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Abstract

Evidence suggests that the conception of “mental health,” as well as Western health care models, needs to be reimagined to better reflect the unique care needs of Black people. Within these systems, Black people are more likely to experience secondary victimization and retraumatization. Despite these systemic failings, Black people often find ways to manage self-care, wellness, and healing. Within the context of dueling pandemics (COVID-19 and racial injustice), Black people turned to social media applications to develop community-led, culturally-congruent care models. This study aims to explore the ways Black people experienced virtual engagements on social media during the dueling pandemics. This exploratory study employed a six-phase thematic analysis approach, while utilizing publicly available textual data (Instagram comments) from two key social media engagements targeting Black audiences. Prominent themes gleaned from this analysis elucidate the healing and therapeutic value of these virtual gatherings. These include: (1) Expression of Gratitude and Appreciation, (2) Necessity, (3) Timeliness, (4) Accessibility, (5) Emotional and Spiritual Impact of the Virtual Space, (6) Ancestral and Culturally-Grounded Healing Practices, (7) Reprieve within the Virtual Space, and (8) Community and Collectivism. Our analysis reveals that when elaborating on their experience participating in two key social media engagements targeting Black audiences, attendees’ responses reflect key aspects of empirically-grounded, culturally-congruent care models for Black people (i.e., radical healing). We contend our findings demonstrate the unique ways social media applications might be more intentionally leveraged to create culturally-congruent care for Black people.

Keywords

radical healing emerging technology Black people mental health wellness social media

Introduction

The COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated existing racial disparities in mental health and in service access and utilization (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention [CDC], 2020). Despite efforts to promote the utilization of mental health services during this time, evidence suggests that the conception of “mental health” and Western health care models more generally needs to be reimagined to better reflect the unique care needs of Black people¹ (Allen, under review; Wilson, 2001). Hegemonic mental health care is framed in a medical model rooted in White supremacy culture, ignoring the role of systemic, structural, and cultural threats to health; which serve to reify controlling images of Black communities as impervious to pain, potentially dangerous, and an infinite resource for others (Collins, 2022; Goff et al., 2014). Culturally-appropriate frameworks for Black people (e.g., radical healing) locate the source of stress and trauma within historically oppressive systems (French et al., 2020; Grills et al., 2016). Furthermore, these frameworks transmute the notion of merely surviving oppressive conditions (coping), to thriving, resisting, and finding liberation despite them (healing) (French et al., 2020).

Within traditional mental health systems, Black people are more likely to experience secondary victimization and retraumatization, which can affect their views of mental health treatment after seeking services, reducing positive expectancy (Kolivoski et al., 2014; Tillman et al., 2010). Despite these systemic failings, Black people often find ways to manage self-care, wellness, and healing. Within the context of dueling pandemics (COVID-19 and racial injustice),² Black people leveraged Instagram to create community-based digital spaces that center wellness, self-care, and healing. Considering the structural barriers that impede equitable access to mental health care and perpetuate inequity in mental health utilization within Black communities, understanding the online behaviors of Black people during this time may provide key insights to addressing these pervasive disparities.

Digital Black Cultures

Various scholars have empirically evaluated and described the various harms Black communities face when they engage with technologies or within online and digital contexts (Benjamin, 2019; Broussard, 2023; Buolamwini, 2023; Costanza-Chock, 2020; Eubanks, 2018; Freelon et al., 2022; Hampton, 2021; Noble, 2018; Noble & Tynes, 2016; Patton et al., 2017; Sutherland, 2023; Williams, 2024). Despite these risks, Black users have continually demonstrated their propensity toward leveraging digital tools, specifically social media, to (1) articulate Black identity (Brock, 2009, 2020), (2) resist hegemonic structures and express sociopolitical desires (Bailey, 2021; Bonilla & Rosa, 2015; Calhoun, 2020; Eschmann, 2023; Freelon et al., 2016, 2018; Jackson et al., 2018, 2020; McIlwain, 2019; Williams, 2020), (3) curate complex community networks and support structures (Clark, 2020; Gray, 2017; Jackson et al., 2017; Steele, 2021), as well as (4) engage healing, wellness, and self-care (Sampson, 2020). Relying on theories in racial formation and critical race theory, Brock (2009) characterizes the internet as a “third place” where people are able to represent race and perform Black identity (Brock, 2009, 2020; Nakamura, 2013; Nakamura & Chow-White, 2012). Hardly a niche or subcultural phenomenon, digital communities like #BlackTwitter highlights how expressions and performances of Blackness exist within online spaces, namely social media (Brock, 2009, 2020). Scholars have also explored how Black people use social media to resist hegemonic structures and express sociopolitical needs (Bailey, 2021; Bonilla & Rosa, 2015; Calhoun, 2020; Eschmann, 2023; Freelon et al., 2016, 2018; Jackson et al., 2018, 2020; McIlwain, 2019; Williams, 2020). Digital counterpublics describe “digitally networked [communities] in which members . . . contest majoritarian narratives, engage in critical dialogues, or negotiate oppositional identities” (Hill, 2018; Jackson & Banaszcyk, 2016; Jackson et al., 2019; Jackson & Foucault Welles, 2015). Research examining Black digital counterpublics has commonly focused on the use of hashtags, like #BlackLivesMatter, #Ferguson, and #ICan’tBreathe, to describe how Black communities leverage Twitter to raise awareness, mobilize resources, and demand policy change related to ongoing manifestations of anti-Black violence and police brutality (Edrington & Lee, 2018; Hill, 2018; Jackson & Foucault Welles, 2016).

Black women have continually demonstrated their propensity for reimagining existing social media platforms to curate complex community networks and support structures (Clark, 2020; Gray, 2017; Jackson & Banaszcyk, 2016; Jackson et al., 2017; Steele, 2021). Through her examination of Black feminist technoculture, Steele (2021) offers the virtual beauty shop as a metaphor to understand online communities created and sustained by Black women (Steele, 2021). The virtual beauty shop reflects the ways Black beauty shops have historically operated as safe spaces for free expression and communal exchange among Black women (Steele, 2021). The virtual beauty shop illuminates how Black women construct digital spaces to exchange stories, share testimonies, and safely engage communities outside of the hegemonic gaze (Steele, 2021). Black lesbian women have also leveraged social gaming platforms, like Xbox Live, to intentionally develop online gathering spaces that support their ability to express personal identity, formulate collective identity, and intentionally engage communities organized around shared identities (Gray, 2017, 2020).

Several theoretical concepts have been proposed to describe how Black people use social media to engage healing, wellness, and self-care. Digital hush harbors were conceptualized to describe how non-cisgender, heterosexual, and male people leverage digital spaces to engage spiritual traditions and religious practices (Sampson, 2020). Digital hush harbors refer to digitally networked, yet unbound, spaces Black women use to “circumvent interlaced oppressive religious structures and theologies” (Sampson, 2020). Digital hush harbors commonly consist of Black women hosting live streams that center faith, spirituality, and interconnection (Sampson, 2020). Digital hush harbors highlight the ways Black people leverage digital settings to translate formal healing strategies, like attending church, from physical to digital settings.

