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Abstract

It is important to examine how video games affect gender-based dynamics in society as their popularity continues to rise. Video games can be a powerful force in shaping perceptions of social reality, including teenage gamers’ perceptions of gender roles. The impact of video games may be more influential for teenagers who are maturing their expectations, thoughts, and attitudes by providing images and messages that can shape the perceptions of gender roles and societal expectations of appearances. Thus, the paper aims to introduce the gender insights of teenage gamers in Türkiye by conducting separate focus group discussions for male and female teenage gamers via the Zoom platform in June 2021. Data were analyzed using thematic analysis under seven themes; representation of game style; depiction of characters in video games; reflection about stereotypes towards gamers; equality of characters in video games; bullying in video games; representation of others in video games; and perspective on gender equality. The findings suggest that both male and female teenagers are more open-minded about gender equality and aware of the struggles of change. However, when their insights are researched in detail it is clear that male gamers still perceive stereotypic gender roles whereas female gamers naturalized gender equality.

Keywords

gender gender equality gaming videogame youth

Introduction

In contemporary entertainment culture, one can easily claim that video games have as much potential as traditional media in terms of media effects. Thanks to the exponential advances in computing technology, gaming culture is everywhere now, as a matter of fact, it has become ubiquitous. Gamers, who were once ridiculed, stigmatized, or ignored at best, now make up the majority of societies all over the world. Three billion people, more than a third of the world’s population play games on various devices ranging from mobile phones to computers and consoles (Lebow, 2021). Moreover, the time spent by these people is poised to increase under COVID-19 pandemic conditions. While it has become a bit of a cliché to claim this in the 2020s, Super Mario or Gordon Freeman means more to the youth of the 21st century than Mickey Mouse or James Bond.

With the growing popularity of video games and their graphics becoming increasingly realistic and interactive, it has become important to critically examine what effects video games have on gamers and how they affect gender-based dynamics in society. For instance, video games, video game streaming platforms, and online communities of self-identified gamers are areas where gender socialization occurs, particularly among men. In these areas, men are heavily taunted when they experience a mismatch between gender expectations and their behavior and are subjected to humiliation (Coltrane & Adams, 2008; Kimmel, 2000). The extant research on gender representations in video games reveals that women are often underrepresented in video games and video games largely borrow many of the ideas and approaches to gender prevalent in other visual media and use them in their content (Malkowski & Russworm, 2017; Sarkeesian & Petit, 2019). Thus, it can be stated that video games can reproduce gender inequalities more powerfully than traditional media because of their interactive nature. Video games offer audiences an opportunity that no previous mass media has provided: engagement and control over content. Engaging or controlling the action provides the gamer the chance to be involved in behaviors through the video game in which s/he could not normally be involved (Miller & Summers, 2007).

The existing literature on video games in terms of gender has mostly researched either the gender representations found in games or interviewing/surveying just female gamers regarding their habits, interests, perceptions, motivations, and thoughts about gender and gaming culture (Royse et al., 2007). These research traditions provide a respectable body of literature examining video game content in terms of violence, gender, and sexuality (Williams, Consalvo, et al., 2009). However, there is still a gap in our understanding of how video games affect gender roles in teenage gamers, especially in a non-western context where deeply rooted right-wing conservatism produces a backlash against any positive step towards gender equality and compels individuals to a patriarchal bargain. Güneş-Ayata and Doğangün (2017) coin the term “religious-conservative gender climate” to describe a phenomenon in which legal progress towards gender equality is undermined and traditional forces are unleashed in a deeply traditional society. Despite advancements in legislation, the limited improvement in gender equality can be attributed to the “gender climate” supported by the government, which draws heavily from tradition, Islam, and shared societal values. The term “gender climate” refers to the prevailing discourses and practices concerning gender relations that are accepted and dominant in both private and public spheres. These discourses and practices shape the ways of thinking, behaving, and establishing moral standards about gender. Kay (2000, p. 17) argues that the “gender climate” reflects the attitudes and opinions propagated by the media and popular discourses, influencing the acceptable ways of discussing gender-related issues. By utilizing this concept, we not only refer to the patriarchal values entrenched in daily practices rooted in tradition and culture but also to a hegemonic praxis and discourse that regulate social perceptions according to certain normative principles.

Thus, the study aims to fill this existing gap by conducting focus groups with teenage gamers who grew up in a “religious-conservative gender climate” to provide much more intrinsic insight into gender equality. In this respect, approaching perceptions and understanding of gender through video games, gamer communities, and culture presents a fertile ground for revealing both recalcitrant norms and incremental changes regarding gender in conservative geographies such as Türkiye where traditional understanding of gender is pervasive and dominant, and progressive or remedial steps regarding gender equality are met with rapid pressure and severe backlash (Kapusuzoglu, 2022; Karakaş, 2021).

Video Games in the Context of Gender

Gender is an integral component of all aspects of the economic, social, everyday, and private lives of individuals and societies, as well as the different roles that society imposes on men and women. Gender refers to certain expectations attached to an individual, male or female (West & Zimmerman, 1987). Gender differences are social constructs inculcated based on a given society’s particular perceptions of physical differences and the supposed tastes, dispositions, and abilities of men and women. In addition, gender roles imply that there are “specific social guidelines for gender-appropriate appearance, interests, skills, behaviors, and self-perceptions” (Tuchman, 1978, p. 3). Gender exerts a significant influence on interpersonal interactions, often serving to reinforce power dynamics within social relationships (Butler, 1990).

