“I Need My Children to Know That I Will Always Be Here for Them”: Young Care Leavers’ Experiences With Their Own Motherhood in Buenos Aires,Argentina

Abstract

For care leavers in Argentina, the transition to an autonomous lifestyle is a process that begins at 18 years old when they are no longer protected by Children’s Rights laws. This transition is particularly challenging without any family support, and studies have demonstrated that female care leavers are likely to have children within the first few years after leaving care. The aim of this research is to explore and analyze young women’s identities, experiences, and perceptions about their own motherhood and family relationships after leaving the institutional care system in Buenos Aires, Argentina. Throughout a qualitative, small-scale study using life-history interviews, an insight of how these young women’s life experiences have influenced their identities is obtained. In this respect, the findings suggest that female care leavers offer a different type of childhood to their own children than the childhood they experienced, thus providing security, health, education, and love for their children. Moreover, an ambivalent relationship with their birth families has encouraged these women to develop their autonomy with new, meaningful bonds. Finally, motherhood and community participation have empowered these young women and promoted their agency.

Introduction

Transitioning into adulthood can involve multiple changes, including those related to education, work, social life, romantic relationships, and family independence. Facing these transitions without parental support can be very difficult. Moreover, motherhood is a new transition in itself and can be particularly challenging when it is added to the transition to adulthood and simultaneously being a care leaver.

Different studies have shown that young people aging out of care are at higher risk of a more problematic transition to adulthood than are their peers who have not been in the care system (Barn & Mantovani, 2007; Cashmore & Paxman, 1996; Dixon & Stein, 2002). Some of the risks involved with the transition to adulthood include an unfinished education, substance abuse, aggressive behavior, early and unplanned parenthood, and stigmatization. Nonetheless, the capacities of care leavers to overcome painful situations from their childhood as well as new adversities in their transition to adulthood have also been studied (Biehal, Clayden, Stein, & Wade, 1995; Biehal & Wade, 1996).

This article explores the experiences of young female care leavers regarding their own motherhood experiences in Argentina, along with their transitions to adult life, after themselves experiencing a lack of parental care during their adolescence.

This study is intended to examine young females’ singularities, struggles, capacities, and contradictions involved in the experience of being a care leaver, a woman, and a mother in a middle-developed country where no particular legislation targets this vulnerable group. In this respect, the aim of this research was not only to understand the general situation of care leavers but also to listen carefully to singular stories about how they shaped their own motherhood after lacking parental support during their adolescence and then navigated challenging new experiences with their children.

Although no studies currently report statistics regarding care leavers and parenthood in Argentina, research conducted internationally has examined the relationship between leaving care and reproductive behavior after care, noting an increase in pregnancies among female care leavers (Geiger & Schelbe, 2014).

Young People in Argentina and Leaving the Care System

Young people have been defined by the National Institute of Statistics and Censuses in Argentina (2015) as people who are within the age group of 15 to 29 years old. According to a report made by this Institute about young people in general (Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Censos, 2015), it is worth noting that young women are more likely to live independently than are young men (35.5% vs. 22.7%) and that on average, the deciding factor for a move toward independence in young women is either a romantic relationship or pregnancy. Moreover, being a parent for the first time occurs earlier for women than it does for men, with 7% of teenage girls becoming mothers between 15 and 19 years old and only 2.5% of boys becoming fathers at that age. However, young women are also more likely to finish their education during their youth than are young men (50.3% of women vs. 41.9% of graduated men), even with other responsibilities and duties to take care of. Overall, these statistics show a complex relationship between age, gender, the transition into adulthood and starting a family.

Young people aging out of the care system in Argentina are often not well prepared to address an autonomous type of life, and their transition to adulthood tends to be rushed and lack an organized path. In this respect, the lack of research and knowledge about young people aging out of care has led to deficient of policies targeting this group of people and their special circumstances (UNICEF, Doncel and Flacso Argentina, 2015).

A national study performed in 2014 indicated the existence of 9,219 children without parental care (UNICEF and National Ministry of Social Development, 2015). The survey and this article define children without parental care as the population of children who are under a protectional measure made by the State and who are not being cared for by a member of their birth or extended family. In Argentina, the predominant type of care system is institutional care, in which 81% of these children reside, while the remaining 19% are in foster care.