Digital communities of Black women, like digital hush harbors, rely heavily on narrative and storytelling practices that traditionally exist offline as a means of fostering trust and collectivism (McNeil-Young et al., 2023; Steele, 2021). Steele (2021) refers to these dialectic strategies as shoptalk (Steele, 2021). Shoptalk prioritizes “personal ways of knowing, validation of emotion, personal accountability, and a preference for narrative and dialogue over debate” (Steele, 2021). Markedly, shoptalk is reflective of culturally-grounded strategies for healing and wellness (e.g., narrative, storytelling, and testimony) that have historically existed among Black women (McNeil-Young et al., 2023; Steele, 2021). Through the use of shoptalk, Black women have adapted these traditional strategies that foster healing, wellness, and self-care from physical settings to digital platforms. Perhaps not intentionally conceptualized or examined as healing, wellness, or self-care strategies, digital hush harbors and shoptalk illuminate the ways Black women leverage social media to engage healing, wellness, and self-care. In fact, the utility of social media platforms, toward supporting healing, wellness, and self-care for Black people, would become increasingly apparent as sociopolitical and collective stressors reached a stark high at the brink of the COVID-19 global pandemic.

“Last Night a DJ Saved My Life”: Black Online Activity During COVID-19

At the height of the COVID-19 pandemic, Black communities were grappling with the multiple stressors in the form of widespread mandatory quarantines, social distancing policies, and ongoing instances of police brutality against Black bodies (Yeh et al., 2024). During this time, we saw Black communities flock to social media (i.e., Instagram, Clubhouse, Twitter) and other socially focused technologies in search of opportunities to center social connection, joy, entertainment, and play (Rodriguez, 2021; Vera, 2020). Black people have historically utilized collective gathering practices (e.g., family reunions) to provide respite during difficult times (McCoy, 2024). It is by no mistake that we saw many of these offline strategies translated into digital settings during the early months of the pandemic. DJ D-Nice’s “Club Quarantine” and the VERZUZ music battles became staples in Black social life during the months of the dueling pandemics with hundreds of thousands logging onto social media platforms in collective revelry (Banda et al., 2023; Rocque, 2020; Spanos, 2020; Vera, 2020). On May 9, 2020, an astonishing 750,000 people accessed D-Nice’s virtual DJ set from their homes to share in an experience of dancing, music, joy, and community. Weeks later, over 200,000 viewers tuned in to watch a live music battle (VERZUZ) between acclaimed gospel performers, Kirk Franklin, and Fred Hammond (Banda et al., 2023; Rocque, 2020). In response to these events, related remarks included: “Healing for our soul. Light in darkness!” (Participant # 473), “This was soo amazing!! I cried. I laughed. Everything” (Participant # 402), and “Last night a DJ saved my life . . .” (Participant #634). These unprecedented virtual gatherings are just one of the numerous ways Black people are taking advantage of social media to engage in healing, wellness, and self-care. These practices reflect long-standing traditions of activating the power of collectivism and celebration to stimulate a heightened sense of connectedness and positive expectancy.

“Club Quarantine” is a virtual dance party that was started during the early months of the pandemic by Black disk jockey, DJ D-Nice (Johnson, 2021). Hailing from arguably humble beginnings, what is now known as “Club Quarantine” started as a simple livestream on Instagram Live when DJ D-Nice chose to record himself deejaying in the kitchen of his Los Angeles home (Johnson, 2021). The online event was playfully named the “club,” which in Black American vernacular, refers to a setting where predominantly Black people physically gather to enjoy music, dance, and flirting. Mimicking traditional healing and wellness practices that exist within secular and religious settings (e.g., twerking; praise dancing), “Club Quarantine” centered the use of music and dance as a pathway to self-care and well-being (Elisha, 2018; Pérez, 2016).

The initial “Club Quarantine” stream attracted about 200 attendees. Within days, DJ D-Nice would host another live stream, lasting over 9 hours, that attracted over 100,000 guests (Johnson, 2021). Attendees included several Black celebrities like Naomi Campbell, Ava DuVernay, Halle Berry, Rihanna, Gayle King, Oprah, and even Michelle Obama. Since this time, DJ D-Nice has hosted numerous “Club Quarantine” sessions lasting from 30 minutes to several hours (Johnson, 2021). Even after the suspension of mandated quarantines, DJ D-Nice has continued to offer “Club Quarantine” sessions as a virtual “safe space” for Black audiences (Johnson, 2021).

VERZUZ is an online “battle” or music competition that was started during the early weeks of the pandemic by hip-hop producers, Timbaland and Swizz Beatz (Rosen, 2021). Similar to “Club Quarantine,” VERZUZ music battles were initially hosted on Instagram Live and were later made available for permanent viewing on IGTV. Further demonstrating their widespread popularity among Black audiences, VERZUZ battles commonly attracted over a 100,000 concurrent viewers during each battle, and over a million viewers who witnessed the virtual performances asynchronously on IGTV (Aswad, 2024; Yang, 2020). Arguably informal, the format of each VERZUZ “battle” typically hosted musical performances by two popular R&B or hip-hop artists (Rosen, 2021). Each battle involves two, 10-song rounds in which each artist would take turns presenting a music track from their catalog using computer audio or recording studio equipment. Following each round, the virtual audience is invited to debate on who won each round, in addition to the “battle” in its entirety (Rosen, 2021). The VERZUZ battles would commonly last from 2 to 3 hours in total (Aswad, 2024; Rosen, 2021; Yang, 2020). While there is no formal crowning of a winner, these digital events tended to spark debate among a wide range of audiences including the everyday social media user and formal media outlets (Masona, 2024; Rosen, 2021; Rowley, 2022). While a competition, the central purpose of the VERZUZ “battles” was to offer virtual audiences an opportunity to collectively experience and enjoy art and celebration (Rosen, 2021). Notably, digital events like the VERZUZ music “battles” are rooted in black cultural practices and musical competitions, like jazz’s cutting contests, Jamaican sound clashes, and rap battles, that commonly exist in offline settings (Rosen, 2021). Like “Club Quarantine,” the VERZUZ music battles continued to exist even after mandatory quarantines were lifted and even hosted several in-person events (Ansari, 2021; Aswad, 2024).

