Governing the Objectives of Higher Education: A Revisit of Confucius’ Dual Imaginaries of the Ideal Man ( Junzi ) and Social Order ( Tianxia )

Abstract

Purpose

This study examines the limitations of the dominant Anglo-American Research University model in addressing contemporary global challenges. By revisiting Confucius’ legacy, it explores his dual imaginaries of the ideal individual (Junzi) and social order (Tianxia) to propose a new framework for higher education.

Design/Approach/Methods

The study utilizes The Analects as its primary source to analyze Confucius’ educational philosophy. The “Confucius pragmatic paradigm” was adopted to interpret The Analects, which highlights the situational and participatory nature of Confucius’ dialogs, treating utterances as speech acts where the speaker's intentions are as crucial as the literal meaning.

Findings

This study underscores the relational, contextual, and internally driven nature of Confucius’ thought, emphasizing the organic integration of individual self-cultivation with the construction of a well-ordered society. It argues that Confucian ideals offer valuable insights for transforming higher education to better address global fragmentation and the evolving landscape influenced by AI-driven transformations.

Originality/Value

By engaging with Confucian thought, this study challenges prevailing neo-imperial ideologies in higher education and argues that each higher education model is underpinned by distinct imagined ideals of personhood and societal organization. It suggests a Confucian-inspired model that is more responsive to contemporary global needs.

Introduction

As human societies face growing challenges, the Anglo-American Research University, currently the dominant model of global higher education underpinned by neo-imperial ideologies, has been criticized for its incapacity to adapt to new conditions (Marginson, 2024b; Scott, 2022). One major flaw is its overreliance on imaginaries of the ideal individual and social order rooted in a “national” rather than “global” era, failing to aptly consider the contexts beyond national boundaries. Its engagement with the “globe” continues to be colonial, taking the form of imperialism or neo-imperialism. The need for a higher education paradigm that unites a fragmented world and offers a global vision is increasingly recognized, prompting calls to reimagine higher education by drawing on diverse intellectual traditions.

The role of higher education in shaping individuals and society is widely acknowledged, though interpretations vary. This study revisits ancient Chinese Confucian insights to reimagine contemporary higher education. Confucianism has long been examined within the global research community across disciplines such as history (e.g., Fairbank & Goldman, 1998; Levenson, 1964; Watanabe, 2008; Xu, 2015), philosophy (e.g., Ames, 2011; Gan, 2023; Morton, 1963; Zhao, 2011), and politics (e.g., Bell, 2010; Hane, 2023). Distinctively, this study focuses exclusively on Confucius himself, using The Analects as its primary source, while engaging with the rich interdisciplinary literature and educational scholarship (e.g., Marginson, 2023; Marginson & Yang, 2022; Yang & Tian, 2022). In contrast to prior research that focused on single Confucian concepts such as Ren 仁 (benevolence, humanity, man-to-man-ness) or Xiushen 修身 (self-cultivation; see, e.g., Tong, 2017; Yang, 2022), this work interprets Confucius’ vision of dual ideals and higher education as an interconnected whole, offering a comprehensive perspective on the interplay between the individual, society, and education.

The overarching aim of this study is to examine Confucius’ dual imaginaries of the ideal man—Junzi 君子 (gentleman, ideal man)—and social order—Tianxia 天下 (all-under-the-heaven) ¹ —and how these two ideals are interconnected and realized through (higher) education. Based on Confucius’ ideals, the study also seeks to develop a nuanced framework for interpreting diverse higher education paradigms, aiming to better understand the historical contexts in which these paradigms are situated. It emphasizes the contemporary relevance of Confucius’ legacy, demonstrating how ancient wisdom can serve as a valuable resource for higher education in addressing today's challenges.

Scope of the Study

The concepts of Junzi and Tianxia, established during the Western Zhou period (1046–771 B.C.), were not exclusive to Confucianism but were used across various schools, including Daoism and Legalism, each with differing interpretations. This study focuses on Confucius’ vision because of Confucianism's unique emphasis on higher education as essential for achieving these dual ideals. While Daoism and Legalism do not dismiss education, they underestimate its role in a well-ordered society.

Confucianism, originating from Confucius (551–479 B.C.), evolved significantly, gaining prominence and becoming the state-sponsored orthodoxy during the Western Han Dynasty (Tu, 1985; Zhao, 2015) and reaching intellectual heights during the Song and Ming dynasties. It reached its intellectual zenith during the Song (960–1279 A.D.) and Ming (1368–1644 A.D.) dynasties. While its core persisted, Confucianism has been continuously created and interpreted throughout China's long dynastic past. Acknowledging it as the formative stage of Confucian thought, this study centers on Confucius’ original notions, which are less entangled with politics, making them more suitable for analysis from an educational philosophy perspective.

The Times of Confucius

Confucius lived in a pivotal era marking the initial disintegration of the feudal and semipatriarchal social structure established by the Duke of Zhou (Gu, 1915/2018; Morton, 1963; Zhao, 2015). Before this transformative period, the overthrow of the Shang Dynasty (c. 1600–1046 B.C.) by the Zhou led to a phase of self-denial and rebirth of Chinese civilization (Li, 2022). The Duke of Zhou instituted a hierarchical feudal system through rites and music, encapsulating a triadic structure of emperor-feudal prince, feudal prince-ministers (nobility), and minister-retainers (Hsu, 1999; Lü, 1998; Zhao, 2015). This structure is also known as Jiaguo tianxia 家国天下 (family-nation-tianxia), signifying the deep interconnection of domestic and national matters (Qian, 1952/2014).

At the onset of Confucius’ era, society faced a crossroads amid the crumbling old order, with significant shifts like land privatization, military reforms, and the dismantling of the Western Zhou's education system (Mao et al., 1991; Zhao, 2015). A major change was the shift from nepotism to merit-based appointments, increasing the demand for educated individuals and fostering private education (Bao, 2023; Zhao, 2015). Educators, once part of the state system, sought solutions to the era's chaos, leading to various intellectual traditions, including Confucianism as a significant strand (Morton, 1963). However, during this transformative period, Legalism, not Confucianism, dominated the political landscape (Bao, 2023; Zhao, 2015).

