palinkas et al., 2015). To mitigate the potential of harm to participants, all interviews were carried out in a non-intrusive, conversational manner (Kvale & Brinkmann, 2015), permitting them to avoid any questions they deemed uncomfortable (Liamputtong, 2017). No personally identifiable information was documented, and all responses were handled with confidentiality (Hesse-Biber, 2013; Orb et al., 2001). The study presented negligible risk to participants, mostly confined to possible mental distress when addressing child welfare issues (Sieber, 1998). To address this, trained field assistants employed sensitive communication strategies and offered information on relevant psychological support services when required (Wellington, 2015).
Number of Participants of KIIs in Study Communities.
Source. From the field data, 2018.
Parents were interviewed as key informants because they have children, and the study wanted to explore their views on whether children have participation rights. According to the study, a parent is anyone aged 18 and older with a child under the age of 18. Informed consent was obtained in writing from all participants after the study objectives, the voluntary nature of participation, and confidentiality measures were explained to them in their preferred language (Kvale & Brinkmann, 2015). Only those who expressed their willingness could participate in the KIIs. In addition, the study engaged with 20 government officials, with 10 at the national level and 10 distributed evenly across each region (Table 1). Also, a convenient sampling method was employed to interview government officials (Patton, 2014).
Study Setting
Ghana is a lower-middle-income country located in West Africa along the Gulf of Guinea coast, with Accra as its capital. As of 2021, the population is approximately 30.8 million, with females comprising the majority. The country covers a land area of about 238,537 km2 and shares borders with Burkina Faso to the north, the Gulf of Guinea to the south, Togo to the east, and Côte d'Ivoire to the west. At the time of data collection, Ghana had 10 administrative regions, although it currently has expanded to 16 regions (Cooke et al., 2016). This geographical and demographic context provides a backdrop for understanding the nuances of child rights and participation within the country.
Data Collection
The study constitutes part of a situational analysis regarding children in Ghana. The study examined various child rights issues, including household and domestic arrangements, educational and vocational opportunities, social welfare provisions, children’s entitlements, medical and healthcare services, sexual and reproductive health, internet and social media usage, and child labour. The present study primarily examined the perspectives of parents and government officials regarding children’s participation rights in the country.
The data collection spanned 7 months (April–October 2018). Field assistants underwent a 1-day training session on the study instruments, which included a semi-structured questionnaire and an interview guide. The training emphasised ethical conduct, confidentiality and techniques for minimising participant discomfort. The KIIs with parents were conducted in their homes, whereas those with government officials were conducted at their offices or by phone interviews. Participants selected the interview locations to ensure privacy and comfort, further reducing potential stress or perceived coercion.
Participation was voluntary, with the right to withdraw at any time without consequence. Prior to each interview, participants received detailed information about the study’s objectives, the confidentiality of their responses, and data protection procedures, after which informed consent was obtained. This study obtained approval from the National Child Protection Committee of the MoGCSP.
Data Analysis
A thematic analysis (Clarke & Braun, 2017) was conducted on all transcripts of participant interactions in the KIIs using NVivo software version 10. All transcripts were studied to understand the perspectives of parents and government officials on children’s participation rights. Each transcript was meticulously scrutinised, focusing on the responses that aligned with the study’s goals. Initial coding was applied to the interview transcripts to align participant language, perspectives and understanding of the subject under study.
Second-cycle coding followed the primary coding to identify patterns, themes, and categories that guided the research process toward the final narrative, interpretation, and conclusion (Williams & Moser, 2019). Codes were assigned to phrases relevant to the study's objectives, and themes were created by grouping similar codes observed in the transcripts. These themes and their associated codes expressed the participants’ perspectives on children’s participation rights. The thematic data analysis adhered to the sequence outlined by Berg (2001: 240). To enhance analytic credibility and trustworthiness, multiple coders independently reviewed the data, and discrepancies were resolved collaboratively through consensus discussions (Nowell et al., 2017). A detailed audit trail documenting all analytical decisions was maintained to promote transparency, dependability and replicability (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). To further uphold ethical integrity, all data were anonymised, securely stored, and accessed solely by the research team (Flick, 2022). Findings were presented in aggregate form to safeguard participant confidentiality and prevent the identification of individuals or communities (World Medical Association, 2013).