From the population of older children and teenagers in the care system, 20.3% leave the system once they reach the majority of age (18 years old), with or without a project of autonomy. In this respect, the Argentinian Government offers a range of programs geared toward young people who must leave the care system to help make their transition to an independent lifestyle more successful. However, these programs are usually focused on preparing for a work experience and searching for a place to live. An example of these kinds of programs in Argentina is the “Programa Sostén” (“Support Program”), with the aim of “Accompanying the young people who are institutionalized in diagramming their life project.” The main purpose of this program is to provide a 6-month renewable grant to every young person who is in care so that they may obtain vocational training that can also be set up through government programs and that will allow them to enter the labor market after they leave care. Likewise, even though there are policies and programs, such as specialized programs for young mothers to finish their education and government-funded day care for children, for young parents in general, there is still a gap when considering the conditions involved in being a young parent and a care leaver simultaneously.

A study focusing on young people aging out of care in certain areas from Argentina found that half of the young people transitioning to an autonomous type of life did not receive any type of training on accommodation or job seeking. Likewise, most young people leaving care felt insecure and afraid when they were rushed to become independent (UNICEF, Doncel and Flacso Argentina, 2015).

Care Leavers, Motherhood, and Womanhood

Previous studies in the United Kingdom showed a frequency of early pregnancy among care leavers that was higher than the average frequency in their peers without a history of being in institutional care (Cashmore & Paxman, 1996; Dixon & Stein, 2002), thus demonstrating a relationship between leaving care and young parenthood.

In addition, several authors have noted the relationship between young parenthood and gender, affirming that young motherhood is usually related to the development of the identity of womanhood as well as a having a sense of something of their own to take care of (Bailey, 1999; Coleman & Cater 2006; Knight, Chase, & Aggleton, 2006; Rolfe, 2008). The impact that pregnancy and motherhood has on women cannot be ignored because it shapes their identities and sense of self. Bailey (1999) noted that motherhood increases self-esteem and changes behavior as the focus shifts to another person; it also transforms the way in which women relate to others. Furthermore, Coleman and Carter (2006) observed that the transition to motherhood for young women is usually related to their childhood history; another key factor is the strong desire to change their previous family situations by being responsible for someone else and having the chance to create a stable family environment. These young care leavers must face multiple transitions, including moving out of care, starting an autonomous lifestyle, and becoming a mother. Because these new responsibilities all occur within a short period of time, it is essential to gain insight into their perceptions and experiences to develop a better understanding of their necessities and the type of support they require.

Finally, it is worth emphasizing that young parenthood in general and among care leavers in particular is often analyzed through moral interpretations in society. In this regard, teenage and young mothers are usually stereotyped as being promiscuous and immature and have to face the stigma of being “bad mothers” (Alldred, 2011). However, these moral and ethical interpretations about parenthood among care leavers have been challenged by certain studies conducted in the United Kingdom, which noted that parenthood is achieved responsibly among care leavers, and it has a positive impact on their lives (Barn & Mantovani, 2007; Biehal & Wade, 1996).

A British survey targeted specifically toward young people leaving care shows how parenthood had positive outcomes for these young adults because it allowed them to develop a sense of family and of having something of their own. In addition, international findings show a higher frequency of early pregnancy among care leavers than the average frequency among their peers without a history of being in institutional care (Cashmore & Paxman, 1996; Dixon & Stein, 2002), thus also demonstrating a relationship between leaving care and young parenthood.

Furthermore, within the Argentinian context, early parenting has been considered a gender and social issue in that it occurs more frequently in the lower classes where the lack of perspective of individuals toward future goals encourages motherhood as the only meaningful project of their lives (Climent, 2009). Usually, these women do not have the economic support necessary to raise a child, and they therefore rely on state welfare.

In this respect, motherhood, sexuality, and young people in Argentina have been studied by Argentinian authors like Susana Checa (2015) and Climent (2003), and womanhood, family, and care have been studied by authors Esquivel, Faur, and Jelin (2012). With regard to the young people leaving the care system, research is lacking and has mainly been performed or supervised by Unicef and the nongovernmental organization (NGO) Doncel. The lack of national statistics regarding this group of people is strongly related to the lack of research conducted in this field.

In this respect, very little is known about the life trajectories of care leavers and their new social and familiar structure, and this study aims to contribute to the knowledge base on this group of people.

Method

Sample

A purposive sampling strategy has been employed (Bryman, 2004) for this study that targeted care-experienced, young, female adults who were mothers living in Buenos Aires. Participants were contacted through the Argentinian NGO Doncel (which performed the role of gatekeeper for this study) and were also informed about the purpose of this project.