Methodology

This study's interpretation of the ideal individual and societal order is primarily based on The Analects, a compilation of Confucius’ sayings and actions recorded by his disciples, rather than a single-authored treatise. Widely recognized as the most authoritative source on Confucius (Harbsmeier, 2019; Xiao, 2007), The Analects comprises 20 chapters and 508 entries, featuring a mix of dialogs between Confucius and his disciples or feudal princes, his comments on people and events, self-reflection, narratives of his behaviors and experiences. It also contains discussions among Confucius’ disciples, totaling 37 entries, which this study excludes to focus solely on Confucius.

The Analects is approached as an observational record of Confucius’ teaching activities. This study adopts the “Confucius pragmatic paradigm” to interpret The Analects, as coined by Xiao (2007), highlighting the situational and participatory nature of Confucius’ teachings. This approach underscores the significance of intention and purpose in Confucius’ dialogs, treating utterances as speech acts where the speaker's intentions are as crucial as the literal meaning. Despite potential contradictions in literal meanings, Confucius’ consistent objectives across different utterances demonstrate his pragmatic approach. This method aligns with interpretations by historical commentators of The Analects, like Sima Qian司马迁 (c. 145–86 B.C.), Zheng Xuan郑玄 (127–200 A.D.), and Zhu Xi朱熹 (1130–1200 A.D.), who understood Confucius’ words through a similar pragmatic lens (Xiao, 2007).

When quoting The Analects, this study carefully considers the contextual backdrop of each utterance, including Confucius’ assessment of his audience's disposition, the specific issues at hand, and the temporal and geographical context of his teachings. The translations employed are cross-referenced from four English versions of The Analects by Gu (1898), Lau (1996), Legge (1861/2000), and Waley (1938), ensuring a comprehensive understanding of Confucius’ pragmatically conveyed ideas. When referencing the text, the numerical code from Lau's (1996) version is used (e.g., 1:7, where 1 indicates Chapter 1 and 7 indicates the 7th entry).

Although less pronounced in higher education research, there is a tendency to practice Fuhui 附会 (forced analogy) in Confucian studies, where Western or modern ideas are retrofitted into the ancient Chinese thought-world. Historically, Fuhui was used by Christian missionaries and Chinese intellectuals to bridge gaps between Eastern and Western knowledge systems (Li, 2014). This inclination stems partly from technical challenges, including the nuances of classical Chinese language and differing academic paradigms (Li, 2014; Morton, 1963; Xiao, 2023). As researchers of Chinese origin, we are aware of our deep, sentimental draw to Fuhui, driven by a desire to claim either similarities or distinctions between Chinese thought and other traditions. We have consciously worked to avoid its pitfalls in our analysis.

Confucius’ Imaginaries of an Ideal Individual and Social Order

Tianxia Youdao 天下有道 (A Well-Ordered Society)

Confucius neutrally used the term Tianxia to refer to space, be it political or societal, as illustrated in The Analects (e.g., 3:11, 4:10, 8:1, 8:13, 8:18, 8:20, 12:1, 12:12). In this study, Tianxia is defined as the broadest social realm conceivable to Confucius. It signifies a notion of order (Bell, 2010; Gan & An, 2023; Watanabe, 2020). Confucius distinguished ordered and disordered states of Tianxia:

In an ordered Tianxia, the rites and music and punitive expeditions are initiated by the Emperor whereas in a disordered Tianxia, these actions are undertaken by Feudal Princes, Ministers, or Retainers. In an ordered Tianxia, the Ministers do not hold the power of government, nor do common people interfere with governance. (The Analects, 16:2)

By his standards, the era in which he lived was a period marked by disorder. He critiqued the governance of his native State Lu鲁, noting that the right to appoint official positions had been removed from the Feudal Princes (Analects, 16:3). Additionally, the head of one of the three powerful noble families in Lu employed eight sets of choristers in his family chapel—a privilege typically reserved for the Emperor. Confucius questioned the appropriateness of such actions, asking, “If this is tolerable, what is not?” (The Analects, 3:1).

These instances of disorder underscore violations against Li 礼 (rites, propriety, good manners), reflecting a deviation from the assigned roles and responsibilities within a societal structure. Rites and music symbolize the Emperor's roles in regulation and education, while declarations of war and punitive expeditions embody imperial responsibilities of defence and judgment (Gu, 1898). Confucius conceptualized the order of Tianxia through a lens of responsibility, advocating for a society ² wherein each occupies his/her place and performs his/her respective duties. He further explained that an individual's De 德 (virtue, moral excellence, the inherent quality of a thing) determines their societal role and responsibilities, using the metaphor of the Pole-star, which remains stationary while other stars revolve around it (The Analects, 2:1). Leaders who cultivate their personal conduct in accordance with De will find governance less challenging, as their moral integrity naturally inspires and guides their subjects (The Analects, 12:17, 14:6, 14:13). This belief is rooted in the idea that the moral authority of virtuous rulers acts as a model for their subjects, encouraging them to willingly follow (The Analects, 12:19).

In terms of the instrument for rulers to establish and maintain an ideal social order, Confucius underscored the role of Li. This concept recurs in his dialogues with disciples and feudal princes (The Analects 3:19, 4:1, 11:26, 13:4, 14:41). He argued that “If governance relies on De, and maintains order through Li, the people will foster a sense of shame and a desire to emulate virtuous deed” (The Analects, 2:3). Li is portrayed not only as a collection of ritual practices but also as encompassing a broader scope that transcends mere ritualistic formalities, acting as a medium for the genuine expression of emotions acknowledged by society (Creel, 1960; Morton, 1963; Zhang, 2023). It serves as a normative force, tempering excessive emotions and actions to safeguard social harmony. In Confucius’ vision, the guiding force of Li is so influential that it enables the maintenance of order with minimal effort (Zhang, 2023). Furthermore, he recognized that while Li encompasses immutable aspects derived from tradition, it also allows for adaptation, reflecting a balance between continuity and change (The Analects, 2:23). This adaptability is crucial for understanding Li (Qian, 1974/2020).