Trajectory of Western Research on Gender and Video Games

As video games have gained popularity and become a significant reality of everyday life in the West, the topic of video games and gender has inevitably become an agenda for academic research. The initial phase of research on gender and gaming, characterized as the “first wave,” (Richard, 2013) primarily focused on identifying gender stereotypes in video games (Sherman, 1997), exploring gender disparities in computer use (Chen, 1987; Reisman, 1990) or gaming participation, and understanding differential motivations and play styles between gender (Cassell & Jenkins, 1998; Kafai et al., 2008). These researchers aimed to uncover why gaming became gendered and why girls were less involved in gaming compared to boys.

Western studies conducted during this period examined sex and gender differences in gaming experiences and cognitive skills, highlighting disparities in access to computers and attitudes toward technology (Bertozzi & Lee, 2007; Greenfield, 1994; Morlock et al., 1985; Pépin et al., 1985; Wilder et al., 1985). Early research also emphasized the need to design games catering to girls’ preferences (Subrahmanyam & Greenfield, 1998), such as nonviolent themes and gender-neutral characters, while cautioning against essentialist assumptions about feminine interests (Cassell & Jenkins, 1998). Furthermore, scholars expressed concerns about the perpetuation of gender stereotypes in video games and the marginalization of female gamers within gaming culture (Dietz, 1998; Kiesler et al., 1985; Provenzo, 1991). The abundance of recent studies conducted within the stereotypes framework on gender and video gaming highlights the ongoing relevance of this issue (Cote, 2020; Lange et al., 2021; Madden et al., 2021; Perry, 2022; Robinson, 2023; Tompkins et al., 2020). Early research on gender and gaming in the Western context focused on understanding the gender divide in gaming participation, exploring gendered representations in video games, and addressing issues related to access, stereotypes, and inclusivity within gaming culture.

The 2000s saw a significant increase in scholarly interest in gender and video games in the Anglo-Saxon West, driven by the rise of feminist game studies (Allen, 2014; Humphreys, 2019; Rodionova, 2019; Trepanier-Jobin & Bonenfant, 2017) and cultural studies approaches to gaming research. Scholars began to explore the intersection of gender, identity, and gaming culture, examining how video games both reflected and perpetuated gender norms. Research during this period focused on issues such as the representation of gender in-game content, player experiences, and the impact of gaming on gender attitudes and behaviors. Studies also explored the experiences of female gamers, including their motivations, preferences, and challenges within male-dominated gaming spaces.

In the 2010s, research on gender and video games gained mainstream recognition. This period saw increased public awareness of gender disparities within the gaming industry and the prevalence of sexism, cyberbullying, toxic masculinity, and harassment faced by female gamers. The gaming industry began to respond to criticisms regarding gender representation, diversity, and inclusivity. Some game developers incorporated more diverse and nuanced portrayals of gender in their titles, while others faced backlash for perpetuating stereotypes and exclusionary practices. Research also explored the role of social media, online communities, and streaming platforms in shaping gender dynamics within gaming culture.

More recently, topics such as the experiences of LGBTQ+ gamers, queer video games, and the representation of non-normative gender identities have begun to gain relative visibility in Western contexts (Ruberg, 2015; Ruberg, 2019; Ruberg & Shaw, 2017; Shaw, 2009; Shaw, 2017; Shaw & Friesem, 2016) which are subjects difficult to openly debate in societies such as Türkiye where the maintenance of a religious-conservative gender climate, which is heteronormative, is a political agenda supported and controlled by political power.

Interactivity, Identification, and Gender

Video games offer audiences distinct ways of experiencing, adopting, internalizing, or challenging entrenched societal gender norms compared to traditional media. Video games offer audiences an opportunity that no previous mass media has provided: engagement and control over content. Gamers are embedded in the story because they are functionally the protagonists of the narrative. This situation works differently from the process of identification with a movie hero in the classical sense (Miller & Summers, 2007). Identification is a mechanism that accounts for the emotional processes and reactions that viewers may have with a character when consuming media content. Since video games are a more active form of media consumption, in which gamers often adopt the goals of the character, some researchers have suggested that the processes of identification with video game heroes might require particular attention (Klimmt et al., 2009). Scholars have drawn attention to concerns regarding the influence of identifying with game characters on self-concept and identity development, particularly in children and young adults, as video games become increasingly popular on a global scale and an integral part of everyday life (Klimmt et al., 2010). The identification and immersion that video games offer change not only the flow of the narrative but also how the gamer consumes the meaning, characters, and message of the story. The feeling of being immersed in an interactive environment suggests that video game narratives can have a deeper impact on viewers than any visual media before them. Adolescence represents a pivotal stage in identity development. Video games offer adolescents avenues to shape their identity within the gaming realm (D. D. Li et al., 2013). They enable the creation of diverse virtual personas, interactions with varied individuals across distinct environments, and the exploration of aspects of self that might be less socially acceptable in reality (Kernis & Goldman, 2003). For example, sexism can also be portrayed through the player (ludic) components of the game that can normalize “patriarchal values such as competition, dominance, and domination” (Soukup, 2007, p. 171). Thus, character portrayals in video games can influence gamers’ perceptions of social reality (Waddell et al., 2014). For instance, previous research has indicated that male university students who experience sex-typed male and female video game characters were more tolerant towards a university professor harassing a female student (Dill et al., 2008; Dill & Thill, 2007). It has been observed that female players engaging with sexualized video game characters are more likely to perceive themselves as sexual objects, consequently leading to higher acceptance rates of rape myths (Fox et al., 2014).