It is markable that both these online events were started at a time when physical gathering was significantly restricted due to widespread mandated quarantine policies associated with the COVID-19 pandemic (Jacobsen & Jacobsen, 2020). In addition, these events took place at a time when collective stressors were particularly salient for Black people due to increased instances and coverage of police brutality against Black bodies (Eichstaedt et al., 2021). For example, 6 days after the murder of George Floyd by Minneapolis police and in the midst of erupting nationwide protests, the organizers of the VERZUZ battle hosted an event between Black gospel artists, Kirk Franklin and Fred Hammond as a means of providing a “moment of healing” for virtual audiences (Cochrane, 2020). Similarly, DJ D-Nice suggested that he began “Club Quarantine” as a means of fostering a “safe space” for joy and play (Johnson, 2021). Reflecting these intentions, the overall design of these virtual events resemble key aspects of theoretical frameworks describing culturally-grounded care for Black people (e.g., Black psychology; radical healing) (French et al., 2020).

Radical Healing as Culturally-Congruent Care for Black People

Within the United States, our care systems are systematically rooted in Western-based perspectives of mental health and well-being. This cultural frame normalizes Eurocentric values and perpetuates notions of White supremacy and, by virtue, the inferiority of non-dominant groups (Asher BlackDeer & Gandarilla Ocampo, 2022; Collins, 2022; French et al., 2020; Frey et al., 2021; Parham, 2002, 2009). In this regard, current frameworks undergirding traditional mental health practice are “incongruent, at best, and oppressive, at worst,” for understanding the ways Black people engage healing, wellness, and self-care in either online or offline settings (Adames et al., 2023; French et al., 2020; Ginwright, 2010; Parham, 2002, 2009). As a necessary alternative, scholars have forwarded several theoretical traditions (e.g., Black psychology) and conceptual frameworks (e.g., radical healing) to articulate the key principles and processes undergirding care strategies that are culturally congruent with the ways Black people engage healing, wellness, and self-care (Adames et al., 2023; French et al., 2020; Ginwright, 2010; Parham, 2002, 2009).

Radical healing is an expansive framework that integrates multiple theories and bodies of literature (e.g., liberation psychology, Black psychology, ethnopolitical psychology, intersectionality) to consider how systemic social oppression impacts the mental health and well-being of People of Color and Indigenous populations in the United States (Adames et al., 2023; Collins, 2022; French et al., 2020; Ginwright, 2010). While this framework was designed to apply to racially marginalized populations, more broadly, this framework is useful for informing manners in which Black people engage healing, wellness, and self-care. Notably, radical healing explicitly integrates understandings from Black psychology to center the experiences of communities in the United States of African descent (Collins, 2022; French et al., 2020; Parham, 2002, 2009). Within this framework, Black psychology is leveraged to explicitly identify how Eurocentric assumptions significantly inform current mental health practices and elaborate on how these assumptions have detrimental effects on Black communities (French et al., 2020). The careful integration of Black psychological perspectives within a radical healing framework calls for a strengths-based understanding of Black people’s mental health and care strategies (French et al., 2020; Parham, 2002, 2009).

There are five central tenets underlying a radical healing framework, these include: (1) Critical Consciousness, (2) Radical Hope and Envisioning Possibilities, (3) Strength and Resistance, (4) Cultural Authenticity and Self-Knowledge, and (5) Collectivism. Critical Consciousness is defined as an individual’s ability to critically reflect on their own sociopolitical realities. Through this reflection, critical consciousness suggests that Black people can discern how power relations impact individual and collective well-being (French et al., 2020; Parham, 2002, 2009). Critical Consciousness is commonly conceptualized as involving three main components including critical reflection, political efficacy, and critical action (Freire, 2020; Watts et al., 2011). The second central tenet underlying this framework is Radical Hope and Envisioning Possibilities. This tenet refers to a sense of agency to effect necessary change and envision a more equitable future (Adames et al., 2023; French et al., 2020). With a foundational awareness of the nature of social oppression, radical healing argues that a key step in the process of healing is the ability to imagine a collective future beyond the confines of systemic social oppression (Adames et al., 2023; French et al., 2020). Radical healing also bolsters the importance of strength and resistance. Strength and resistance refers to a collective charge to prioritize joy, play, and wellness despite a critical awareness of the nature of oppression (Adames et al., 2023; French et al., 2020). Radical healing argues that strength to resist oppression is necessary in order for people of color to foster radical hope and envision more desirable futures (Adames et al., 2023; French et al., 2020).

The fourth central tenet underlying a radical healing framework is Cultural Authenticity and Self-Knowledge. Radical healing prescribes cultural authenticity and self-knowledge as a means of prioritizing ancestral wisdom, cultural teachings, and culturally-grounded modes of healing and engaging self-care for communities of color (French et al., 2020; Parham, 2002, 2009). For Black communities, these practices have historically included narrative strategies, such as storytelling and the use of testimony. These practices have also historically included the centering of music and dance. Finally, radical healing boasts the centrality of Collectivism throughout the entirety of this framework. This tenets asserts that a sense of communal and psychological strength results when communities of color gather collectively to address barriers to their own health and well-being (Adames et al., 2023; Collins, 2022; French et al., 2020). Like many communities of color, Black people share cultural histories and ideologies grounded in values of interconnectedness, kinship, and community (Collins, 2022; Sue et al., 2022). It is by no mistake that culturally-grounded care models for Black people, like radical healing, affirm the importance of collectivism throughout all aspects of a care model.

The Present Study

This study aims to explore the ways participants of virtual engagements targeting Black audiences leveraged the Instagram social media platform in service of self-care, wellness, and healing during the dueling pandemics. Ultimately, this work hopes to (1) explore how social media applications might be employed to address key barriers to equitable mental health care for Black people, (2) reimagine how social media applications might be utilized to facilitate equitable mental health access and utilization for Black communities, and (3) describe the clinical qualities and mental health benefits of social media applications (e.g., Instagram) for supporting culturally-congruent care models for Black people. We contend that to expand and reimagine present notions of culturally-grounded healing models for Black people, researchers and clinicians must identify and invest in these community-driven models of engaging wellness and self-care. Considering these research goals, the following research question guided this inquiry:

How did attendees of the virtual engagement speak about their experience?

Methods

Research Design

This exploratory study employed thematic analysis to examine the experiences of attendees at two virtual engagements in 2020. While numerous events of this nature took place during this time, this analysis is specifically interested in the DJ D-Nice’s “Club Quarantine” DJ set hosted on April 27, 2020, and the “VERZUZ” music battle between Kirk Franklin and Fred Hammond hosted on May 31, 2020. Both events were held virtually on the Instagram Live platform and were later posted to IGTV for ongoing viewing. These events were selected due to the event’s stated purpose, relevance to the project’s research questions and goals, widespread popularity within Black communities, data availability, and the events’ proximity to events particularly salient to Black-identifying people (Banda et al., 2023; Iasimone, 2020; Johnson, 2021; Rosen, 2021).