Li conveys the idea of Ren, which Confucius regarded as the fundamental value judgment of an ideal social order. “Ren is manifested in mastering self-conquest and adherence to Li. Should one achieve this mastery for even a single day, Tianxia would naturally gravitate towards Ren” (The Analects, 12:1). Despite this, Confucius recognized the challenges in actualizing a society grounded in Ren, observing, “Even for a sage emperor, it might take an entire generation for Ren to fully manifest” (The Analects, 13:12). This brings us to the conclusion that, within the ideal social order Confucius envisioned, De of an individual delineates their societal role. Each person is tasked with fulfilling the duties incumbent upon their role. It is through the observance of Li that conduct is regulated, thereby fostering a society reflective of Ren.

Junzi

Confucius envisioned the ideal person's development as a journey through three progressive stages: Junzi, Ren zhe 仁者 (moral man, benevolent man), and sage, as outlined in The Analects (7:26, 6:30, 14:6). The cultivation into a Junzi represents a crucial progression of profound self-evolution and communal engagement, achievable only by surmounting the self (Tu, 1984). This study foregrounds Junzi as the epitome of the ideal individual, reflecting his central significance in both The Analects and Confucius’ personal quest. Gu (1915/2018) suggested that Confucius’ entire philosophical and moral teaching can essentially be encapsulated in the concept of Junzi. Confucius humbly remarked on his own journey toward this ideal: “… In being a practising Junzi is something to which I have not yet attained. How dare I claim to be a sage or Renzhe?” (The Analects, 7:33, 7:34).

Confucius delineated a clear contrast between Junzi and Xiaoren 小人 (common people, small-minded person), highlighting their opposition within the spectrum of ideal personalities (e.g., The Analects, 12:16, 13:23, 13:26, 14:23). Morton (1963) offered a thorough comparison between these two archetypes, illustrating that a Junzi is cultured and knows how to conduct appropriately in any situation, unlike a Xiaoren, who is constrained by personal gain and prejudice. Confucius summarized guiding maxim of a Junzi as “Set heart upon Dao 道 (order), founded on De, living by the principle of Ren, and skilled in the Six Accomplishments” (The Analects, 7:6). He asserted that the true influence and role of a Junzi stem from the power of De (Gu, 1915/2018; Tu, 1984), stating, “A Junzi values De, whereas a Xiaoren is preoccupied with his status.” Furthermore, Confucius made it clear that,

A Junzi who renounces Ren loses his right to the title. A Junzi never for one single moment in his life abandons Ren; whether in haste, in danger, or in peril, he always upholds it. (The Analects, 4:5)

If Ren is the guiding principle of a Junzi, then Li offers the practical framework for behavior regulation. Confucius advised, “A Junzi broadens his knowledge through the arts and disciplines his actions with Li …” (The Analects, 6:27, 12:15) and emphasized, “a Junzi cannot establish his position without grasping Li …” (Analects, 20:3). He also highlighted the importance of individual agency in adhering to the principle of Ren: “Is Ren truly distant? No sooner do I desire it than it becomes attainable” (Analects, 7:30) “… the practice of Ren depends entirely on oneself, not on others.”

Confucius articulated the conduct of the Junzi using a relational and situational framework. He identified five key relational paradigms integral to the ideal individual's character: roles as a son, a brother, a friend, a subordinate, and a ruler. These roles encapsulate the virtues principle of Xiao 孝 (filial piety) for being a good son (The Analects, 1:11, 2:8, 4:18–21), You 友 (amiability) in fraternal relations (The Analects, 2:21, 13:28), Xin 信 (trustworthiness) in friendships (The Analects, 5:26, 12:23, 13:28), Jing 敬 (reverence, seriousness) in serving a ruler (The Analects, 3:18, 5:16, 15:38), and Airen 爱人 (loving his subjects) as a ruler, treating subjects with justice and concern for their welfare (The Analects, 1:5, 5:16, 13:4, 17:4). Additionally, a Junzi is expected to practice self-reflection and introspection: “The Junzi seeks within himself; the common people seek from others” (The Analects, 15:21). Confucius further articulated how a Junzi should behave in various contexts, covering aspects such as attire (The Analects, 10:6), dining, residence (The Analects, 1:14), speech (The Analects, 5:25, 16:1), learning (The Analects, 1:1, 1.6; 1.8, 1:14, 6:27, 14:24), mourning (The Analects, 7:16, 17:21), participation in sacrificial rites (3:12, 19:1), and working with peers (The Analects, 10:2).

Bridging the Two Ends of Confucius’ Ideals

Confucius integrated the concept of the ideal individual, the Junzi, with that of the ideal social order, Tianxia youdao, through an ethically relational perspective. Liang (1949/2018) emphasized the significance of relational ethics in Confucian thought, noting that:

A person, from birth, is enmeshed in relationships. Existence is thus intrinsically relational, with these multifaceted bonds forming the bedrock of various ethical constructs. (p. 94)

This interconnectedness starts within the family and expands outward in concentric circles, reflecting the three-tiered feudal hierarchy: family ³ –nation–Tianxia (Gu, 1915/2018; Liang, 1949/2018; Tang, 2016; Tu, 1985, 2001). This affection inspires a sense of duty that extends to broader societal roles, depicting the emperor as the “Son of Heaven.” Rulers and officials are viewed as paternal figures, with subjects akin to children. In Confucius’ ideal governance, the nurturance and authority of a family should mirror (Liang, 1949/2018; Tu, 1985, 2001). This analogy reminds us of early Christians who always referred to themselves as brothers and sisters in Christ, emphasizing a spiritual kinship that transcended biological ties (Mann, 1986). However, the fundamental difference lies in their approaches to political authority. Confucianism integrates political authority within its ethical system, while early Christianity emerged as a spiritual community that positioned itself as an alternative to, and at times in opposition to, the prevailing Roman empire (Mann, 1986). Confucius argued that familial ethics are fundamental not only to personal life but also to political involvement, thereby promoting the public good. When asked why he did not directly engage in government, he suggested that by practicing filial piety and fraternal duties, one inherently contributes to governance (The Analects, 2:21).