Credibility is essential in qualitative research. To ensure the credibility of the study findings, the second author conducted an analysis of the qualitative data, which was subsequently reviewed by co-authors with expertise in qualitative data analysis, leading to an amicable resolution of any discrepancies (Williams & Moser, 2019). All analytical decisions made during the coding, theme development, and report writing were systematically documented to enhance transparency and dependability (Flick, 2022; Nowell et al., 2017). This reflexive process enhanced the trustworthiness of findings and ensured balanced interpretation while protecting participants’ voices and dignity. The 7 months allocated for data collection provided sufficient opportunity to foster trust with participants, which encouraged them to share their insights and enabled the collection of detailed data.
Results
Demographic Characteristics
Table 2 presents the socio-demographic characteristics of 100 parents who were interviewed, detailing their gender, age, level of education, religion, and region of residence. Table 2 illustrates that there was an equal representation of males and females. Additionally, almost three out of ten participants (28%) were aged 38, while an equal percentage (20%) fell within the 18 to 27 and 28 to 37 age brackets. Regarding educational attainment, 62% of participants reported having completed Senior High School or a higher level of education. In contrast, 18% had finished Junior High School, 11% had completed primary education, and 9% had no formal education. The demographic breakdown reveals that Christians constitute the largest group at 71%, with Muslims representing 19%. Adherents of African Traditional Religion and other faiths account for 6%, while those identifying themselves as having no religion make up 4% of the population. In each of the ten regions, interviews were conducted with 10 parents, as detailed in Table 2.
Socio-Demographic Characteristics of Parents by Gender, Age, Marital Status, Education, Religion and Region.
Source. From the field data, 2018.
Parents’ Knowledge of Children’s Rights
Parents’ understanding of children’s rights may influence their opinions on whether children have rights that parents must respect. During the KIIs with parents, they acknowledged that children have rights, and these rights include parental provision of necessities of life, care, support and protection from harm. Some participants expressed the following:
As a parent, you are supposed to take care of your children so they don’t go hungry or fall sick. You also must clothe them. These are viewed as children’s rights. [KII 1, Parent] Children’s rights refer to the fundamental rights that children are entitled to, and it is the responsibility of every parent to ensure that their children receive every necessary assistance, care, and protection until they reach adulthood. [KII 2, Parent]
The KIIs indicated that some parents' inadequate understanding of their children’s rights. A number of respondents articulated the following:
Children's rights refer to the circumstances in which children are consistently correct in their actions. Some children are smarter than their parents because they have attended school, while the parents are illiterate. Such children have greater rights than their parents. [KII 3, Parent] Children’s rights relate to situations when little children show disrespect to their parents and even threaten to report them to the police station for smacking them. Children’s rights belong to children who don’t want to work at home, and all they do is speak big English. [KII 4, Parent] Encounters with diverse segments of the adult community across the country indicate a prevalent misunderstanding of the concept of child rights. As a result, many individuals believe that children are too young to have participation rights. Observations indicate that although many adults in the country recognise the existence of children's fundamental rights, they do not possess a thorough understanding of the specific rights applicable to children. [KII 5, Government Official at NCCE].
Parents’ Sources of Knowledge about Children’s Rights
During the KIIs with parents, they were asked to mention their primary sources of knowledge about children’s rights. Parents’ main sources of knowledge of children’s rights included civil society groups (such as CBOs and NGOs), television, radio, newspapers, churches, and social media platforms. Participants narrated the following:
All the FM stations have programs on children’s rights, which are aired periodically. Radio presenters table specific issues about children’s rights to be discussed so listeners can phone into the program and express their views. [KII 6, Parent] I have multiple sources of information regarding children's rights. I occasionally access information on my phone and come across reports on television, radio, and in newspapers regarding incidents of child rights infringements. [KII 7, Parent] Civil society organisations in the vicinity frequently discuss children's rights. My children are members of child rights clubs, and they inform me about various aspects of children's rights that they come across. [KII 8, Parent]
In rural communities, participants of the KIIs also reported on the sources of knowledge of children’s rights. They indicated:
Child rights awareness raising is usually organised by community-based organisations (CBOs) and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) operating in the villages around here. They come here very often and talk to us about the child's rights. [KII 9, Parent] Occasionally, experts on children’s rights visit us during church service and are allowed to talk to the congregation about children’s rights. In these talks, we get the opportunity to ask questions and are enlightened on all the things we do not understand. [KII 10, Parent] I listen to the radio and sometimes watch TV, and occasionally, issues of child rights come up for discussion, generating public discourse about the child's rights. So, most of us here in this community hear about children’s rights on the radio and sometimes on TV. But many depend on the radio for our information. [KII 11, Parent]
Parents’ Perspectives on Children’s Participation Rights
During the KIIs, parents articulated their perspectives on the significance of their children’s participation rights, revealing two predominant themes: the assertion that children's participation rights are important and should be granted by parents and the counterargument that these rights are not a priority and should not be granted by parents.