In this context, it can be asserted as gamers acquire societal expectations of behaviors, appearances, and roles through the interactions within the process of playing video games, video games can deepen gender inequalities more influential than traditional media due to their repetitive and interactive nature. This interactivity engages gamers as active participants in the progression of the narrative and the development of the characters, as opposed to passively observing events unfold onscreen (Jansz, 2005).

Dietz’s (1998) research underscores how the expectations of masculinity and femininity among children and teenagers are perpetuated through their daily experiences. Dietz (1998) posits that, like television and film, video games have become agents of socialization, playing a significant role in shaping social norms among young individuals. She suggests that young women who frequently encounter perilous or sexualized portrayals of themselves in video games will associate these stereotypes with their gender. Individuals who accept such representations of women will consequently perceive and interpret their interactions based on these media depictions. Beasley and Standley (2002) put forward the hypothesis that video games serve as informational sources through which individuals develop conceptions of gender behaviors and stereotypes. They distinguished video games from other forms of visual media based on their interactive nature and repetitive elements. In various games, players often experience repeated instances of their character “dying,” necessitating the completion of gameplay sections and narrative segments repeatedly. Additionally, the extensive duration required to fully complete many games distinguishes them from the relatively shorter time spent watching a television show or film. As a result, individuals tend to invest more time in engaging with video games compared to other visual media forms.

Gender, Representation, and Stereotypes

It can be inferred that video games can be a powerful force in shaping perceptions of social reality, including gamers’ perceptions of gender roles, especially for teenagers who are maturing their expectations, thoughts, and attitudes. It can be expected that stereotyped representations of gender support misguide gender identities as gamers are exposed to these misrepresentations (Kuznekoff & Rose, 2012). Thus, teenage gamers learn that a man can become a hero and a powerful main character whereas a woman can become a victim and can be just a sexy, and innocent supplemental character (Miller & Summers, 2007). Kerr (2003) problematizes gendered identities in games “with a masculine and heterosexual player in mind” (p. 284). Most video games target male gamers as their primary audience (Cassell & Jenkins, 1998). Men are more likely than women to spend more on video games, game consoles, and game-related by-products (ESA, 2017). This is why the mainstream gaming industry tends to create games that appeal to heterosexual straight men. Much of the research focusing on the content of video games suggests that representations of female characters in video games are sparse and women are often portrayed as objects of sexuality in mainstream Triple-A (AAA) games (Dietz, 1998; Downs & Smith, 2010). This reveals that video games embody the weak, and beautiful woman ideal (Williams, Consalvo, et al., 2009) by dressing hypersexualized with large breasts. In their content-analytical research focusing on gender, race, and age, Williams, Martins, et al. (2009) have demonstrated that representations in video games often diverge from the reality of the US population. The stereotype of game players as only young, white males who want to be powerful white adults drives the content-creation process, even as the player base becomes older and more diverse.

On the other hand, the fact that the gaming industry centers on a male audience feeds the feeling that “real” gamers are only gamers who match the characteristics of a male audience (Fisher, 2015; Kirkpatrick, 2012). This has created a sense of hierarchy and superiority between hard-core gamers and groups that recognize video games as a hobby, play games less frequently, and are called casual gamers (Chess, 2011). As this hierarchy is associated with a gender binary system in which female gamers are considered less competent or incapable of gaming and therefore less interested in gaming, the video game industry creates an environment that demands certain expectations for gendered expressions. So, gamers learn stereotypical gender roles that men will be aggressive and women will be submissive. Those who do not comply with current gender norms are constantly targeted and harassed within the game. To be competitive and stay away from harassment, women tend to change the gender of their avatars and play as male characters. Acting as “one of the men” by choosing a male character, avoiding in-game voice communication, and protecting their gender identity, are some of the ways to cope with the current patriarchal and sexist environment (Hussain & Griffiths, 2009; A. H. Ivory et al., 2014).

However, just as technology and the graphics of video games are constantly evolving, gamers are also looking for change. According to a survey conducted in 2015, a significant majority of high school and middle school children in the United States believe that women are very often sexually objectified in video games (Wiseman, 2015). Although these children were aware that they were positioned as the target audience of the video game industry, many of them expressed their discomfort with the sexist approach that has become one of the main methods of keeping the interest of the industry. Wiseman’s (2015) research also interestingly revealed that the gender of the protagonist of the game is often not important for children. On the other hand, the backlash and pressure faced by the gaming community and fans in the case of Last of Us: Part II, which replaced the male hero Joel in the first game of the series with a female hero in the second game, contradicts the results of Wiseman’s study.