This perspective implies that the source of familial affection is limitless, compelling individuals toward duties within their ethical relationships, thereby knitting society's members into an organically unified network. This societal model advocates for a progression from close to distant relations, aiming to avoid conflict and transcend boundaries, with the ultimate goal of fostering a society oriented toward Ren. Confucius succinctly captured the guiding principle of Ren in social interactions with maxims like “do not impose on others what you yourself do not desire” (The Analects, 12:2, 15:4) and “achieve personal success as well as facilitates the success of others” (The Analects, 6:30). He posited Ren not merely as an internal contemplation but as a dynamic principle that should manifest through collective engagement, catalyzing a transformative state wherein the boundaries between oneself and others blur. This perspective underscores his belief that Ren extends beyond individual morality to become a relational practice that fosters a deep, empathetic connection among people (Qian, 1974/2020).

The realization of Ren, according to Confucius, hinges on the journey of self-cultivation, ⁴ a concept that forms the cornerstone of Confucian (higher) educational practice. ⁵ “The Junzi strives for self-improvement not just for personal reverence but to bring peace, security, and benefit to the populace at large …” (The Analects, 14:42). The Great Learning ⁶ elaborates on this ethos, outlining a path from self-cultivation to universal peace and goodness:

The Great Learning teaches the illumination of De, the transformation of the populace, and the aspiration towards the highest goodness. To spread virtuous character across Tianxia, the ancients first established order within their own states, regulated their families by cultivating themselves … From the emperor to the commoners, self-cultivation is regarded as the fundamental root. (The Great Learning, 1:2) ⁷

Hence, it is fair to contend that self-cultivation embodies the dual aspects of means and ends within Confucius’ ideal of higher education. This elevates learning beyond mere knowledge acquisition for personal advantage, inspiring learners to transcend their self-interests in favor of a more expansive, empathetic interaction with the world around them. It is in harmony with modern psychological theories that suggest a shift from a closed, self-centric ego to an open, empathetic self (Bao, 2023; Tu, 1985, 2001). Confucius saw the pivotal role of higher education in sculpting the ideal individual and society as a profound power and an instrument for cultural and societal transformation, aligning with his aspiration for a world where personal growth and communal welfare are harmoniously intertwined (Li & Hayhoe, 2012; Lu & Jover, 2019; Marginson, 2011).

The Role of Higher Education in Fulfilling Confucius’ Ideals

Confucius’ legacy to Chinese history and culture is multifaceted, and learning and teaching are regarded as the most significant (Qian, 1974/2020). He placed learning and teaching at the heart of personal development and social harmony. The Analects underscore this perspective right from the outset, celebrating the joy of education: “It is indeed a pleasure to study and practice what you have learned” (The Analects, 1:1). Confucius’ reflections on his life revealed a profound commitment to learning and teaching:

Quietly to store up knowledge with my mind, patiently to acquire knowledge, and to be indefatigable in teaching others, these present me with no difficulties. (The Analects, 7:2)

Engaging tirelessly in teaching and not growing weary of educating others, this, perhaps, may be said of me. (The Analects, 7:34)

The Possibility and Necessity of Learning

Confucius asserted that individuals are endowed with innate qualities (De), derived from Tian 天 (Heaven), which form the foundation for self-cultivation (The Analects, 7:23). These qualities, while providing an ontological basis for growth, exist only as latent potentials rather than fully realized attributes. It is through Xue 学 (learning) that these dormant qualities are nurtured and blossomed (Mao et al., 1991; Tu, 1984). He further emphasized the critical role of learning by highlighting six virtues and their corresponding shortcomings:

To love Ren without loving learning leads to folly. To love knowledge without loving learning results in superficiality. To value trustworthiness in words without loving learning leads to cruelty. To prize uprightness without loving learning fosters intolerance. To admire courage without loving learning turns into recklessness. To appreciate strength without loving learning breeds indiscipline. (The Analects, 17:8)

The ideal individual–societal harmony envisioned by Confucius is inextricably tied to a commitment to lifelong learning. He reflected on the inefficacy of solitary contemplation without action, stating, “I spent a whole day without taking food and a whole night without sleep, occupied with thinking. It was of no use. It would be better for me to engage with learning” (The Analects, 15:31). He concerned over “the failure to refine virtue and to fully explore the knowledge I have gained” (The Analects, 7:3). This reverence for higher education as a tool for achieving both personal and social ideals was not only championed by Confucius but also fervently embraced and expanded upon by his disciples, as evidenced in the Record of Learning which declares, “Should a Junzi seek to reform the subjects and establish customs, it must be done through education” (1:1). Additionally, Confucius emphasized the importance of individual agency in learning, a view that resonates with contemporary pedagogical perspectives (Marginson, 2024a; Oldac et al., 2023).

The Responsibility of Teaching

Confucius is revered as an exemplary teacher, despite not having a specific teacher of his own (Li, 2019). He envisaged teaching not merely as a vocation but as a vital social role, shared by Jun 君 (rulers) and Zhang 长 (elders). This echoes Western philosophical traditions where, akin to Confucius’ principle, Plato, in The Republic, delineated the state's duty in nurturing educated citizens to foster a just society (Plato, 1968). In The Analects, terms related to teaching—Jiao 教 (teach, discipline, instruct; The Analects, 2:20, 7:25, 13:9, 13:29, 13:30, 15:39, 20:2), Hui 诲 (instruct; The Analects, 2:17, 7:2, 7:7, 7:34, 14:7), and “Qi 启” (enlighten; 7:8)—are mentioned 13 times, often in contexts involving rulers or Confucius as a teacher.