Children’s Participation Rights Are Important
Some parents held the view that granting children's participation rights is crucial, as it aligns with moral principles and forms a fundamental part of today's society. However, they stressed the need for supervision over children’s participation rights. Some parents expressed their perspectives in the following manner:
Ensuring that children are granted their human rights is morally correct; therefore, no parent should deny their children basic privileges. We do not oppose children's rights; instead, we only request that they be implemented under proper supervision [KII 12, Parent] Things have changed. Giving children rights is one way that people all over the world are working to improve the conditions of children. Indeed, giving children the right to participate means keeping them safe from being abused, exploited, or mistreated. Giving them the right to participate is not a bad decision to take as a parent. It should, however, be done with care. [KII 13, Parent] Granting children’s rights to express themselves is crucial, and all children must be entitled to them. However, as Africans, we must let children know that having rights is as important as being a responsible person and contributing meaningfully to your community’s development. We agree that every parent must grant their children rights, but children must know that rights move hand in hand with a person’s responsibilities. You can't demand rights and not want to be responsible. [KII 14, Parent].
While some parents recognised the importance of children’s participation rights for their well-being, they asserted that children should not have the authority to dictate parental actions. During the key informant interviews, one parent expressed his views as follows:
We recognise the significance of children's rights and the benefits of granting them fundamental rights. This is why we send our children to school to learn, take them to the hospital when sick, let them play to have fun, and dress them to stay safe. We cannot, however, let them tell us what to do. According to our customs, children can't tell adults what to do. We treat children like our own and expect them to listen to us until they are old enough to do things independently. [KII 15, Parent].
Children’s Participation Rights Are Not Important
Interviews with parents in rural areas revealed that they view child participation rights as a low priority, believing that children, being young and under their care, should not have such rights, as this may result in a lack of respect for adults. Some expressed their opinions as follows:
You people are the cause of our children not respecting us these days. This idea of granting participation rights to children that you are pushing will push us all into the ditch. I gave birth to my children, so why should someone ask me to provide them with participation rights? [KII 16, Parent] Ahh, why should I allow my children to tell me what they want? As long as they live under my roof, they will not dictate decisions in my household. Until they are twenty years old and are married off, they are still my children and will listen to me. I don’t have to listen to them. [KII 17, Parent] Children are too young to be granted participation rights. We know and have heard about the CRC, but we are not ready to grant them full rights. Children are not adults, so why should they be given participation rights? This is the reason our children don’t respected us lately. They watch a lot of movies and copy wrongly from foreigners and begin to act like them. I believe strongly that we are deviating from our socio-cultural and traditional norms, giving children too much voice. [KII 18, Parent] Children are not adults, so why should they be allowed to sit with adults and make decisions? Sir, there is no rush to grant children participation rights. Children are young and still growing and will still need the protection and guidance of their parents [KII 19, Parent]
National Policies Implemented to Promote the Recognition of Children’s Participation Rights
The study examined the perspectives of government officials regarding Ghana’s progress in the implementation of child rights. Government officials emphasised the necessity of translating policies regarding children’s participation rights into local languages to improve understanding and compliance. Participants from the Department of Social Welfare (DSW) and the Department of Children (DOC) provided the following insights:
Despite ratifying child rights-related conventions and domesticating them into our national policies and laws, we have not invested enough to translate them into real-life circumstances. I believe we should translate the text in these legal and policy frameworks into their intended context and expectations. [KII 20, Government Official at DSW]. To help the public understand and apply the CRC and the Children's Act, we have translated them into six widely spoken Ghanaian languages. At all times, aspects of the CRC serve as a basis for topical issues addressed by state and private electronic and print media outlets nationwide. These initiatives have contributed to the improvement of child participation rights to a certain extent, as many urban parents are gradually coming to understand the concept of child participation rights. We may have to increase our outreach awareness programmes in rural communities where many parents are hesitant to allow their children the ability to participate in decision-making. [KII 21, Government Official at DOC].