The difficulties in finding participants for this study are worth noting because, as mentioned previously, there is no follow-up of care leavers from institutions or governmental programs. Thus, the lack of on-going contact from public services made the gatekeepers of this study an important resource for contacting these women.

To understand motherhood after leaving the care system, the target population was young females between 18 and 29 years old who had children and had been in care during a period of their lives. In addition, for ethical reasons, this small-scale study targeted young females without major disabilities and with no judicial disputes involving their children.

Possible biases of the sample, and therefore consequences for this study, have been contemplated, but because this research focused on listing the singularities of these young females as well as the way they represent themselves, bias should not affect the results and conclusion of the research (Lewis-Beck, Bryman, & Liao, 2004).

Interview Approach ¹

Data were collected using qualitative interviews through the “life history” approach, which focuses on the interviewee and her storytelling to understand how their perspectives and discourses are constructed (Atkinson, 2004). The present study focused on the experiences of these young women in relation to motherhood, leaving institutional care, forming new relationships, and the transition to adulthood.

Furthermore, the relationship between motherhood and leaving care, the similarities and differences between their experiences as children and their children’s experiences, and the challenges they are currently facing were some of the important points touched on during the interview process. In addition, the experiences that they choose to recall and the way these experiences are recounted somehow demonstrate the impact that these events had on their identities and on their contemplation of reality. This approach allowed the participants to share what they considered significant and meaningful about their past and present life.

Analysis

A narrative approach has been chosen, in which the focus is on people’s perceptions and evaluations of their own life experiences (Riessman, 2004). This approach allowed a better understanding of how these young women identify themselves, their surroundings, and experiences. Within the narrative analysis method, interviews were interpreted through thematic narrative analysis. After re-reading the transcripts, the findings were structured into themes with an emphasis on the information that was relayed (Reissman, 2004), which additionally allowed us to represent the similarities across the different interviews and among the participants.

After an extensive consideration of the data obtained along with a review of the available literature, the themes were organized and supported with several interview extracts that were in line with this study’s objectives (Guest, MacQueen, & Namey, 2012). Most of the themes were structured to provide a possible answer to the research questions about young women’s experiences and perceptions about their own motherhood and family relationships after leaving the care system. Other themes emerged when certain topics or statements were similarly repeated among the participants or when important differences appeared. Testimonies, such as their transformative experiences in institutional care and the lasting connections with their former social workers, were issues that were not anticipated in advance but emerged during the interviews.

Ethics

The participants provided written informed consent, in which they were alerted (in writing and in a verbal explanation of the study) that they could terminate the interview and/or withdraw from the study whenever they felt uncomfortable. In addition, pseudonyms have been used to maintain the anonymity of the participants involved in this study.

Because participants have been contacted through an NGO, which supported the transition to leaving the care system, it was important to considerate the ethical issues regarding the informed consent so that they would not feel pressured to participate in this research. This study concentrates mainly on people’s perceptions and no apparent dangerous situations could have occurred, but because it focuses on young care leavers and the relation with their children, sensitive issues have been considered thoroughly to anticipate delicate situations, because this research targets a vulnerable group with a delicate history (Keller, Strahl, Refaeli, & Zhao, 2016). In addition, if any risk or harmful situation would have appeared during the interviews, I would have managed it delicately, providing the participants the resources available in Buenos Aires to deal with such situations. I am aware of the psychological, social, and legal resources available because I have worked within the Human Rights field for several years. Furthermore, I would have discussed with the participants why certain situations are considered harmful and try to agree with them to reach to some kind of solution.

Moreover, the proposal to participate in this research was also to study how care leavers faced motherhood, trying to deconstruct negative preconceptions about female care leavers and motherhood (Keller et al., 2016).

Delicate issues arose during the course of interviews, such as past experiences of being neglected or abused and being institutionalized. When they occurred, it was dealt sensitively and recommendations were provided, such as contacts to support and assist the young women, like therapeutic services at hospitals or other governmental programs.

For this research, ethical approval was obtained through the NGO that worked as the gatekeepers of this study.

Findings

This section is organized through certain topics that were recurrent during the process of the interview and important for the focus of this study. First, participants’ experiences and reasons for being in institutional care are presented, in order to provide some important background information to their life circumstances and current situation. Afterward, we discuss how these experiences have impacted on the participants’ identities and experiences of motherhood, their type of parenting, and the differences with their own childhood events. Subsequently, the ambivalence of their current relationship with their birth families is explained, as well as the importance of new significant relationships developed throughout the years.