While researchers were specifically interested in the virtual healing practices of Black people through this analysis, the researchers could not determine the race and ethnicity of participants who responded to the comment section from both virtual engagements. Despite this limitation, these virtual events were selected due to their explicit centering of Black communities and specific intention to create a “safe space” in the context of ongoing stressors associated with COVID-19, police brutality, and the Black Lives Matter movement (Banda et al., 2023; Iasimone, 2020; Johnson, 2021; Rosen, 2021)

Data: Instagram Comments

This study leveraged publicly available digital, textual data in the form of Instagram comments from two key social media engagements targeting Black audiences (N = 2,000). Instagram is a social networking platform that is characterized by affordances that center the posting and exchange of photos and videos, as well as users’ ability to create profiles, share content, and respond to others’ content through various formats and temporal structures (Shepherd & Gagliano, 2021). For example, users can leverage profile posts, reels, and IGTV to post content that resides on their profiles permanently or until they choose to delete it. Users can also post content that resides on their profiles temporarily (usually 24 hours) using affordances like story posts or Instagram Live streams (Shepherd & Gagliano, 2021).

Instagram Live and IGTV are both platform features that allow users to post video to their profile pages (Shepherd & Gagliano, 2021). Instagram Live is unique in that it allows users to live stream videos that were initially only available for 24 hours after the stream ended. With the marked uptick in the use of the Instagram Live feature during the early months of the pandemic, Instagram expanded this feature so that users could choose to reshare their Live recordings to be permanently featured on their profile as an IGTV post. Users are able to engage with both Instagram Live streams and IGTV recordings through various formats including “liking” the post, providing a written comment, or re-sharing video with other users who follow their profile (Shepherd & Gagliano, 2021).

For the purpose of this study, researchers were specifically interested in the DJ-Nice event and VERZUZ events that were initially hosted on Instagram Live. After the initial streaming, both these live events were posted to IGTV for permanent viewing. Due to the differing temporal nature of these affordances, researchers were able to analyze comments that were posted after the initial live streaming and asynchronously on IGTV. To collect and organize the data, the researchers utilized an online Export Comments data-scraping tool, available at ExportComments.com (ExportComments, 2024). This strategy involved adding the Instagram weblinks for both events to the data-scraping tool. The tool then converted all comments associated with the post and link provided into an Excel document. Final data files were organized by participant number, profile name, date and time of comment, as well as full text comment provided by the user. As the researchers utilized publicly available data, other relevant details related to data selection and collection have been obscured to maintain anonymity of participants.

Analysis

Due to the exploratory nature of this study, researchers did not assert any a-priori coding scheme prior to performing the data analysis. Data analysis followed a six-phase, reflexive approach to thematic analysis (Terry et al., 2017). First, the analysis team sought to familiarize themselves with the data through several rounds of individual immersive reading of the comments. A preliminary list of observations was developed by each coder. Next, the analysis team sought to systematically aggregate and label these findings into a preliminary coding structure. The team engaged in an iterative process in which the preliminary coding structure was re-applied to the entire dataset to detect any corrections that needed to be made to the coding frame or associated definitions. When no new codes emerged, final definitions were agreed upon, and the coding structure was finalized. Two members of the analysis team independently coded the dataset using the finalized coding structure to determine agreement. This process was completed independently for the “DJ D-Nice” data and the “VERZUZ” data. All coding was performed utilizing NVivo 12 Pro computer software (Bazeley & Richards, 2000). Final agreement was scored to ensure reliability across multiple coders. Final themes were identified based on their prominence and prevalence within each dataset and their significance to the proposed research question and goals.

Researcher Description

The majority of our research team identifies as Black Americans and members of the African diaspora, one member of our research team identifies as Asian American, and all members of our research team self-identify as women. Our team represents a variety of professional and academic backgrounds, as well as positionalities within the University (e.g., social work professors, educators, and clinicians, graduate and undergraduate students). Several members of our team hold postdoctoral-level training in quantitative and qualitative research analysis, as well as post-graduate experience as social work clinicians. Members of our research team have direct experience conducting community-based research and providing culturally-congruent clinical interventions for Black people. One member of our research team is pursuing a degree in Public Health with specific focus on Race and Ethnicity Studies.

Indigenist perspectives on research methodology suggest the intrinsic benefits of intentionally attending to the cultural values and worldviews brought to the research process by the researcher(s) (Holmes, 2020; Rigney, 1999). This is important when considering the community in which the research is being conducted, and even more so when these communities have been historically subjugated to interlocking systems of oppression (L. T. Smith, 2021). Indigenist perspectives dually recognize the unique contributions made to the research process when conducted by researchers who share cultural, racial, and ethnic identities with the community of interest. Researchers who share within-group memberships with the communities they are studying might leverage specific knowledge from lived experiences, identify overlooked strengths and needs of the community, as well as translate key findings through a culturally-specific lens. Western approaches to research consistently fail to disrupt the reproduction of knowledge that not only misrepresents the expertise of marginalized groups but also upholds ideological structures rooted in White supremacy, capitalism, and cisheteropatriarchy.

While members of the research team hold differing racial and ethnic identities, all members of the research team identify as members of racial and ethnic groups historically marginalized within the United States. This racial and cultural positionality allowed us to have key insights into peculiarities in the use of language, such as slang or cultural jargon, that informed how participants were responding to these virtual engagements.

Despite the advantages within-group membership afforded to the research process, personal knowledge and lived experience as members of marginalized communities, in some ways, may have affected the authors’ abilities to interpret responses from participants without the lens of our previous understandings and socialization. The research team hoped to mitigate any bias by being conscious of their own positionality and engaging in an iterative process that involved both individual and collective analysis, constant discussion, negotiating key concepts and definitions, and careful interrogation of any discrepancies between team members. In line with ethical practices regarding qualitative research and with the aim to engage critique on how this work might be strengthened, we are transparent about our own positionality and its impact on the research process (Creswell & Poth, 2016).

Results

Our analysis of participant responses produced 13 major themes (see Table 1); five of these themes will be discussed in future manuscripts. The following considers eight key themes that inform the original research question (How did attendees of the virtual engagement speak about their experience?) and elaborate on the utility of these virtual engagements for engaging self-care, wellness, and healing.

Table 1.

Description of Themes.