Bullying, Cyber-Bullying, and Harassment

Harassment, bullying, or cyberbullying in Türkiye’s case is another problematic area of the growing gamer culture that must be dealt with aggression issues. According to Hopkins et al. (2013, p. 690) “bullying and violence were understood as purposeful actions intended to cause harm; with bullying being differentiated by its repeated nature” and aggression as physically or verbally reactive behaviors as results of feelings of anger. Cyberbullying can be defined as aggressive behavior, such as attacking, harassing, or demeaning, using various methods such as instant messaging, email, or chat, while concealing one’s identity and being attacked by individuals whom one never expected to engage in bullying behavior (Kowalski et al., 2012). However, the level of awareness about cyberbullying is low since much of the cyberbullying occurs during online games and gamers generally justify their actions as jokes (Akça Baştürk et al., 2015). Studies indicate that gender is a significant factor in cyberbullying. For example, it has been reported that males engage in cyberbullying behaviors more frequently than females, while females are more likely to experience cyber victimization (Baldry et al., 2019; Floros et al., 2013; Q. Li, 2007). The rate of engaging in cyberbullying is higher in males compared to females (Lee & Shin, 2017), and both the rates of perpetrating cyberbullying behavior and experiencing cyber victimization are higher in males than in females (Leung et al., 2018). Thrash talk and derogatory remarks are also prevalent forms of harassment that female players commonly encounter within the gaming culture in Türkiye. For instance, instances of derogatory remarks often involve threats of sexual violence such as rape, which can profoundly unsettle women. Women, who are conditioned by societal norms to perceive rape as a greater threat compared to their male counterparts (Cote, 2015; Nardi, 2010; Salter & Blodgett, 2012), may find themselves particularly disturbed by such language. These patterns contribute to creating an unwelcoming environment for women and other marginalized groups within the gaming community, hindering their full participation. Moreover, because gaming is predominantly perceived as a male-dominated domain, women often lack the agency to effect meaningful change toward inclusivity. The exclusionary atmosphere prevalent in gaming, partly stemming from the portrayal of gamers as male and gaming as a masculine pursuit, has fostered a subset of popular culture characterized by misogyny (Cote, 2015). In recent years, this has culminated in significant social challenges.

Within this context, this paper aims to find out both the attitudes and perceptions on gender equality in Turkish gaming culture and the attitudes of teenagers on the gendered content of video games and gendered existence in a media culture created substantially designed for a male audience in a non-Western context. In this vein, the research questions are as follows:

What is the gaming profile of teenagers in Türkiye?

How do teenage gamers characterize the male and female characters in video games?

How do teenage gamers experience gender discrimination and bullying while playing video games?

How do teenage gamers identify stereotypes in video games?

What are the gender roles in video games identified by teenage gamers?

What are the teenage gamers’ perceptions towards the representation of “the other” in video games?

What are the teenage gamers’ perceptions of gender equality in general?

Method

Defining the messages that games communicate about gender norms regarding appearance and abilities by content analysis is important as the first step in later determining the influence of games on teenagers. However, approaching teenagers’ perceptions and understandings of gender through video games by conducting focus groups can provide much more intrinsic insight into gender because gender differences are social constructs. In this respect, the paper aims to introduce the gender insights of both male and female teenage gamers in Türkiye.

This study has grown from an EU project named “Schools to Promote Gender Equality” with a partnership of six countries (Hungary, Türkiye, Spain, Portugal, Ireland, and Romania). The method was designed by the partnership of the project as conducting a qualitative study with focus groups with teenage gamers in each country with the written permission of the parents. The focus group questions were presented by representatives of Dublin City University—the Irish partner of the project and the last version of the questions was decided by the consortium of six partners. The questions were designed to find out the perspectives of teenagers about gender equality, and gaming culture in their counties. This paper presents the research findings carried out in Türkiye in the context of the project.

The attitudes towards gender equality in video games were discussed in detail in focus group discussions. Five male and five female teenagers using purposive sampling from both private and public high schools in Antalya were recruited. We conducted two separate focus group discussions for male and female teenagers on different dates (June 16th with males and June 21st with females) via the Zoom platform due to COVID-19 pandemic restrictions by ensuring that females and males could explain themselves confidently without the restriction of gender bias. While the focus group conducted with males lasted 2 hr and 10 min, the focus group with females lasted 3 hr. The participants were determined by pre-focus group questionnaires based on their spent playing video games and their level of expertise among gamers.

Focus group research aims to evoke detailed data where participants can evaluate their own opinions/views/ideas/beliefs about those of other participants in a social context. In focus group interviews, participants can discuss or develop ideas collectively, and phrase their ideas after having listened to the ideas of others in the group (Smithson, 2007). This interaction enables researchers to collect data and insights that would be less accessible without the interaction found in a group (Morgan, 1997, p. 2). The social interactions in the process can be regarded as the main point of this descriptive qualitative study with focus group discussions. Not enabling the focus group discussions to be face-to-face because of the COVID-19 pandemic may have limited the social interactions among teenagers in our study. However, to ensure social interaction in an unbiased way as males and females can have different experiences and may not feel comfortable sharing their experiences in a mixed group, male and female teenagers participated in two separate focus group discussions in this research. Kitzinger (1995) indicates that the ideal number of participants for the focus group can be 4 to 9, thus, five female and five male teenagers were involved in the focus group discussions in the study. The written informed consent form was taken both from all participants and their parents before the focus group research was conducted. The scope and aim of the research were provided in the consent form and it was declared that the participation would be voluntary, and the participants could be free to withdraw at any point and any time. Furthermore, the participants were informed that the process would be recorded and ensured that their data would not be shared with anybody/another organization/third parties and stored securely. Also, all the participants were given a gift card to encourage them to participate in the research.