Participants’ Bio Synopsis

Here, participants are characterized with pseudonyms and some general characteristics about their history in the care system, current housing, relationship, and employment situation, to contextualize the interview’s quotations.

Zara (25): Entered institutional care at the age of 14, due to her parent’s initiative to allocate her in a care facility because of domestic violence. During her time in the care system, she had confrontation with her care givers, but also made lasting relationships with social workers and care mates. She has two children from previous relationships and one child with her current partner. During her transition to adulthood, she moved multiple times (returning to her parent’s house at one point). Currently, she lives with two of her children and her partner. She shares custody of one of her children.

Concerning her education and employment, she has earned her high school diploma and works part-time as a chef.

Maria (22): Entered institutional care at the age of 14, through child protection services, because of physical and emotional violence suffered by her father. During her time living in the care system, she developed a strong relationship with the social worker in charge of her case. She left the care system when she turned 18 (because of majority of age) and moved back at her father’s house on conflictual terms. Maria has one child who lives with her. She has been supporting herself and her child, economically, through work and governmental programs. Maria has been working steadily at the same job for the past 3 years and has entered a special program to earn her high school degree. She also relies on full-time preschool program offered by the Government to manage her child’s care.

Diana (29): Entered institutional care at the age of 16 due to her mother’s initiative, because of cohabitational problems and substance abuse. After leaving the care system, she moved to different houses and changed work multiple times, engaging in “under the table” type of jobs. After being supported by NGOs and governmental programs, she achieved certain economic stability in her work and was able to rent a room in decent conditions for her and her child. She and her child do not have any contact nor receive any economical help from her child’s father. Furthermore, Diana has not being able to earn her high-school diploma.

Kiara (24): Entered the care system at the age of 16, through Child Protection Services, because of family violence and negligence suffered by her mother. She left and entered the care system a few times until her pregnancy at 17 years old. At that point, she was transferred to a teenage mothers type of facility targeting young women without parental care. She left the care system after being supported by NGO Doncel, to obtain a job, as well as governmental assistance. For a brief period of time she lived back with her birth family until she was able to support herself economically and rent a place of her own. In this respect, after several “under the table” type of jobs, she was hired by a cleaning company and her working situation was regulated, being able to get health insurance through this job. With regard to her close relationships, she is currently in a stable relationship with a man. The father of her child has not developed continual contact with her and neither with their child. She has not been able to earn her high-school diploma.

Three of the interviewees did not have daily contact with the father of their child, and the contact they had with family members was limited, making them fully responsible for the care of their children. The lack of an extended support network could jeopardize the possibilities for success for these women in other spheres of life, such as their education or housing situations; therefore, their opportunities for progress are limited.

The Experience of Motherhood in Relation to the Care Leaver’s Childhood

All the women identified their placement in institutional care as a turning point in their lives, and although it was a difficult and dark moment, it encouraged them to be more aware of their children’s needs and rights. This awareness of the fact that their own rights were neglected during childhood seems to have impacted their own motherhood behavior, and the women all took great care to avoid making the same mistakes.

It was very difficult to respect myself, to find myself, to be honest . . . it is very hard when you are being humiliated all the time, and you start believing what your family says about you. I used to study and work at the same time, supporting two young children, like an obligation, and then I asked myself “what is the purpose of all this?” And so, I started to appreciate myself because I don’t want my children to live through the same thing I did, I need to be sure that they know I am here, that they have their mother. I need my children to know that I am always here for them, I would like them to remember that I never let them go. (Zara)

Zara’s quote illustrates that for her to have a positive relationship with her children, she would first need to think about what was wrong during her childhood and her relationship with her birth family. It also exemplifies that to prevent her children from repeating her own history of being in institutional care, she would have to deliberate about her past and make several changes in relating and parenting habits.

There are all kinds of families, and I’m not going to start judging, but I would never be a mother who chooses her partner before her children, in that sense I have things very clear. (Maria)

These passages demonstrate how the need to be present as a mother has been a main theme during several interviews in the context of various topics covered, with the women all stating firmly that nothing would keep them from “being there” for their children. In this respect, the way in which past family relationships and memories built around these young women constantly influences their view of motherhood.