Name	Description
References to COVID-19, Black Lives Matter, and/or Police Brutality	In response to the virtual event(s), attendees used terminology that referenced current stressors such as the COVID-19 pandemic, Black Lives Matter protests, and/or ongoing instances of police brutality.
References to Club Quarantine	In response to the virtual event(s), attendees referenced the community of virtual users attending DJ D-Nice’s virtual DJ sets as “Club Quarantine.”
Describing Visual Aesthetics	In response to the virtual event(s), attendees commented on some visual aspects of the performance.
Ranking their VERZUZ Experience	In response to VERZUZ music battle, attendees ranked their experience in comparison to battles they had previously attended.
Sharing Feedback	In response to the virtual event(s), attendees shared positive/affirming feedback, as well as negative/constructive feedback with the event organizers and performers.
Expressions of Gratitude and Appreciation	In response to the virtual event(s), attendees expressed some form of appreciation and/or gratitude.
Necessity of the Virtual Space	In response to the virtual event(s), attendees elaborated on the necessity of the virtual spaces.
Timeliness of the Virtual Event	In response to the virtual event(s), attendees spoke about the timeliness of the virtual event in the context of ongoing, external stressors.
Accessibility of the Virtual Space	In response to the virtual event(s), attendees expressed that the event was more accessible to them due to the virtual platform and/or the ability to replay the events through Instagram’s IGTV feature.
Emotional and Spiritual Impact of the Virtual Space	In response to the virtual event(s), attendees commented on the emotional or spiritual impact of participating in the virtual event(s) or provided characterizations regarding the emotional and spiritual nature of the virtual space.
Ancestral and Culturally-Grounded Healing Practices	In response to the virtual event(s), attendees reflected that the virtual events provided outlets to enjoy music, movement, and dance, all of which reflect ancestral and culturally-grounded healing practices for Black communities.
Respite within the Virtual Space	In response to the virtual event(s), attendees reflected that these virtual venues provided a sense of respite, particularly in the context of external, pervasive, and systemic stressors (e.g., COVID-19, racial injustice, and police brutality).
Community and Collectivism within the Virtual Space	In response to the virtual event(s), attendees referenced a sense of shared community or explicitly identified themselves as a part of a collective.

Expression of Gratitude and Appreciation

In response to both virtual events, 18% (n = 360) of comments shared expressions of appreciation and gratitude. While several of these comments generally expressed feelings of thankfulness for the existence of the virtual spaces, numerous comments expressed gratitude for specific aspects of the virtual experience (e.g., gratitude toward the DJ; gratitude for the music being played). One participant commented:

“THANK YOU for your CREATIVITY, ENTHUSIASM, & POSITIVITY across the board!! Keep enlightening us with your SPIRIT of MUSIC!! ”(Participant #891)

While there were numerous examples of this nature throughout both datasets, comments, like these, highlighted various qualities of the virtual spaces that participants regarded as valuable.

Necessity of the Virtual Space

Of all comments, 14.8% (n = 296) elaborated on the necessity of the virtual space or expressed a strong desire for ongoing participation in comparable virtual gatherings, even outside of the context of the dueling pandemics. Even more, responses within this thematic category commonly specified what attendees felt these virtual gatherings were most needed for. Responses reflected that the virtual space was needed for an outlet to process feelings of anger, grief, intense sadness, or hopelessness:

“And??? I CAN’T BREATHE AGAIN . . . I’ve so much in the last week for OUR SONS/OUR BLACK This verzuz was definitely needed!!! @timbaland & @therealswizzz thank you I need a Sunday with Tamala Mann & Yolanda Adams It was exactly what my soul needed. ” (Participant #8)

Other participants reflected that the virtual space was needed to access joy, fun, humor, healing, or to reinspire and ground one’s spiritual connection:

“This is what is needed. We all need to be healed from something as individuals but also as a whole. The world is suffering and crying out for healing and once we all get on one accord for Positive Change then The Healing can start.” (Participant #710)

Not only do these responses indicate a deep desire for safe places to engage in collective healing but speak to a strong sense of positive expectancy by attendees that these virtual events are an effective means to engage self-care, healing, and wellness.

Timeliness of the Virtual Event

About 2.05% (n = 41) of comments spoke about the timeliness of the virtual event in the context of ongoing, external stressors. This theme overlapped significantly with other thematic categories, such as Necessity of the Virtual Space. This thematic category was distinct as participants’ reflections focused on the increased significance of these virtual engagements due to them taking place on specific days of the week or during specific periods of heightened sociopolitical tensions. Notably, the VERZUZ event took place 6 days after the murder of George Floyd and within the context of nationwide protests that called out the continued legacy of racial injustice and police brutality historically enacted upon Black communities. Given this broader context, multiple comments reflected that the VERZUZ battle occurred at the exact time when individual and collective stressors were most stark, particularly for Black people:

“After reading various articles today and yesterday. A recent mindless killing in my city just last night. We needed this” (Participant #256)

Attendees of the VERZUZ music battle also highlighted the significance of this event occurring on a Sunday (a day widely regarded as synonymous with rest, worship, community, and celebration within Black Christian communities; Mitchell, 2021; Palmer, 1995). One participant shared:

“This should be a Sunday MUST—God is always on time! This is exactly what we need on this Sunday!!! ” (Participant #232)

Collectively, these reflections indicate that the timeliness of these virtual gatherings and the ability to engage with the events when care is needed is significant.

Accessibility of the Virtual Space

Several responses, 7.15% (n = 143), commented on their inability to attend the live events for various reasons. These included explanations that participants were fulfilling roles as multigenerational caregivers within their families (e.g., “Dang . . . I missed this but I had to take my 81 year old Aunt to the grocery store . . . So I will catch you next time ”;Participant #337) and serving as essential workers (e.g., “Thanks for posting! I missed it! I was essential today! ”;Participant #535). However, several participants praised that the event was more accessible to them due to the virtual platform and/or the ability to replay the events through Instagram’s IGTV feature. One participant commented:

“Thank you for posting these to IGTV! I always want to watch live but sometimes I can’t and it’s great to be able to go back later and still enjoy the vibes! We appreciate you.” (Participant #476)

The virtual design of these events and technological features characteristic of Instagram’s platform (e.g., IGTV) allowed participants the opportunity for flexible attendance and self-guided and self-paced engagement.

Emotional and Spiritual Impact of the Virtual Space

Several responses, 22.15% (n = 443), contained reflections describing the positive impact of participating in these virtual events on spiritual and emotional well-being. Comments within this category provided characterizations of these virtual events that elucidate their healing or therapeutic value.

Spiritual Impact of the Virtual Space

Of all responses, 8.5% (n = 170) commented on the spiritual impact of participating in these virtual events. Attendees commonly referenced that their experience within these virtual engagements facilitated connections to their spiritual identity. This was particularly relevant in responses to the VERZUZ battle, as it hosted musical performances from two prominent Black gospel singers. This was evidenced by comments that suggested the virtual engagements supplemented the experience of attending physical church, particularly at a time when they were not able to physically gather for church. One participant suggested:

“I had the time of my life [that] thang was a whole club church thank u guys it was [needed]” (Participant #570)

Responses also described how the music played during these events reinforced a spiritual connection or intensified their spiritual experience. One participant shared:

“After protesting yesterday & being frustrated at the media’s reports. . . this verzuz was EVERYTHING I needed to really plug into God right now . . .” (Participant #89)

Collectively, these comments reflect that attendees found these virtual engagements efficacious for engaging religious beliefs, spiritual healing practices, and attending to one’s spiritual needs. Even more, these virtual events may offer important supplements or additions to support that Black churches traditionally offer.