Two researchers (F.E.S. and Z.G.D) conducted the focus group discussions via Zoom, an innovative videoconferencing platform, allowing all interviews to be audio and video recorded. Although in this kind of online focus group discussion, there is no need to transcribe any data as they are automatically stored in Zoom Platform, a researcher took the notes during the focus group session. The focus group discussions were held by using a semi-structured guideline with a list of 17 questions with many sub-questions. As focus group discussions generally start with open-ended grand tour questions that try to catch participants’ general ideas about the topic, we first asked what they did on the networks in the last week and the most popular social networks and what kinds of things they did when using them. After they warmed up about the topic, the discussions continued in detail with the focus group questions presented in Appendix A. While the principal moderator arranged the focus groups and led the discussion, the second moderator took notes of the discussion in detail. The researchers both listened to the records and read the notes with a view of performing a descriptive analysis of the data. Firstly, all grammatical mistakes were arranged and edited by the researchers. The names, as identifying information are removed to maintain participants’ privacy. All the off-topic comments and statements are cleaned. Analysis of focus group discussion consisted of a systematic review of the focus group transcripts employing descriptive analysis techniques. Before transcripts were reviewed, the criteria of selection for experiences and general attitudes toward gender equality in video games were established. We used thematic analysis as indicated by Barbour and Kitzinger (1999). After reading the data several times, we reduced it by selecting and simplifying it to find out recurring regularities in the comments about our topic and refining categories into themes as indicated by Strauss and Corbin (1998). To ensure inter-coder reliability four coders discussed and refined the data until they reached a consensus. Major themes were extracted, and seven themes were identified among transcribed data as shown in Table 1.

Table 1.

Content of Themes.

Representation of game style	Frequency of gaming
	Duration of gaming
	Type of gaming
	Gaming with the opposite sex
	Gaming with stranger
	Avatar selection
Depiction of characters in video games	Characterizing females in games (physical appearance and personality)
Depiction of characters in video games	Characterizing males in games (physical appearance and personality)
Reflection about stereotypes towards gamers	Games designed for a man
	Games designed for a woman
	Experiencing discrimination
Equality of characters in video games	The capacity of female characters
	The capacity of male characters
	Selection of characters
Bullying in video games	Perpetrator of bullying
Bullying in video games	Types of cyberbullying
Representation of others in video games	Graphics highlighting stereotypes
Representation of others in video games	Stereotypic design of characters
Perspective on gender equality	Insights of gender equality in Turkish culture
Perspective on gender equality	Traditional patriarchal notions

These themes included representation of game style; depiction of characters in video games; reflection about stereotypes towards gamers; equality of characters in video games; bullying in video games; representation of others in video games; and perspective on gender equality. We also preferred combining narrative summaries for descriptive analysis with actual quotes that explained the participants’ opinions in his/her own words (Anderson, 1990). Therefore, the quotations were selected carefully to be reflective of the participants’ answers. While quotations were presenting, female teenagers were coded as F1, F2, F3, F4, and F5, the male teenagers were coded as M1, M2, M3, M4, and M5.

Results

Findings of Demographics

All the participants were 16 years old and they all went to either private or public high schools in Antalya in Türkiye. Four of the males and one of the females were members of the IT club in their schools. It was found out that all the participants regardless of gender shared the content just with the people they had already known personally, they preferred not to share something related to their personal life on social media, they chatted on social media with their real friends, and they avoided from chatting with people that they did not know. However, female participants stated that they could easily chat with people they did not know personally in Discord. Furthermore, it is indicated that female participants would like to chat with virtual friends especially those who play the same video games, as they feel a connection with the people who play the same video games. This finding shows us the importance of video games in teenagers’ daily lives. Williams, Consalvo, et al. (2009) note that gaming is an important activity in teenagers’ relationships. Likewise, one of the male participants (M2) points out “I am jealous when my girlfriend plays video games with another boy.”

Findings on Themes

Representation of Game Style

It was found that both male and female participants play video games every day. Furthermore, contrary to the literature indicating that males spend more time playing video games than females (Ogletree & Drake, 2007) our findings surprisingly indicate that the hours spent in playing video games were equal. The duration of playing video games ranged from 1–2 to 7–8 hr among males just as the duration of female participants. While all the male participants declared that they play First Person Shooters video games, female participants declared that they play multi-player online games, action games, simulation games, and MOBA games. All the female participants said that League of Legends, Valorant, and CSGO are the games that they play mostly.

It was found that both male and female participants play video games with the people they know personally. While all of the female participants declared that they play video games both with girls and boys, 2 male participants declared that they play with just boys. The ones who prefer playing just with boys said that “as some of the video games are not suitable for girls or as girls do not prefer some kinds of video games, we play just with boys.” For instance, M1 said, “As girls do not play FIFA, CSGO, and strategy games, I prefer playing with boys, however, while playing Valorant (a game that most of the girls prefer) I play with my girlfriends, too.”

It was also learned that there was a clear distinction between male and female participants in terms of avatar identification. All female participants indicated that they create an avatar that looks like themselves as if it were another version of them which can suggest an identification mechanism. They designed their avatars in detail; hairstyle, hair length, skin color, face shape, and all clothes (shoes, anoraks, glasses, dress, bag, jewelry, etc.). F2 stated that “we as girls are keen on designing the avatars because we have learned how to dress stylishly or how to decorate a trendy house since we were a child while we were playing video games for girls.” On the other hand, all male participants ignored the design of avatars. They believed that there were not too many alternatives for the design of avatars, thus they chose the avatars from the already existing options.