The line that these mothers drew between their own childhood experiences and the experiences of their children was considerable. One of the interviewees reflected on the impact that reuniting with her biological family had on her motherhood at one point in her life:

After I left residential care and once my little boy was born, I returned to my family’s house, where my cousins, grandparents and uncles live as well. I felt really uncomfortable; they were constantly judging me as a mother and pointing out that my child was bad mannered. I decided to leave at that point and live on my own; I don’t want the chain of abuse to continue. The mistreatment ends with me. (Diana)

In their role as mothers, a capacity was developed to distinguish a harmful environment for their children and move forward. Motherhood also represents a restorative path in relation to the vulnerability suffered during their childhood.

Diana noted the following:

My mother used to stand for a lot of things because she was afraid of going out to get to know the world, she did not work, and she had to live with my father who was very abusive. I resent her for that and questioned her decisions, I would never allow that type of relationship.

The young women were very firm on certain points and clear in defining what was acceptable for them and what was not. These mothers all strongly believed that they should be present for their children, independent from any man, and never choose a romantic relationship over their child.

Relationship With Birth Families After Care and the Importance of a Supportive Network

The departure from the care system along with the start of an adult life, balancing work, and new responsibilities promoted young care leavers to reconnect with their birth families as a possibility to expand their social and financial support network. However, these encounters were filled with tension related to family history. In this respect, one participant noted the following:

When I left the institution, I went home to live with my dad. I had no other option, nowhere to go, and I thought this time would be different…it was a mistake that I should have never made, and I realize that now. I can’t wait to leave and have my own place. (Maria)

Maria’s quote illustrates one of the main difficulties that young people have once they leave the care system when looking for a place to live. The lack of accommodation specifically targeted to this youth, and the struggles involved with renting a place to live put young people aging out of care in a complicated position.

Another participant also explained how she contacted her father after motherhood because her own child was asking about him:

I still don’t have complete confidence that I can count on him, and I do not have my hopes very high that he will be there for me when I need him. I tend to think that he might disappear at any moment, and we’ll be back to the same place. So, I do not get my expectations really high, I am careful. (Diana)

The history of mistreatment and vulnerability is still very present in the attitudes and behavior of these women; therefore, distance from the birth family is perceived in this reconnection. As Biehal et al. (1995) stated, these meetings usually cause negative feelings; therefore, unresolved dynamics often emerge again, generating difficulties in establishing a healthy bond that these women can have confidence in and rely on. In this respect, this lack of assurance with their family network puts them in a very vulnerable situation again in their lives, having to struggle to find a proper support system in their role as mothers.

In this respect, these young women have developed the capacity to establish extra-familiar yet significant long-lasting relationships during their adolescence and youth. The interviewees stated that they keep in contact with the peers they met during their time in institutional care and noted that they help each other whenever necessary even though they live in very distant neighborhoods. Once out of care, the women have also developed new relationships, which have helped them in raising their children, in completing their studies and in their professional lives.

After I left the care system, I got involved politically in my community. I met a really nice group of people; they have helped me take care of my child when I had a lot of work to do, and every time I needed them, they have been there for me. (Kiara)

These peer relationships have filled a supportive role for the young mothers, which is essential for these women who are learning to be autonomous and to be mothers simultaneously. Because they lack support from their families, these types of relationships have acted as protective factors for young care leavers.

These women have also maintained meaningful contact with professionals who met them while under the state’s protection. In addition, the bonds formed with their former social workers have transcended simple professional rapport, and these personal relationships remain strong even after the women were no longer in institutional care or in situations of major risk. These support networks have connected the women with work opportunities, help moving to a new home, or assistance obtaining resources and in the care of their children. In this respect, these professionals have assumed the responsibility of supporting these young ladies once out of care, thus demonstrating the need for this type of relationship with the same professional, during and after care, to be regulated and not to depend on the will of these professionals.

Discussion and Implications for Practice

Once adulthood is reached at the age of 18, care leavers are no longer protected by the state as children, and a transition to become independent outside institutional care begins. Leaving care, adulthood, and autonomy seem to be synonymous for these women, and young motherhood has emerged as a way to experience and apply their adulthood, their maturity. During the interviews, it was significant the connection between aging out of care and motherhood, as a consequence of having to develop an (early) adult lifestyle. Furthermore, occupying a leading role in a family is perceived by these young women as a type of reparation, by exercising the parental responsibilities, protection, and care that they were deprived of during childhood. In relation to this, Rolfe (2008) noted that young motherhood is usually related to the feeling of having to “grown up” among more vulnerable women, but then again they also struggle to balance motherhood with financial issues, affirming that early motherhood has prevent them of achieving higher educational and economical levels.