Confucius favored incremental and persuasive teaching, encouraging his disciples to draw upon their current knowledge and to diligently engage with the present, rather than delving into the obscure or unfamiliar. This strategy championed a gradual progression from the known to the unknown, which is captured in sayings like, “To know what you know and what you do not know, that is true understanding” (The Analects, 2:17). This view on knowledge aligns closely with that of Socrates, who claimed that true wisdom comes from recognizing one's own ignorance (Reeve, 1989). His teaching transcended mere answer-giving; it involved an interactive and thorough examination of questions, thereby transforming the inquiry into enlightenment. He said, “When an ordinary person posed a question to me, I delved into it until it was exhausted” (The Analects, 9:8), and “I always wait for my student to make an effort himself to find his way through a difficulty, before I show him the way myself” (The Analects, 7:8). This conversational learning process with Confucius was not just about knowledge dissemination; it was an engaging experience that propelled students toward self-exploration and cognitive development. This method closely parallels the Socratic maieutic technique (Vlastos & Burnyeat, 1994) and has been widely recognized and adopted in contemporary higher education as a foundation for student-centered learning (Jaspers, 1960; Leigh, 2007; Muslikh et al., 2022).

The Objectives for Higher Education

The emergence of private education during Confucius’ time broadened access to learning. Lower-ranked nobility and even some outstanding common people sought instruction from teachers like Confucius (Li, 2019). Confucius himself was inclusive in his teachings, stating, “I have never turned away anyone who, regardless of wealth, could present a token of commitment, like a bundle of dried meat” (The Analects, 7:7). Confucius envisioned the goals of higher education as twofold: fostering personal completeness and contributing to state well-being. He articulated a holistic vision of personal development, noting the importance of cultivating intellectual, accomplishments, and moral virtues, and suggested that “In addition to such traits, one who educates himself in Li and music attains true completeness” (The Analects, 14:12). This view implies that personal fulfilment through learning is a lifelong journey of self-improvement (Tu, 1984), as exemplified in Confucius’ recount of his own intellectual and moral maturation:

At fifteen, my heart was set on learning; by thirty, I stood firm in my convictions; at forty, doubts faded; at fifty, I grasped Tianming 天命 (the duty and obligation appointed by Heaven); at sixty, my ear was attuned to truth; by seventy, I could follow what my heart desired, without overstepping boundaries. (The Analects, 2:4)

In the realm of state service, Confucius acknowledged the practical desire among his disciples to utilize higher education as a stepping stone to official positions, as implied by his observation, “It is rare to find one who studies for three years without aiming for a salary” (The Analects, 8:12). Nevertheless, the ultimate purpose of higher education went beyond mere employment; it was to maintain integrity and righteousness within one's official duties and to uphold and practice the Dao. When an official role conflicted with these principles, a true Junzi would relinquish their post rather than forsake their values:

A Junzi dedicates himself to the pursuit of Dao and not merely on survival … (The Analects, 15:32)

Scholar-officials, as conceived by Confucius, were not to be mere executors of power but the moral compass of the state, charged with the noble yet arduous task of ensuring that authority was exercised for the common welfare. Their role was not only administrative but also inherently ethical, with a responsibility to temper power with principles (Li, 2019).

The Content of Higher Education

Determined by its objectives, the higher education delivered by Confucius aimed to achieve a unified order for both the individual and society, with Ren as the overarching value. Hence, its content was crafted to further this end, marrying the practical with the philosophical through the study of the Liuyi 六艺 (Six Accomplishments) and Liujing 六经 (Six Classics). Confucius himself claimed proficiency in the Six Accomplishments (The Analects, 7:6), which include Li, music, archery, charioteering, calligraphy, and mathematics—subjects central to the official schooling system of the Western Zhou Dynasty.

Here, Li encompasses a spectrum of social rites, marrying institutional protocols with local customs. The significance of rites in fostering a collective spirit is not unique to ancient China. In Classical Greece, common religious rituals (Kult) served to bind the city-state together. Participation in these rites was entwined with one's civic identity (Kaerst, 1903/2022). In the noble circles of the Western Zhou, music, coupled with dance, was central to ceremonial life, reflecting its importance in both the public domain and private leisure (Li, 2019; Mao et al., 1991). Ren is the essence that must infuse both Li and music, as Confucius posited, “Without Ren, of what use are Li and music?” (The Analects, 3:3). Li defined social roles and structures, maintaining a respectful differentiation. Music harmonized emotions and spirit, fostering unity and closeness (Gan, 2023). Confucius summarized this interrelationship: “… the study of Li shapes one's judgement and music perfects one's character” (The Analects, 8:8).

Archery and charioteering were esteemed martial disciplines in the education of the nobility, embodying the ethos of the Junzi spirit. These disciplines transcended mere martial prowess, encapsulating profound ceremonial and moral dimensions within their practice. Archery, for instance, was a discipline rich in ritualistic significance and was a means to cultivate and demonstrate the virtues of fair competition and courtesy.

A Junzi never competes in anything he does, except perhaps in archery. Even so, in victory, he remains gracious, bowing respectfully to his competitors and sharing in conviviality. (The Analects, 3:7)

Calligraphy and mathematics, though less celebrated, were crucial for administrative functions within noble households, as illustrated by Confucius’ early career in managing granaries and herds (Qian, 1974/2020).

In his twilight years, Confucius focused on compiling and editing the Liujing, which emphasized theoretical aspects and became foundational for official schooling systems in subsequent Chinese dynasties. The Book of Poetry《诗经》(Odes) used by Confucius to cultivate literary and diplomatic abilities (The Analects, 1:15, 2:2, 3:8, 13:5). Confucius believed that poetry could “arouse one's sentiment” (The Analects, 8:8) and “without learning poetry, one cannot make himself agreeable in conversation” (The Analects, 16:13). He identified six purposes for studying poetry: to spark conversation, understand state customs, engage with others, critique society, learn service to family and ruler, and gain knowledge of nature (The Analects, 17:9).

The Book of Rites detailed the ceremonial customs crucial to the nobility, reflecting Confucius’ commitment to moral and social order. Despite the Book of Music being lost, the existing records in The Analects reveal his profound appreciation for music's role in education (see 7:14, 3:25, 3:23). During his time, poetry was intrinsically intertwined with music, both mediums serving as expressions of human emotions and experiences. Confucius placed great importance on teaching poetry and music, as well as teaching Li. The combination aimed to create a synergy between the internal state of individuals and their external actions (Qian, 1974/2020).