Emotional Impact of the Virtual Space

Of all responses, 13.65% (n = 273) commented on the positive emotional impact of participating in these virtual events. Responses under this thematic category involved describing the emotional state one was presently experiencing, detailing shifts experienced in their emotional well-being, during or after participating in these virtual events, as well as identifying characteristics of the virtual events that contributed to their emotional impact. For example, one participant commented:

“Thank you for this. It was the longest I’ve been on social media without feeling angry or hopeless. (Participant #534)

The participant highlights that the virtual gathering they attended provided a unique opportunity to have a seemingly more positive emotional experience than what is typically experienced in digital spaces. Attendees also reflected that participation in these virtual spaces elicited significant shifts in one’s mood, emotional well-being, and/or behavior. Of all responses, 4.15% (n = 83) reflected that they entered the virtual space feeling emotionally burdened (e.g., due to quarantine or protesting) but left the virtual space in an improved emotional state:

“This Blessed Me So Much Today, I Prayed, I Danced & I Song. Haven’t Slept In Days Because My Heart Aches With What’s Going On In Society Today. Immediately After, I Went & Slept Like A BABY . . . Knowing GOD Got Us ” (Participant #327)

The participant points out that they were experiencing negative emotional symptoms prior to the start of the event, including what they describe as “heartache” and sleep loss. However, during the virtual event, the participant was able to engage coping skills such as dancing, praying, and singing to elicit positive emotional and behavioral responses. Comments like these indicate these virtual gatherings have the potential to elicit significant emotional and behavioral shifts in attendees. In this reflection, we observe that the virtual gathering was reported to particularly facilitate this participant’s experience of joy and more peaceful sleep.

Responses within this category also described characteristics of the virtual events that contributed to their emotional impact. In addition to participants describing the events as a “stress reliever” (Participant #783) or an “immediate fix” (Participant #135) to ongoing stressors they were experiencing, they also talked about the specific characteristics of the virtual gatherings that contributed to this emotional impact. For example, references to the “vibe” and “energy” (“Always a good vibe at Club Q ”;Participant #909), notably slang terms, were leveraged to comment on the positive emotional and/or spiritual atmosphere of these virtual events. Finally, many responses explicitly characterized these virtual engagements as “healing” or “therapeutic” on an individual level (“Dnice is the best isolation therapy for ME”; Participant #845), as well as for the collective (“This was so needed . . . I believe this healing session really helped the nation . . .”; Participant #134). Although these virtual gatherings may seem casual on the surface, these comments affirm that attendees attribute therapeutic and healing value to these engagements and reflect that they are efficacious for positively affecting emotional well-being.

Ancestral and Culturally-Grounded Healing Practices

The very design of these engagements centered culturally-relevant and traditional modes of healing for Black communities (e.g., music; dancing). Reflecting this intent, 8.9% (n = 178) of responses commented on the music played during each experience or how the spaces were utilized as an outlet for movement and dancing.

Commenting on the Music

During both virtual events, comments (7.85%; n = 157) highlighted lyrics, expressed appreciation for specific songs, and even articulated how the music created specific pathways to maintain well-being:

“Thank you for sharing your beautiful music and keeping me sane” (Participant #847)

Another participant commented:

“Thanks for all the good music during this Quarantine it’s definitely been a stress reliever(Participant #306)

Music has historically been utilized within Black communities to bolster collective wellness and resistance (Chambers, 2021; Elliott, 2019). These responses exemplify the importance of music not only as a healing tool but also as a pathway to intentionally foster individual and collective resilience.

Outlet for Movement and Dancing

Responses (1.05%; n = 21) also discussed the utility of these spaces as an outlet for movement and dancing. This theme seems particularly relevant during this time, as physical movement and gathering were significantly restricted due to widespread, mandated quarantines associated with the COVID-19 pandemic (CDC, 2021). One participant shared that they leveraged the virtual space to work out:

“Got in some serious sweat-dripping-lung-heaving cardio to this set today! Thanks @dnice ” (Participant # 522)

Another participant also described being moved to dance:

“I went from shouting to crying to dancing to laughing . . . won’t HE do it!!!” (Participant #696)

Like music, dance has played a central role in Black healing and cultural traditions (Monteiro & Wall, 2011). The responses indicate that these social media events helped center these culturally-grounded and often celebrated modes of healing for Black people.

Respite Within the Virtual Space

Of all responses, 5.2% (n = 104) indicate these virtual venues provided a place of respite, particularly in the context of external, pervasive, and systemic stressors (e.g., COVID-19, racial injustice, and police brutality). One participant shared:

“This was amazing! Thank you to everyone who put on a show that helped take me from the sorrows of this world for a few minutes.” (Participant #820)

One can see that the participant describes the event as a form of respite “from the sorrows of this world.” Although temporary, the participant highlights the virtual settings’ efficacy in fostering a brief hiatus within the context of ongoing external stressors.

In addition, participants’ reflections indicate that this respite allowed them to reflect on present stressors (e.g., anti-Black racism, police brutality) and express personal thoughts associated with these stressors. These comments manifested through simple hashtags and slogans (e.g., #BlackLivesMatter or #SayTheirNames), specific references to victims of police violence (e.g., “Breonna Taylor, Sandra Bland, Aiyana Jones, Atatiana Jefferson”; Participant #16), and more elaborate explanations of how they were personally grappling with issues:

“Thank God and you fellows for lifting a dark cloud from my day. I was struggling all week. Just one thing after another, including the passing of my earthly father. Then, of course what is happening in the world has been weighing on me. What is going to happen to my black men; brothers, uncles, cousins, nephews, family and friends! So to say I have been feeling low is an understatement. Along with all my personal prayers, these 2+ hours you have given to us as a people has been a God send!” (Participant #11).

In this example, the participant expresses how they are being emotionally affected by individual, collective, and structural-level stressors, associated with anti-Black racism. Reflections, like these, indicate these virtual gatherings are offering safe spaces for Black audiences to openly discuss these topics and engage in a sense of temporary reprieve (“lifting a dark cloud from my day”) in these virtual environments.

Community and Collectivism Within the Virtual Space

There are numerous indications (n = 338; 16.9%) that these virtual spaces were being leveraged to curate communal support and connection. This is most evident through the various ways participants’ comments referenced a sense of shared community or explicitly identified themselves as a part of a collective.

References to Blackness

One common indication of a sense of shared community or collectivism is through subtle and explicit references to Blackness throughout the datasets. Participants explicitly identified themselves or those close to them as Black (e.g., “I’m a Black Muslim woman and I’m right here with y’all ”; Participant #22). Participants commonly referenced Blackness by using emojis that depicted flags of predominantly Black countries, hashtags (e.g., “#ICAN’TBREATHE”; Participant #8), and slogans referencing Black communities (e.g., “WeMatter”; Participant #18). While it should be noted that researchers could not determine the racial and/or ethnic identity of participants, using hashtags and slogans like these reference commonly employed expressions associated with the #BlackLivesMatter movement (Baker et al., 2020; Ince et al., 2017). As these virtual engagements targeted Black audiences, these responses indicate that attendees also recognized the ways Black people were specifically centered and supported within these virtual engagements (Banda et al., 2023; Johnson, 2021; McCoy, 2024; Rocque, 2020; Rodriguez, 2021; Spanos, 2020; Vera, 2020).