During the interviews, the young women demonstrated to have constructed their identities in contrast to what they experienced as children. In this regard, Slade (1999) observed that the ability of a mother to be sensitive to her child’s needs is influenced by what this relationship represents for her as well as by what her relationship with her own mother represents for her. Moreover, they have clearly expressed the wish to be different from their birth parents and to offer a different childhood for their children. In this respect, the weight of a life trajectory in care should also be considered when contemplating this particular group of people and how they face motherhood.

Notably, while conducting this study, the participants contemplated their own childhoods in terms of things they wanted to do differently for their own children. In this respect, it is important to highlight that all the interviewee’s children were enrolled in school, had regular medical check-ups, enjoyed time with their friends, and were carefully attended by their mothers. This is not to say that these mothers have not experienced any struggles or obstacles in relation to their motherhood, but it is important to note that their situations contradict popular stereotypes about young care leavers failing as mothers (Barn & Mantovani, 2007).

In relation to care practices for their children and transition to adulthood, these young women have established new and worthwhile relationships that have been helpful, but continuous and personalized after-care assistance should also be explicitly established to support this population of female care leavers who have become mothers in their youth. As Osgood, Foster, and Courtney (2010) noted when comparing the transition to adulthood between vulnerable youth and their nonvulnerable peers, the difficulties in achieving independence without proper support can negatively affect the education, accommodation, and mental-health spheres of life. Furthermore, the evidence shows that care leavers with children of their own are more likely to experience poverty and rely on welfare (Biehal & Wade, 1996). During the interviews, it was noteworthy the struggles that these women face on a daily basis, and the negative consequences derived from the lack of consistent and purposeful support after leaving the care system. Also, other researchers have stressed that young people in care can actively participate during the process of leaving and after care (Paulsen & Berg, 2016). In this respect, the information collected during the interviews shows the difficulties that these women face when, after not having control over life-changing decisions, they have to deal with living an autonomous type of life. It could be argued that motherhood appears as a desire of differentiation and starting to make their own decisions, as well as a reparation from the experiences of a vulnerable childhood. Furthermore, it is also important to contemplate on the socially constructed ideals of childhood and motherhood (Pena, 2014) to better comprehend the needs of young mothers who have been in care and design policies that adjust to their circumstances, instead of impose what adults and professionals consider what is “better” for them or what deviates from the norm.

The reviewed literature on life after care still has some gaps in relation to parenthood and new family relationships. More longitudinal studies should be conducted to consecutively study the consequences that being in care may have on the new families formed by care leavers.

With regard to the young mothers who have been in care, this study shows the importance of a follow-up type of program and the role of supportive professionals while adjusting to adult life and developing new life-changing relationships. When important resources have been made available to them, these women may be more successful upon reaching adulthood and establishing autonomy. In this regard, specialized programs targeting care leavers in their transition to adulthood should focus on their transition emotionally, psychologically, and socially to achieve better outcomes (Stein, 2006).

Conclusion

Taking in consideration the data analyzed in this research, various topics appeared over the course of this study. First, institutional care and early childhood experiences undoubtedly had an impact on these women’s thoughts on the best way to raise their children. Moreover, the women’s narratives about their past have played an active role in the construction of their perceptions of motherhood. Furthermore, contrary to the belief that harmful parenting styles are perpetuated in proceeding generations, these young mothers are particularly concerned with covering their children’s needs and being present for them.

On the contrary, ambiguous and contradictory feelings arose when the care leavers resumed contact with their birth families. Despite the hope that a new and healthier type of bond could be developed with their birth families and a relationship could be built between their parents and their children, the memories of their own childhood and a lack of willingness to change on the part of the birth families make this relationship strained and hard to rely on.

Overall, the most significant relationship these women have established is that with their children. The testimonies of the women show that this relationship has encouraged them to search for better work opportunities, finish their education, take care of themselves and their kids, and seek out extra help whenever it is needed. Through motherhood, these young women have found their independence; motherhood has stimulated their agency in exercising their rights and demanding the resources necessary to protect them and their children. Furthermore, occupying a leading role in a family is perceived by these young women as a type of reparation in terms of exercising the parental responsibilities, protection, care, and support that they were deprived of in their own childhood.