However, some government participants highlighted financial constraints and personnel skills gaps as barriers to effective policy implementation.
Due to insufficient funding and the late receipt of project money, there is a general lack of effective processes for planning, implementing, and monitoring programmes carried out by authorities in charge of child rights initiatives. This causes delays and adhocracy in programme implementation by organisations that do not have alternative resources to supplement. Even though counselling is essential to our operational responsibility, many officials lack the appropriate training to provide it. This explains why some clients see us but do not return for extra counselling sessions. It remains a difficulty in our encounters with community members that we are unable to fully explain and counsel them about abuses of children's rights, making it difficult for them to take us seriously.
Discussion
This qualitative research examines parents’ perspectives on children’s rights, sources of knowledge of children’s rights, and their willingness to grant children’s participation rights. It also explores government officials’ perspectives on national policies implemented to promote the recognition of children’s participation rights. While findings align with the literature on parental attitudes towards child participation rights (Deb & Mathews, 2012; Durualp et al., 2023; Joshi et al., 2023), our study found that many parents in Ghana possess a certain level of knowledge regarding children’s rights. This knowledge is crucial for encouraging changes in attitudes and advocating for the acknowledgement of children’s participation rights in the country.
The study results indicated that television and radio constituted primary sources of information for parents concerning children's rights. This finding is attributable to higher household ownership of television and radio. The 2022 Ghana Demographic and Health Survey (Ghana Statistical Service [GSS] & ICF, 2024) indicates that 66.3% of households in Ghana possess a television, whereas 53.1% have a radio.
Our study findings suggest that many parents believe granting participation rights to their children will lead to excessive freedom of expression and active involvement in decision-making, potentially violating conventional norms and culture. These norms emphasise children listening to adults rather than children telling adults what to do. The current findings are consistent with previous research (Hafen, 1976; Lansdown, 2005; Manful et al., 2020), which indicates that culture promotes a tendency among young people to comply with adults and refrain from challenging their decisions. For instance, in many Ghanaian communities, children’s participation in household chores is crucial for socialisation and instilling a strong work ethic. This perspective significantly influences how parents perceive their children’s rights, particularly concerning household chores. Some parents believe that certain aspects of children's rights conflict with cultural norms that prepare them for adult responsibilities (Pugmire, 2022). Situating these findings within the ECCT framework reveals that such parental perceptions stem from an incomplete recognition of children’s evolving capacities. By not acknowledging that children develop competencies as they grow, many parents miss the opportunity to progressively involve their children in decision-making processes appropriate to their maturity levels.
This study examines the hesitancy frequently observed among parents, particularly in rural regions, where cultural traditions exert significant influence. Parents express concerns regarding children’s participation rights, citing a perceived lack of maturity for independent decision-making. Thus, they are fundamentally maintaining enduring cultural values and beliefs. The ECCT elucidates these concerns by highlighting that children’s decision-making capabilities develop over time and are shaped by the guidance and opportunities offered by their caregivers. The reluctance of rural parents to fully embrace child participation rights, compared to their urban counterparts, is understandable given the differing socio-cultural contexts. This finding underscores the perspective that attitudes regarding children's rights are interconnected with the socio-cultural context (Durualp et al., 2023). Consequently, policies aimed at promoting child participation must consider and address the unique needs and realities of both rural and urban communities to ensure balanced and effective implementation.
The results indicate that a considerable proportion of parents are willing to confer all rights to their children, with the exception of the right to participate in decision-making. The reluctance to grant children participation rights seems to serve as a protective strategy to maintain the current state of parental authority, positioning children as passive recipients of decisions instead of active contributors in the decision-making process. The ECCT offers a framework for analysing this dynamism, demonstrating that parental resistance frequently arises from a misunderstanding of children's developmental abilities. This finding has several implications, as noted in previous research. For example, Imoh (2023), Twum-Danso (2009), and Manful et al. (2020) contend that granting children participation rights is viewed as a threat to parents’ traditional role and power within the family. As a result, parents are concerned about losing their ability to guide and protect their children if they are allowed to express their opinions freely. This fear creates resistance to seeing children as active participants. In previous studies, they observed that in many communities, like Ghana, traditional parenting is hierarchical, with parents considered ultimate authority figures and children expected to obey without question. This viewpoint derives from the assumption that giving children participation rights might disrupt family order and reduce parental authority (Kyei-Arthur & Kyei-Gyamfi, 2024). In Ghana, the cultural belief that children must recognise their place supports the concept that adults make all decisions (Manful et al., 2020). This finding highlights the importance of enhancing people's consciousness of the benefits that young people gain from being given the right to participate. Aligning this with ECCT highlights the necessity of a gradual and structured approach to granting children participation rights, ensuring respect for children's evolving capacities while preserving family harmony.