Use of Collectivist vs. Individualistic Language

Reflections on community and collectivism also manifested through the use of “we/us” language, in lieu of the use of the “I/me” language. Instead of expressing needs, desires, and perspectives regarding the virtual space from the position of an individual, multiple participants situated their reflections from the positionality of the collective. One participant shared:

“We needed this as a FAMILY Thank You! ” (Participant #578)

In this example, the participant reflected that this event was essential for the collective, rather than solely for themselves. This theme suggests that participants recognized their positionality within the collective and were concerned with the care and well-being of other community members. These reflections indicate these virtual events offer pathways to engage not only individual-level care but also community-level healing and wellness.

Socialization and Connection Within the Virtual Space

Participants’ responses were also indicative that these virtual gatherings were utilized to initiate dialogue, socialize, and facilitate connections between attendees. Participants regularly exchanged greetings (e.g., “Hi CQ Family”; Participant #385), initiated conversation with other users, and tagged users to invite them into the virtual space (e.g., “@amylauren802 I feel like you know someone who would be into this”; Participant #145). The ability to socialize and connect with other users in the virtual space might have been particularly significant in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic and widespread mandated quarantine. One participant reflected:

“I miss traveling but partying with my Quarantine family brings me joy.” (Participant #739)

Responses within this category also commonly share expressions of care toward the host. Noting the long hours that DJ D-Nice had spent online (“Get some sleep . . . we ain’t going nowhere..thank you,” Participant #722). These responses to the virtual space indicate these spaces are operating as supplements for interpersonal and social interaction. Furthermore, these spaces offer opportunities for attendees to connect, check in, and attend to the wellness of the community.

Intergenerational Connections to Community

Finally, participant responses suggest that these virtual spaces facilitated connections between community members across multiple generations. One participant commented on how these virtual events inspired them to share these activities with their son:

“Loved the set I got to dance with my son and teach him so moves you looked amazing tonight the red suit was a good look ”(Participant #108)

In this example, the participant shares that she got to teach her son some “moves” or engage in collective dance practices with him.

Another joked:

“What happens when you see your son in the club? ”(Participan#543)

In this example, the participant refers to the virtual gathering as the “club.” The “club” is commonly used in Black vernacular to reference social gatherings for adults that prioritize music, dance, and flirting. Through their response, this participant jokes about being embarrassed that she has spotted her son in a setting that is typically reserved for adults to socialize outside of the gaze of their children.

Notably, these virtual engagements allowed attendees to build community and share healing practices across generations. This theme is particularly analogous to gathering traditions within Black families, like family reunions or cookouts (Evans, 2022). Evans (2022) discusses the significance of Black family reunions for fostering resilience, a sense of community, and a deeper understanding of familial, cultural, and racial histories. Similar to Black family reunions, these virtual engagements inspired intergenerational connections between community members while centering music, dance, and joy (Evans, 2022). One might say these virtual engagements were leveraged to create virtual family, or community, reunions.

Discussion

Our analysis reveals that when speaking about their experience participating in two key social media engagements targeting Black audiences, attendees’ comments reflect key aspects of empirically-grounded, culturally-congruent care models for Black people (i.e., radical healing). Furthermore, our results indicate that in the context of ongoing stressors (e.g., COVID-19; quarantine, racial injustice), audiences leveraged Instagram to create community-based digital spaces that supported culturally-congruent care models for Black people. These community-based digital spaces were widely regarded as accessible, timely, and necessary for attuning to one’s emotional and spiritual needs, particularly in the context of ongoing, systemic stressors. We contend that the manner in which social media was employed during this time demonstrates the unique ways social media applications, and other emerging technologies, might be more intentionally leveraged to support culturally-congruent care for Black people.

Social Media as a Mechanism to Establish Radical Healing Care Models

This study accessed how attendees of two virtual engagements centering Black audiences generally spoke about their experience. While this exploratory analysis did not initially assert any a-priori coding scheme, thematic analysis revealed that attendees’ responses to both virtual engagements reflect key aspects of empirically-grounded, culturally-congruent care models for Black people (i.e., radical healing). Notably, the prominent themes generated from this analysis reflect key tenets of a radical healing framework and care model (Adames et al., 2023; French et al., 2020; Ginwright, 2010).

Critical Consciousness

Participant responses to both virtual gatherings suggest these social media events offered particular opportunities for attendees to engage in critical reflection, the first component of critical consciousness. The use of these virtual spaces by participants to reflect on their individual and collective, sociopolitical realities is, perhaps, most clearly reflected in the theme, Respite within the Virtual Space. Within this thematic category, there are several examples of participants utilizing the virtual space to express rage, grief, shock, confusion, and various other emotional states regarding the collective reality Black communities presently and historically have faced. Radical healing care models assert this type of reflection is necessary to begin the process of healing (Freire, 2020; French et al., 2020). The fact that individuals not only utilized this space to share these reflections but also felt safe and supported enough to do so demonstrates that social media is useful for promoting critical reflection, bolstering critical consciousness, and igniting the first stage of radical healing.

Radical Hope and Envisioning Possibilities

Our findings suggest that virtual gatherings such as those centered in this analysis may have positive impacts on the sense of hope and positive expectancy held by participants. Participant responses within thematic categories such as Emotional and Spiritual Impact of the Virtual Space reflect that participation in these virtual events elicited significant shifts or improvements in one’s emotional state and/or behavior. Furthermore, responses within this thematic category explicitly describe these virtual spaces as healing and therapeutic. These findings indicate that participants recognize the healing capacity of these virtual spaces. Even more, participants’ consistent assertions regarding the desire and need for more of these virtual gatherings indicate that they have a sense of hope regarding their utility and efficacy for accessing self-care and wellness.

Strength and Resistance

Our findings indicate that virtual engagements offer unique opportunities to foster collective strength and resistance for attendees. Attendees often suggested that participation in events provided an outlet to access joy, happiness, and celebration in the context of ongoing stressors (e.g., COVID-19; quarantine, racial injustice). Similarly, participant responses to these virtual gatherings focused not only on their emotional and spiritual impact but also expressed that participation in these events elicited significant and positive shifts in mood or behavior. These patterns within the data indicate these virtual venues can cultivate and nurture positive healing and coping practices. Not only does this allow for the development of individual strength and resilience but also communal resistance.