Depiction of Characters in Video Games

Characters in video games can shape the users’ perceptions of social reality and perceptions of gender roles (Waddell et al., 2014). Therefore, we asked the participants how to characterize male and female characters in video games if they would design a video game. Male participants pointed out some common features of male characters such as being handsome, strong, and muscular man. While M1 described his male character as being muscular, handsome, tall, attractive, and scary, M2 pictured his male character as having tattoos (tattoos with lions or tigers) and thick voices. They also pointed out some common features of the female characters such as being sexy, tall, and beautiful. M1 depicted his female character as being beautiful enough to suit the male character, being like a lady, and brown. While M3 pictured his female character as being tall and burly, brunette, having tattoos, a short haircut, and like a soldier, M4 drew his female character as being red hair and blonde, in a military suit like in a war. The findings of female participants were similar to male participants in terms of male characters such as being handsome, and strong men. F1 described her male character as being muscular, strong, handsome enough to suit the female character, gentlemanly, macho, dominant, and polite. They also pointed out some common features of the female characters such as being physically strong, having strong powers, being muscular, and beautiful. F1 portrayed her female character as having purple hair, having a special model for nail polish, and being sexy and muscular. F4 depicted her female character as being elegant and strong. F5 explained her female character as having special strong powers. In sum, all teenagers portrayed stereotypical female characters in sexy and attractive roles as depicted in the literature (Dietz, 1998; J. D. Ivory, 2006).

Reflection About Stereotypes Towards Gamers

The perception that boys and girls prefer separate games designed specifically for each sex (Heeter et al., 2009) has led us to ask about the attitude towards games designed especially for men and for women if there is a stereotypic reflection about gender. It was pointed out both male and female participants were in the idea that everybody regardless of gender could play whichever video games they prefer. However, there was a clear distinction between male and female participants’ insights about the games for men and women as Yee (2007) implies that men prefer to play for achievement-oriented reasons and women would like to play for social interaction in a relationship. Most of the male participants thought that girls do not play FIFA. M4 expressed that “as girls are more sensitive, they do not prefer strategy games.” Despite the statements of male participants, it can be inferred that they still perceive stereotypic gender roles. However, female participants realized that women could play all types of video games. For instance, F2 stated that “recently most of the girls have started to play action games and shooter games, but before it was thought that girls cannot play war games.” Similarly, F3 added that “a few years ago, boys said that as you are a girl, go and play Barbie games, but now boys are used to the fact that girls can play action games, too.” All the female participants indicated the increasing number of girls playing video games including FPS and action games. It can be inferred that the notion that girls cannot play action games, shoot games, and strategy games has changed over time in Türkiye. However, the female participants stressed that when they enter the video games, immediately the boys ask whether there is a girl on the team. When they faced such a situation, they generally preferred not to speak. F1 expressed “When a guy hears my voice, he immediately reacts negatively, sometimes shouting at me. For example, my male teammate got mad at me yesterday and threw a bomb at me. Guys act as if we don’t have the right to play video games.” Similarly, F5 indicated that “when a girl cannot play successfully, guys humiliate her such that you are a girl, do not play video games, you must be 100 kilos.” Moreover, F3 stated that when girls play successfully, guys believe that “you are not a girl, but a guy.” That’s why F2 declared that she hesitated to enter any match by herself, or she would like to keep silent. Despite the increasing number of female gamers in Türkiye, we can infer that female gamers experience discrimination. Furthermore, gamers react more negatively to female gamers as indicated in studies conducted in various countries; still, female gamers have to reduce communication either completely or by masking their voices to avoid humiliation or harassment in the current patriarchal environment (Fox & Tang, 2017; Kuznekoff & Rose, 2012).

Equality of Characters in Video Games

Gaming literature implies that the roles of female and male characters are noticeably different (Dietz, 1998). It is assumed that a male gamer would like to play as male characters because female characters are considered less frequently playable characters (J. D. Ivory, 2006). Thus, we asked the participants about the selection of characters. All the participants emphasized that they consider not the gender but the skill and capacity of the character while choosing the character. Thus, they stated that they sometimes choose female characters and sometimes male characters. For instance, while M1 expressed that “as female characters are more appropriate in the video games I play; I generally choose female characters,” M5 mentioned that “some female characters can be more powerful in some of the video games I play, I try to choose female characters.” We can suggest that the game industry has recently created and presented more powerful playable female characters, so the gamers do not attach importance to the sex of the characters but their skills and capacity.

Bullying in Video Games

Bullying has transformed into cyberbullying within gaming culture and is considered a topic of continuing interest in terms of gender. Thus, it is essential to take into account the perspective of teenagers on cyberbullying while playing video games. Unlike male participants, female participants faced cyberbullying especially when they played video games. F3 asserted that “while playing video games there can be some threats such as ‘I will kill you like Emine Bulut’ (brutally murdered woman in Türkiye) and mostly the threats come from boys which made me worried.” It was also found if the threat comes from a boy, not from a girl, they become frightened and they prefer to share this problem with their families in detail. F2 stated, “If a boy or a man threatens me, I immediately tell my parents, however, if a girl threatens me, I do not tell my parents.” The reason why bullying manifestations such as swearing, harassment, threats, etc., which take place during online game sessions and whose perpetrators are predictably men, make female gamers more uneasy may be attributed to highly publicized cases of femicides in Türkiye, which have caused nationwide outrage.

Representation of Others in Video Games

The effect of video games on gender-based dynamics has become more important because the graphics are increasingly realistic and interactive. Thus, the participants were asked whether the graphics highlight the features of the characters in video games such as gender. While male participants did not indicate anything regarding the graphics highlighting gender, female participants stressed that the graphics have become more and more important in the design of female characters as the number of female gamers is increasing day by day. F3 declared that “the appearance of the female characters is given in detail in Valorant, a very strong female character is drawn, even her nails are stylish, with purple hair, and chocolate skinned, thus even guys would like to choose this female character.” Similarly, F5 indicated that “female characters in Valorant are as muscular as males, they are also depicted as being sexy.” All the female participants declared that if the game industry depicted or designed stereotypical characters, they all quit the game. However, it can be suggested that all the statements of participants regarding gender depiction, are completely stereotypical representations of female characters.