The Book of Documents, a compilation of historical narratives and speeches, was frequently cited by Confucius to teach his disciples political sagacity (The Analects, 2:21, 14:40, 20:1), imparting lessons on governance and ethical leadership (Li, 2019; Tu, 1985). The Book of Change, as per Tu (1985), combined divination, numerology, and ethical insight, reflecting a metaphysical worldview whereas the Spring and Autumn Annals were chronicled events of the State of Lu, which Confucius edited to instil historical consciousness and self-awareness in his disciples, positioning himself as a “transmitter” who revered the past (The Analects, 7:1, 7:20).

Confucius revered the Six Classics but warned of their potential to mislead if misinterpreted. He noted that the Odes could induce naivety, the Book of Documents might contain unreliable narratives, the Book of Music could foster extravagance, the Book of Changes might encourage deceit, the Book of Rites could become dogmatic, and the Spring and Autumn Annals might lead to diplomatic errors (Record of Rites, 26:1). To prevent these pitfalls, he advised learners to approach the texts with balance, embracing virtues like honesty, foresight, broad-mindedness, and adaptability (Record of Rites, 26:2).

Reflections on Confucius’ Imaginaries and Higher Education Practice

The exploration of Confucius’ vision of the ideal individual and social order, alongside his idea of higher education, reinforces the key argument of this study: Every higher education model is underpinned by imagined specific ideals of personhood and societal organization. Grasping these ideals is crucial for comprehending and evaluating the relevance and effectiveness of any specific higher education practice in addressing the societal needs and challenges of its era. The dynamism of historical and cultural contexts engenders varied imaginaries of what constitutes ideal individuals and societies, particularly during epochs marked by substantial social upheaval, when established norms and structures are questioned and the contours of new paradigms are yet to be drawn. This juncture presents a fertile ground for reimagination. As Appiah (2017) notes, rejecting current practices or structures viewed as incorrect often spurs the reimagination of new ideals.

The conceived ideal individual and social order defines the goals of higher education, shapes the roles of and relationships between teachers and students, and informs curricular content. Figure 1 illustrates the conceptual framework, which provides a lens for scrutinizing and comparing different educational models. Recognizing the specific issues a higher education model intends to address, the ideal it pursues, and its strategy for realization provides a scaffold for reimagining modern higher education. The diversity of historical and contemporary higher education practices offers a rich repository of principles and practices that can be adapted to current needs.

Figure 1.

Conceptual framework for reimaging higher education.

Revisiting Confucius’ vision of higher education allows us to distinguish it from others through its relational, contextualized, internally driven, and unified perspective. These characteristics highlight its value as an intellectual resource for reimagining the future of higher education. Our analysis not only affirms the significance of historical and cultural context in shaping educational ideals but also encourages a reflective approach toward integrating and adapting these insights to contemporary challenges to higher education.

Relational

The core of Confucius’ imaginaries of individual and society, as well as his vision of higher education, centers on a fundamentally relational understanding of human nature and society. This relational approach is, to some extent, a universal theme across educational philosophies, as none would refute the interconnectedness between individuals, others, and society at large. Yet, Confucius’ paradigm significantly diverges from theories that centralize the autonomous individual, such as Foucault's (1988), regarding the independence and autonomy of a critical mind as the basis of self-formation. Instead, Confucius sets the relationship between oneself and others as both the origin of his ideals and the ultimate goal of his educational endeavors (Bao, 2023; Liang, 1949/2018; Tang, 2016; Tu, 1985). Unlike the practice that foregrounds the pursuit of individual interests as critical to personal fulfillment, Confucius advocated for a notion of self-completion that derived from fostering the well-being of others and the collective community. He argued that true self-actualization and integrity could only be achieved through authentic and harmonious relationships with others (Analects, 6:30). As Tu (1981) suggests, from Confucius’ perspective, “far from being an internal, subjectivistic search for one's own individuality, depends as much on meaningful communal inquiry as on self-scrutiny” (p. 51).

Confucius’ vision shifts the emphasis from asserting individual rights, which often pit personal against collective interests, to fulfilling one's responsibilities toward others, thus advocating for a nonhostile and inclusive relationship (Liang, 1949/2018; Morton, 1963; Tu, 1981). Confucius recognized the reality of conflicts but frames personal sacrifices as essential to achieving a broader sense of self-realization and integrity, rather than as mere losses to be borne for personal advantage. This nuanced understanding of individuality sets Confucius’ approach apart from certain prevalent Western ideologies, particularly those that have emerged since the Enlightenment, which emphasize individualism and the primacy of personal judgment, informing modern discourses on democracy and human rights.

However, Confucius’ relational approach also resonates with certain strands of Western thought. For instance, Booth's (1974) concept of “the rhetoric of assent” underscores the importance of acknowledging our intrinsic interconnectedness, challenging views of humans as isolated rational actors in a value-neutral universe. He asserted, “We are not, in fact, anything at all when considered separately from our relations” (p. 134). Similarly, Dewey's (1916) democratic education also contended a distinctive strand of society-individual conceptualization that incorporates the relational element, envisioning an ideal individual and society shaped by democratic values such as equality, freedom, and cooperation. He articulated, “Democracy is more than a form of government; it is primarily a mode of associated living, of conjoint communicated experience” (p. 91). Consequently, the goal of democratic education, from Dewey's perspective, is to cultivate individuals to become qualified and active members who can contribute to a democratic society. To fulfill this objective, he suggested experiential learning, emphasizing the active relationship between an individual and the environment (Dewey, 1916). His educational paradigm, to some extent, resonates with Confucius’ relational ethos through a lens of democratic principles. However, it is important to note that as a representative American educationalist and philosopher of the late 19th century, Dewey's relational perspective undoubtedly bears the imprint of individualism spirit (Dewey, 1916, 1939).

Specific, Contextualized, and Practicable

Confucius further defined his relational paradigm as contextually anchored rather than abstract. According to him, relationships between individuals stem from kinship and extend to various roles one might assume, rendering these connections specific and tangible. The Analects document instances in which Confucius provided varied, sometimes contrasting, guidance to different disciples concerning the same question, tailored to the context of each inquiry (i.e., Analects, 11:22). ⁸ This pedagogy is adaptable, nondogmatic, focused on practical application and problem-solving, and imbued with a realistic concern for social issues (Bao, 2023; Tang, 2016).