Despite establishing or strengthening new laws, policies, and institutions to promote child rights (MoGCSP, 2021), our study revealed a notable resistance among parents to accepting child participation rights. Prior works document this result and confirm the current findings (AjaNwachuku, 2017; Horgan et al., 2015; Imoh, 2023). Our findings reveal that while government authorities expressed optimism about accepting children’s participation rights, rural parents were less receptive. In contrast, urban parents were more likely to embrace their children’s participation rights than their rural counterparts. This reluctance among rural parents may stem from lower levels of education and limited awareness, as individuals with higher educational attainment generally support children’s rights more. Durualp et al. (2023) conducted a study in Turkey revealing that parents with higher educational attainment exhibited more favourable attitudes towards children’s rights.
Conversely, parents with limited education in rural areas often adhere more strictly to traditional norms, emphasising obedience and communal responsibility over individual rights (Marbuah, 2016; MoGCSP, 2021). Additionally, exposure to human rights education, greater access to educational resources, child protection services, and advocacy groups promoting children’s rights – more prevalent in urban settings – significantly influences parental attitudes. Thus, it is expected that awareness of children's participation rights is greater among educated urban parents compared to rural parents (Adonteng-Kissi, 2018, 2023). The findings elucidate the reasons behind the incomplete integration of child participation practices in certain Ghanaian households, especially in rural regions, despite advancements in laws and policies. The ECCT underscores the necessity for effective policies and programmes to address existing gaps by enhancing the understanding of children’s evolving capacities and advocating for their participation rights in culturally sensitive manners. This highlights the necessity of enhancing initiatives to educate parents and adults, particularly in rural areas, regarding the importance and significance of children’s participation rights.
The study revealed that some barriers have hampered the country’s full recognition of child rights. Previous research has shown that parents think the idea of child rights does not fit with Ghanaian culture and traditions; a lack of financial resources and skilled staff makes recognising children’s rights challenging (Abdullah et al., 2018; MoGCSP, 2021, 2022). To address these gaps, the government might need to raise adequate funds to strengthen community advocacy and awareness-raising campaigns that break down barriers that make it challenging for parents to grant children participation rights. Such initiatives could foster a greater understanding of child rights among parents.
Limitations
This study has several limitations. The research employed qualitative data obtained from the MoGCSP, and its findings are therefore not generalisable. Although 100 parents were interviewed across the country, their views may not adequately represent all Ghanaian parents. This limitation constrains the extent to which broad conclusions can be drawn about children’s participation rights in Ghana. Additionally, variations in how participants, both parents and government officials, interpreted the concept of ‘children’s participation rights’ may have introduced inconsistencies in the data. These differences were often influenced by cultural norms, personal beliefs, and professional roles, potentially shaping how participation rights were understood and discussed. Consequently, the findings should be interpreted with sensitivity to contextual and subjective meanings.
Another limitation is that the data were collected six years ago. During this time, there may have been changes in public knowledge, societal attitudes, and institutional practices regarding children’s participation rights, particularly in reaction to shifting policy frameworks and advocacy efforts. The dependence on these data restricts our capacity to properly capture recent advancements in child rights discourse and implementation.
Despite these limitations, the study offers valuable insights into the enduring cultural, social, and policy-related factors influencing parental perceptions of children’s participation rights. It provides a foundational understanding that can inform future, more representative, and longitudinal studies to assess changing dynamics in the Ghanaian context.