Perspective on Gender Equality

Two scenarios were presented to the participants to find out the participants’ insight on gender equality in real life rather than in video games. In the first scenario, the world was about to end and just one person would be chosen to save the world, would it be a man or a woman? The man and the woman would have equal power, strength, muscle, height, weight, intelligence, and mental capacity. Except for one male participant, all male and female participants declared that they would choose the hero as a woman to save the world. Female participants suggested that they don’t care about gender, however, as indicated by F4 “superheroes are usually considered as strong men; thus, I would prefer to change this perception by choosing a heroine.” The reason for choosing the woman to save the world among male participants could be summarized as “not to be seen as gendered discourse,”“to be seen as a gentleman,” and “considering the woman being more sensitive and emotional.”

The second scenario was presented to the participants to find out the participants’ insight on gender equality in real life rather than in video games. The scenario is based on a conflict between a couple. They are married and have a two-year-old baby. The wife and husband are both managers in private companies. The wife has a dinner plan with her friends; however, the husband does not want her to go out at night (because of the conservative culture of Türkiye, the wife is expected not to go out at night). We asked the participants what they would do in such a situation if they were the wife, and what would happen then. It was found out that all the participants had the same idea that the wife should go out and they all declared that there would be a quarrel after she came back home. When they described the scene after she came back home, F3 drew an angry man watching a football match, and F4 depicted a nervous man damaging the wife’s belongings. The male participants depicted more violent scenes after she came back; M1 foresaw even fighting and murder. M3 suggested a divorce and stressed that the wife should divorce as she has a good job, take her baby, and go to her father’s house to live with them. In this respect, although it can be said that teenagers are more open-minded about gender equality and aware of struggles of change, it should also be noted that the patriarchal mindset is ingrained in the fabric of the social imagination. Religious-conservative gender climate (Engin & Pals, 2018; Mutluer, 2019) created by the government also reinforces the recalcitrance of traditional patriarchal notions of gender. M3’s response finds the woman’s emancipation in the possible scenario of moving away from a man, “her husband” and taking refuge with another man, “her father’s house” instead of a total transformation, in Kandiyoti’s (1988) words, re-entering the “patriarchal bargain.”

Discussion and Conclusion

When considering the progress made in research on video games and gender in the West, the paucity of research in this field is striking in societies that can be described as Muslim-Turkish, apart from rapidly developing Asian game cultures such as China, Japan, Korea, etc. Particularly in such societies, the fact that remedial steps towards gender equality are met with a populist backlash and are part of a broader culture war necessitates attention to this topic. In this vein, it is important to examine how video games affect gender-based dynamics in such societies. This study contributes to the growing body of literature on gender in the context of gaming, especially within the scope of conservative societies like Türkiye. Researching the perceptions of male and female teenage gamers, we tried to enlighten the complex of interaction between gaming culture and gender equality. As gaming is an important activity within teenagers’ relationships, its impact on gender socialization and its role in the construction of gender identity are undeniable, however, what social effects of video games need to be researched. In this respect, the paper aims to find out the insights of teenagers on video games in terms of gendered content in Türkiye. It is important to research gender equality in terms of video games in conservative cultures such as Türkiye where gender bias in the media reinforces stereotypes and normalizes violence against women. The biggest barrier in the way of gaining gender equality has never been the law, however, it has been the Turkish patriarchal mentality. Turkish laws have always allowed the advance of women’s situation in Türkiye since the foundation of the Turkish Republic (Bozkurt, 2013). There have been progressive developments toward gender equality in Türkiye until the conservative backlash (Güneş-Ayata & Doğangün, 2017, p. 4). The mentality is, however, a continuing problem in Türkiye. In this line, the strict values on the subject of women’s role in Türkiye’s social structure should be re-assessed from the perspective of video games. Teenage gamers learn social expectations of behaviors, and roles within the process of playing video games, thus we suggest that video games can have the potential to create perceptions of social reality on gender.

The profile of Turkish teenage gamers can be characterized as having the same taste in preference of genres. It can be suggested that both male and female teenage gamers in Türkiye prefer the same kind of games such as FPS, action, strategy, and simulation games. Besides, female teenage gamers were found to play as much time as males which contradicts the current literature stating that video games have long been associated with masculine culture (Royse et al., 2007), and thus not as socially suitable for women. We can state that the increasing number of female gamers and their profile in Türkiye challenges traditional stereotypes. However, we should highlight the significance of diverse and inclusive representation in video games and the industry’s responsibility to depict women in empowering and non-stereotypical roles. Hiring more female game designers can promote a more equitable gaming culture.

The perceptions of teenagers on gender equality can be summarized as the teenagers in Türkiye have the idea that both male and female characters in video games are equal in terms of power and roles. Moreover, they believe that everybody can play whichever video games they prefer. However, when their insights are researched in detail it is clear that male gamers still perceive stereotypic gender roles whereas female gamers realize that women can play all types of video games. Also, it is seen that all the statements of participants regarding gender are completely stereotypical representations of female characters. As a result, although teenage gamers are more open-minded about gender equality and aware of struggles of change, we can state that the patriarchal mindset is ingrained in the fabric of the social imagination, and video games designed by men for men reinforce this cycle. It is suggested the need for women designers in the industry to eliminate gender bias. Also, it is recommended for future studies research the effect of the video games that have been developed by women designers who aim to eliminate “masculine perspective.”