Confucius’ practice manifests an educational principle of “unity of knowledge and action” (Mao et al., 1991). The Analects illustrates that education extends beyond the mere teaching and learning of specific knowledge and skills. Every word and deed, every aspect of comportment, including how one walks and sits and how one interacts with others and treats objects, constitutes an educational scenario. This holistic view of education underscores that the pursuit of pure knowledge or truth is not an end in itself but a means toward contributing to a well-ordered society. In this respect, Dewey's democratic education embodies similar principles in a modern Western framework. Dewey (1916) asserted that “education, therefore, is a process of living and not a preparation for future living” (p. 56). Hence, education ought to be intimately linked with the practicalities and contexts of daily life.

Inward-Calling

Confucius’ vision implies that both personal perfection and social harmony depend on an intrinsic pursuit. The foundations of De and the principle of Ren both originate from within, negating the need for external search or validation. This internal genesis of self-regulation enables adherence to one's true nature while respecting social norms, encapsulated in Confucius’ assertion of “following my heart's desire without overstepping boundaries” (Analects, 2:4). Moreover, social order, when based on De rather than external forces such as law or religion, is cost-effective and self-sustaining. It requires neither policemen nor priests for maintenance (Gu, 1915/2018). This concept of self-governance diverges from the medieval Western reliance on religious doctrine to instil virtues and regulate conduct.

The pursuit of learning, which is also inward-calling, aims not merely at disciplining one's behavior (good manners) but, more profoundly, at cultivating an inner desire to “conquer” rather than “conceal” personal appetites, using Mandeville's (1732/1989) terminology. Unlike the latter approach, which merely instructs individuals to hide their desires, the former seeks to teach people to subdue their appetites, ensuring the same discipline in private as in public (p. 23). Confucius emphasized introspection and self-examination as central components of education (Analects, 12:4, 15:21), advocating that higher education should be self-motivated, self-disciplined, and self-directed. Similarly, the concept of Bildung in Humboldt's (1969) model echoes this ethos by emphasizing the individual's self-guided journey toward true humanity, free from external dictates. This internal drive for self-completion makes Confucius’ education a lifelong endeavor, relevant at every moment of life and across both formal and informal settings.

Unified, Coherent, and Inexhaustible

Confucius’ imaginaries and his vision for higher education are marked by a profound coherence and unity, integrating the cultivation of personal virtue with the collective practice of the Dao. He concentrated not solely on individual self-cultivation but also on the myriad regulations, frameworks, and hierarchies relevant to family, state, and society, to foster harmonious interpersonal relations. In his own words, “My way is to thread it all together as one” (Analects, 4:15, 15:3). According to Confucius, the individual and the community are inseparable, unified within a singular Dao. The principle of personal conduct is the same as that of governance; the manner in which one conducts oneself mirrors the way one engages with the community. It is not merely about striking a balance between these facets but fundamentally fusing them into a cohesive whole (Qian, 1974/2020). Insights from Confucius’ principles suggest that a robust educational philosophy should ensure a natural and coherent connection between the goals of personal development and the construction of social order. These objectives underpin educational practice, as demonstrated by Plato's (1968) integration of justice with philosophical training, Humboldt's (1969) focus on autonomy through Bildung, and Dewey's (1916) commitment to democracy (equity, freedom, and cooperation) realized via experiential learning.

Effective education would also be adaptable, transcending the limitations of time and space. The principle of Ren, which governs relationships, and the method of self-cultivation are timeless universal tools for addressing various relationships, underscoring the enduring relevance of Confucius’ proposition. As social conditions evolve, creating new social spaces filled with new roles and relationships, the principles of Ren and self-cultivation are likely to maintain their applicability, as do other values such as Bildung and democracy. Despite Confucius’ historical context of advocating for the restoration of a well-ordered Tianxia within the Western Zhou's feudal structure—a vision never realized due to the collapse of feudalism and the emergence of a unified bureaucratic China—his imaginary of ideals and educational practices have been preserved, adapted, and evolved through centuries by Confucian scholars. This process has embedded his principles as a cultural gene within the Chinese nation, continually evolving to stay relevant and shaping the collective identity and ethical framework of the Chinese people (Fairbank & Goldman, 1998; Li, 2019; Tu, 1985; Zhao, 2011).

Limitations of Confucius’ Imaginary

Every set of ideals and educational practices, including those advocated by Confucius, possesses intrinsic limitations. Specifically, during the Spring and Autumn period, characterized by relatively low productivity, maintaining normal societal functions still required a significant portion of the population to engage in labor and agricultural activities. Education, necessitating resources such as books, was a privilege predominantly available to the nobility, and not the general populace (Mao et al., 1991). Thus, although Confucius’ efforts to offer education to anyone who could afford even the most modest gift (Analects, 7:7) were revolutionary for their era, they were inevitably limited by the socioeconomic structures of his time.

The content of Confucius’ teaching has faced criticism for undervaluing practical knowledge, such as agriculture, as evidenced by Confucius’ response to a disciple's questions about farming and gardening, dismissing these concerns as trivial (Analects, 13:4). The social division of labor at his time positioned a minority in roles of governance, exempting them from direct participation in agricultural production and other forms of manual labor. Consequently, Confucius’ teaching was not centered on agricultural practices or production skills. With a belief that the basis of effective governance was De rather than Zhi 智 (intellectuality), Confucius prioritized the cultivation of virtues over ontological or epistemological knowledge in his educational practice (Bao, 2023; Morton, 1963).