Conclusion
This study focused on parents’ and government officials’ perspectives on children’s rights to participate in Ghana. This study reveals a significant discrepancy in Ghanaian parents’ understanding and appreciation of their children’s participation rights. While some parents acknowledge and respect these rights, others hold misconceptions that constrain their willingness to uphold them. This challenge is particularly pronounced among rural parents, where economic, administrative, and socio-cultural factors limit awareness and acceptance of child rights. Despite legislative and policy advancements, these have not fully permeated the household level, where parental readiness to grant participatory rights remains limited.
Situating these findings within the ECCT underscores the importance of addressing parental misconceptions through a gradual and guided approach to promoting children’s participation rights. Recognising that children’s capacities develop progressively allows parents to engage them in decision-making processes appropriate to their maturity stages. The ECCT further highlights the need to adapt child rights education to the socio-cultural realities of both rural and urban contexts, thereby ensuring equitable implementation nationwide.
To bridge the gap between law and practice, public awareness campaigns should be intensified, and child rights should be embedded into curricula at all educational levels. Increased funding for child rights institutions will enhance the effectiveness of national and community-level initiatives. The proactive involvement of traditional leaders, such as chiefs and queen mothers, remains essential for contextualising children’s participation rights within cultural frameworks and fostering wider acceptance among parents. Future research should explore the evolving role of NGOs and CBOs in promoting participatory rights and influencing parental attitudes. Additionally, the reliance on data collected 6 years ago underscores the need for updated and longitudinal research to assess recent policy outcomes and changing social attitudes toward children’s participation in Ghana. Such evidence will be crucial for refining interventions and advancing inclusive child rights programming across the country.
Furthermore, future research could address the limitations of this study in several important ways. First, future studies should conduct a national survey of the general population, including children, to gain a holistic understanding of children’s participation rights in Ghana. Second, future studies should clearly define children’s participation rights to ensure participants interpret the concept consistently, thereby enhancing construct validity. Third, to strengthen policy and advocacy, future studies should use current datasets to examine public knowledge and societal attitudes towards children’s participation rights.
Implications for Policy and Practice
The findings of this study have significant implications for strengthening child rights programmes and policy implementation in Ghana. The findings, which are based on the ECCT, highlight the need of culturally relevant interventions that assist parents and communities in gradually recognising and nurturing children's emerging decision-making competencies.
First, child rights education and awareness-raising efforts must be increased to dispel myths about children's participation rights. Policies should encourage context-sensitive communication practices that involve parents, caregivers, and children at the local and national levels. Since radio and television were identified as important sources of information, these channels should be used to offer consistent and culturally relevant child rights messages.
Second, integrating ECCT concepts into educational and community programmes is critical. Incorporating children's rights and developing capacities into school curricula and community development efforts promotes mutual understanding among parents, teachers, and community leaders. Regular training and discourse sessions should encourage guided participation, in which adults assist children in making family and community decisions.
Third, institutional resourcing and decentralisation are critical for sustaining child rights advocacy and implementation. Increased budgetary allocations, staff training, and logistical support would improve the MoGCSP and district-level child protection structures, resulting in better service delivery and monitoring.
Fourth, community leadership engagement must be a key component of awareness campaigns. Chiefs, queen moms, and other traditional leaders wield tremendous cultural power and should actively participate in lobbying efforts to overturn restrictive societal norms. Their participation can legitimise children's participation rights while also facilitating cultural adaption of the ECCT framework.
Fifth, multi-sectoral coordination among government agencies, civil society, and the media is essential to promote advocacy and implementation consistency. Integrated programming can connect national policies to home practices, ensuring that children's engagement is promoted throughout the social, educational, and governmental sectors.
Finally, the potential benefits associated with this study to society greatly outweigh the minor potential risks. The findings provide important evidence to influence national programming and promote parent-state partnerships aimed at increasing children's engagement and protection. For participants, reflecting on their experiences offered an opportunity to contribute to reforms that directly influence their children’s well-being.
Footnotes
Acknowledgements
We are grateful to the MoGCSP for allowing us access to the data. In addition, we thank the children, FGD participants, and key informants who participated in this study.
Ethical Considerations
The National Child Protection Committee of the MoGCSP approved the study.
Consent to Participate
All participants (key informants and children aged 8 to 17) in this study provided signed informed consent. Furthermore, prior to interviewing children aged 8 to 17, parents and guardians provided written informed consent. The procedures utilised in this study comply with the principles of the Declaration of Helsinki.
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Data Availability Statement
The datasets generated and/or analysed during the study are available upon reasonable request from the corresponding author.