Despite the increasing number of female gamers in Türkiye, we can infer that gamers react more negatively to female gamers in the current patriarchal environment; female gamers are exposed to discrimination and bullying while playing video games. The pervasiveness of discrimination in the gaming community highlights the need for potential strategies or interventions to create a safer and more inclusive gaming environment, such as education campaigns, or platform policies. The bullying faced by female gamers both affects their gaming experiences and perpetuates traditional gender stereotypes, supporting the idea that gaming is mainly a male-dominated activity. The reason why bullying manifestations makes female gamers more worried can be related to highly publicized cases of femicides in Türkiye, which have caused nationwide outrage. Since the 2000s, femicides in Türkiye have shown a greater increase compared to previous years and have become more visible in the media. The official data is insufficient to reflect the extent of the problem of femicide (Şirin, 2022), however, according to data from civil society organizations such as Anıt Sayaç (Memorial Counter) and Kadın Cinayetlerini Durduracağız Platformu (The Platform to Stop Femicide), more than 3,000 women have been murdered in the last 10 years. Moreover, cases such as Özgecan Aslan, Şule Çet, and Emine Bulut, whose cry of “I don’t want to die” before she was killed went viral on social media, and the murders of Fatma Şengül and Pınar Gültekin, which wounded the public conscience due to the use of unjust provocation reduction in favor of the murderers, have caused anonymous bullying in online games to become more unsettling, especially for women. Female gamers, who are already vulnerable to discrimination and harassment, may experience an increased sense of fear and anxiety due to the prevalent femicides in Türkiye. The fear of violence and mistreatment offline can extend to online spaces, where anonymous bullying is a common occurrence. The lack of data and awareness surrounding the issue of femicides may contribute to a general sense of insecurity and unease among teenage female gamers, particularly when engaging in online gaming.

Furthermore, the anti-feminist movement, which resurfaced especially during the process of withdrawal from the Istanbul Convention, which created a new cleavage point in the Kulturkampf between conservatives and secularists in Türkiye (Kalaycıoğlu, 2012) also reinforces this environment of insecurity. It can be suggested that conservative and secularist ideologies clash in Türkiye reinforcing gender inequalities and biases within the gaming community. The prevalence of gender bias and discrimination in the gaming community, particularly towards female gamers, has significant implications for teenagers’ perceptions of gender. The mistreatment, discrimination, and bullying that female gamers often encounter due to the patriarchal environment in Türkiye can influence teenagers’ understanding of gender roles and reinforce traditional gender stereotypes. Witnessing or being aware of the challenges faced by female gamers may contribute to the perpetuation of gender biases and reinforce the notion that gaming is primarily a male-dominated activity. This can have long-lasting effects on teenagers’ perceptions of gender equality and their willingness to participate in gaming. The importance of creating safe and inclusive gaming environments to address the concerns and fears faced by female gamers in Türkiye should be emphasized.

Limitations and Future Directions

Since this study was conducted as part of a European Union project on teenage students in Türkiye, the concept of gender was largely approached within the heteronormative male-female dichotomy, rather than encompassing the broad spectrum of gender identities. We indicate the need that future studies should approach a more inclusive method of gender, investigating the experiences of LGBTQ+ gamers. Furthermore, the demographic of participants in the study was limited to middle and high school students. Considering that the age demographic of gamers in Türkiye is progressively aging, it should be noted that the views and perceptions regarding gender may vary among wider gaming communities. Thus, we suggest that future studies should consider expanding the sample to include a wider range of ages to comprehend the developing aspect of gaming demographics. Lastly, the study focuses on qualitative methods’ limitations. It may contain biases and limitations in the interpretation of findings. Thus, future research should be designed as mixed-methods approaches, combining qualitative methods with quantitative surveys to provide a more holistic understanding of gender trends in gaming.

Footnotes

Appendix A: Focus Group Questions

Authors’ Contributions

All authors contributed equally to the article.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: The research was supported by the project named “Schools to Promote Gender Equality 2020-1-HU01-KA201-078801” which is Funded by the Erasmus+ Program of the European Union. However European Commission cannot be held responsible for any use which may be made of the information contained therein.

Ethical Approval

Our intervention was educational and do not have clinical manipulation on humans.

Informed Consent

We make sure that all data and materials support our published claims and comply with field standards. Written informed consent was obtained from all subjects before the study. There is no ethical or conflict of interest in this research. All the participants filled out consent forms.

ORCID iDs

Zuhal Gök Demir

Fulya Erendağ Sümer

Data Availability Statement

The data that support the findings of this study are available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request.

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Women’s Struggle for a Voice in Gaming Culture Among Youth in Türkiye

Abstract

Keywords

Introduction

Video Games in the Context of Gender

Trajectory of Western Research on Gender and Video Games

Interactivity, Identification, and Gender

Gender, Representation, and Stereotypes

Bullying, Cyber-Bullying, and Harassment

Method

Results

Findings of Demographics

Findings on Themes

Representation of Game Style

Depiction of Characters in Video Games

Reflection About Stereotypes Towards Gamers

Equality of Characters in Video Games

Bullying in Video Games

Representation of Others in Video Games

Perspective on Gender Equality

Discussion and Conclusion

Limitations and Future Directions

Footnotes

Appendix A: Focus Group Questions

Authors’ Contributions

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

Funding

Ethical Approval

Informed Consent

ORCID iDs

Data Availability Statement

References