Furthermore, the practices of Li, music, and self-cultivation, offer profound methods to refine and guide one's desires and behaviors. However, these approaches demand exceptional determination to be integrated consistently throughout one's life, a feat few individuals achieve in totality. Since Li and music do not exert external coercion, they may lack the immediacy of impact found in other political governance methods, potentially rendering them “ineffective” for controlling the broader populace. Paradoxically, to appreciate and engage with the values of Li, music, and self-cultivation necessitates education, which was scarcely available to the masses during Confucius’ era. The limitations in infrastructure and communication of the time meant that feudal governments lacked the organizational capacity of contemporary states, impeding the implementation of direct and unified control (Mann, 1986; Zhao, 2015). Thus, Confucius’ advocacy for Li, music, and self-cultivation as means to cultivate shared norms and self-regulation was both reasonable and suited to the prevailing social conditions. However, as history progressed into the Warring States period, the context shifted and alternative methods gained prominence.

Current Realities Facing Higher Education

Recognizing the limitations of Confucius’ vision is crucial when leveraging it as an intellectual resource for the innovation of contemporary higher education. This necessitates a nuanced and thorough comprehension of present-day societal dynamics. Among these dynamics, the global massification of higher education stands out significantly. Since 1990, the global percentage of young individuals engaged in tertiary education has surged from 14% to 40%, indicating that nearly two in every five individuals from various economic backgrounds are now participating in higher education (UNESCO, 2025). This unprecedented global engagement in higher education marks a significant moment in human history, where profound knowledge is accessible and attainable by the masses for the first time. As Marginson (2024a) posited, this represents not merely an expansion of education but a leap in educability itself, dispelling the outdated notion that only a select few are capable of pursuing advanced levels of education.

The massification of higher education implies that a vast majority now have the knowledge and capacity to envision their ideal individual and social orders. Stone (1969) observed that three major modern revolutions—the English Civil War and the French and Russian revolutions—occurred when about half of the male population became literate. Beyond demographic changes, the widespread access to higher education will significantly influence collective productivity (Marginson & Yang, 2022). This transformation, coupled with the recent breakthrough in artificial intelligence (AI), which promises to redefine human–machine collaboration, enable personalization at scale, and decentralize production, suggests that both the labor market and modes of production are on the brink of significant transformation (Acemoglu & Restrepo, 2019; Brynjolfsson & McAfee, 2014; Davenport et al., 2020). Therefore, established paradigms of the ideal individual, social order, and practice of higher education may no longer be relevant. It is crucial, then, to rethink these ideals in light of the changing social landscape.

Confucius’ relational, contextualized, and practicable approach offers a critical perspective on addressing the crisis currently afflicting higher education, particularly within Western contexts. This crisis is frequently attributed to the imposition of a neo-liberal policy framework on the higher education sector, which effectively subjects educational activities to capitalist logic (Brown, 2015; Marginson, 2023; Rizvi, 2020). This logic indicates an abstract relationship, whether between students and teachers or between universities and society, separating quantity from quality, and thus eroding meaning (Lefebvre, 1991; Readings, 1996). Marx (1996) described the primary aim of capitalism as the relentless accumulation of abstract wealth, with a focus on capital accumulation rather than the production of goods for their use-value or social well-being through wealth distribution (pp. 158–159). Transnational capitalism has usurped the role traditionally held by nationalism, presenting individuals with a form of nonideological belonging: a corporate identity that integrates them into the social sphere solely through their function as operatives (Readings, 1996, p. 48).

The neo-liberalist conceives of higher education as an economic branch, valuing it in terms of the aggregate earnings of graduates (Olssen & Peters, 2005; Robson, 2023), constricting our understanding of the sector's wider social roles. The neo-liberal individual, or Homo economicus, is characterized by a limited agency that lacks development in terms of self and identity (Marginson, 2024b, p. 2). Within such a framework, the role of the university in society becomes ambiguous, as does the nature of society itself. The American model of the university, prevalent globally and underpinned by neo-liberal values, epitomizes this crisis. “Excellence” has become the watchword of this type of university, without external reference or intrinsic meaning. The emptiness of the notion lends it a deceptive appeal across different national contexts. This has led to a breakdown in both the order of knowledge and the institutional structure of higher education (Readings, 1996). The collapse of the old order is now calling for a reimagination of higher education, for which Confucius’ vision provides valuable insights. Furthermore, while the Confucian paradigm originated in a specific local context, its influence has extended far beyond (Morton, 1963), suggesting its potential to inspire the reimagination of contemporary higher education globally.

Closing Remarks

Today's rapidly evolving social landscape, spanning local, national, and global dimensions, presents unprecedented conditions and challenges for higher education. Identifying an optimal paradigm that can navigate these complexities and deliver on its promises remains an open question. This study underscores the importance of recognizing that the limitations and unsatisfactory performance of contemporary higher education may stem from broader social factors, including prevailing conceptions of the ideal individual and society. Through analyzing Confucius’ vision of the dual ideals and his approach to higher education, this study aims to offer valuable perspectives for re-envisioning what constitutes desirable individual and societal outcomes under current conditions.

A key lesson from Confucius’ approach is the significance of holding onto ideals. His skepticism about the complete attainment of a perfectly ordered society (Tianxia youdao) and the formation of Junzi did not dissuade him from advocating the ethos of “pursuing seemingly unreachable goals” (Analects, 14:38). For Confucius, this unyielding pursuit of ideals transcended mere educational exercise, embodying a core principle of life (Tang, 2016; Xu, 2015). Appiah (2017) highlights humanity's extraordinary ability to envisage worlds different from our current reality, suggesting that idealization is a powerful tool for self-regulation and for influencing the external world. Moreover, Confucius’ conviction in the potency of ideals was not confined to a metaphysical domain, extending beyond mere contemplation or theoretical discussion. It was embodied through his daily actions, serving as tangible examples to his disciples.

Historically, the pursuit of an ideal society was the domain of intellectuals and elites (Ye, 2023). Today, broader access to higher education allows more people to envision and work toward these ideals. A crucial question arises: Whose imagined ideals should be pursued, and for whose benefit should these ideals be envisioned? While Confucius’ Junzi and Plato's philosopher-king transcended personal interests to serve the public good, neoliberalism encourages instrumental rationality and self-interest (Tu, 2001), steering higher education toward neoliberal goals. It is time to transcend such a limited, abstract, and competitive vision and establish new ideals for higher education.