Cultural Authenticity and Self-Knowledge

Two particularly unique features of these virtual gatherings are that they were developed by Black individuals in response to a collectively-realized need (Banda et al., 2023; Johnson, 2021; McCoy, 2024; Rocque, 2020; Rodriguez, 2021; Spanos, 2020; Vera, 2020). Notably, these events were curated by within-group community members. This meant these virtual gatherings were well equipped to support the central tenet of a radical healing care model regarding Cultural Authenticity and Self-Knowledge. Participant responses indicate this use of social media during these virtual gatherings center culturally-relevant and celebrated modes of healing among Black people (e.g., music/sound; dancing/movement). Whether it be through song (e.g., spirituals; Jones, 2004; Maultsby & Burnim, 2015) or the use of movement and dance (e.g., praise dancing; Elisha, 2018), Black communities have historically demonstrated that music and dance are avenues to engage individual and collective healing (Elisha, 2018; Maultsby & Burnim, 2015). Responses within the thematic category, Ancestral and Culturally-Grounded Healing Practices, indicate the use of digital platforms to activate long-standing traditions of celebration and connectedness.

Collectivism

Finally, our findings strongly suggest that these virtual engagements are well equipped to support the development of community and collectivism. These virtual venues not only centered community and collectivism but also provided a sense of safety and respite to engage with one’s community within the context of ongoing racism and structural stressors. This is most evident with the Community and Collectivism within the Virtual Space and Respite within the Virtual Space thematic categories. As this tenet suggests, attendees shared personal and collective narratives and testimonies, engaged with one another authentically, and built comradery and solidarity within the virtual venues (French et al., 2020). Our findings suggest that social media offer exciting opportunities to reimagine the ways we can foster safe and inclusive communities online.

Future Directions

As Black people continue to exemplify the utility of leveraging social media to engage self-care, wellness, and healing, researchers, clinicians, and technologists are called to interrogate how specific characteristics of these emerging technologies might be leveraged to more intentionally establish community-developed, culturally-congruent, collective (e.g., radical healing) care for Black people. To further the empirical exploration of how social media might be employed to create and support radical healing care models for Black people, our research suggests several potential directions.

For example, future extensions of this research might look to more intentionally center the expertise and experiences of Black-identifying individuals utilizing social media applications. It is noted that a significant limitation of this study is the inability to determine how participants self-identify their race and ethnicity. Future research efforts should seek ways to specifically work with Black-identifying individuals to explore their online and offline practices related to healing and self-care. This line of research might also be enriched by centering the expertise of Black-identifying clinicians to explore how they are thinking about and engaging with digital platforms, like social media. Even more, future research efforts might choose to explicitly explore the experiences of Black women due to the unique set of stressors associated with occupying multiple marginalized identities (Crenshaw, 2013; Goff et al., 2014). Future iterations of this research will seek to build on the knowledge garnered in this analysis by more intentionally seeking out these communities.

Ongoing research efforts might also focus on examining how specific technological features, associated with existing mobile or social media platforms, might be most effectively leveraged to support radical healing care models for Black people. In addition to Instagram, socially focused technologies like Clubhouse (Vera, 2020; Yeh et al., 2024) and Twitter (Brock, 2012; Brock, 2018) were widely popular among Black communities during the early months of the COVID-19 pandemic. These platforms host different technological features than Instagram, such as the combination of synchronous and asynchronous participation, active and passive participation, and being primarily discussion-driven. Future research efforts might explore the efficacy of leveraging other emergent technologies (e.g., web-based or virtual reality applications) for similar purposes. Ongoing research efforts might examine if specific features or a collection of features best support the development of culturally-congruent care models for Black people.

In addition to further elucidating the utility of existing technologies toward supporting culturally-congruent care for Black people, future research efforts should aim to determine if these technologies are the most efficacious tool toward this end. Prior research asserts that a sense of safety is created when within-group community members leverage digital spaces to create online enclaves (Gray, 2017; Jackson et al., 2017; Steele, 2021). However, research also suggests that digital settings often perpetuate harm by translating offline experiences of discrimination and oppression into online spaces (Benjamin, 2019; Broussard, 2023; Buolamwini, 2023; Costanza-Chock, 2020; Daniels, 2013; Eubanks, 2018; Freelon et al., 2022; Hampton, 2021; Musgrave et al., 2022; Noble, 2018; Noble & Tynes, 2016; Patton et al., 2017; Sutherland, 2023; Williams, 2024). Although few, we find instances throughout both data sets, in which participants responded by insulting the organizers of virtual events (e.g., “Stink and dirty from head to toe in that red.”; Participant #953). The attendee is referring to DJ D-Nice’s appearance during his virtual DJ set, as he was wearing a red suit. We also see instances where attendees responded by deeply criticizing the very intention of the virtual events (e.g., “[expletive] referring to Black people is dying [and] y’all want do a gospel verzuz to keep hope alive fucc outta here . . . do something instead of preaching lames”; Participant #4678). Here, we see the attendee is frustrated with the organizers’ response to recent instances of police brutality. This attendee seems to be suggesting that this response is ineffective when considering the reality and severity of anti-Black police violence in the United States.

Attendees also criticized the commercialized nature of the virtual events. Of note, the “Club Quarantine” event that was leveraged in this analysis was hosted in collaboration with ABC, as they promoted a premiere episode of “The Bachelor” (Krolak, 2020). While uncommon, attendees of this specific event were also exposed to several advertisements for the ABC show throughout the entirety of the virtual DJ set. Several attendees shared that they found these advertisements distasteful (e.g., “Was this sponsored by abc? If so count me out #tacky”; Participant #880). The commercialized and capitalistic intentions of many social media platforms may also be particularly relevant when considering if these settings are most efficacious toward supporting culturally-congruent care for Black people. Of note, Instagram is a corporately owned platform that leverages its algorithm to curate targeted content to bolster profits and consumerism (Singh, 2023). Although these findings demonstrate that Black people leveraged Instagram to create community-based digital spaces that supported culturally-congruent care models, future research efforts should also grapple with the reality that existing technologies might not be the most effective tools toward this end. If it is not a social media platform that currently exists, then what might we need to create? (Bray et al., 2022; Bray & Harrington, 2021; Harrington et al., 2022; Klassen & Fiesler, 2023; A. D. Smith et al., 2023). Future research efforts should also seek to explore what type of social media application Black people would create to best support their ability to engage culturally-congruent care.

Research efforts like those proposed have the potential to directly inform the development of an empirically-grounded, culturally-responsive suite of technological applications, designed to center culturally-congruent (e.g., radical healing) care for Black people. Considering our analysis investigating the healing practices of Black people on social media, we propose that intentionally integrating radical healing frameworks with social media, and potentially other emergent technological applications, affords researchers, clinicians, and technologists a unique opportunity to transform the ways we conceptualize and deliver evidence-based, culturally-congruent care models to Black people.

Footnotes

Author Contributions

All authors contributed to the study conception and design. Material preparation, data collection, and analysis were performed by all authors. The first draft of the manuscript was written by the first author, and all authors commented on previous versions of the manuscript. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.

Availability of Data and Materials

The data that support the findings of this study are available from the corresponding author, CAA, upon reasonable request.

Code Availability

The coding scheme utilized in this study is available in the Table 1, as well as from the corresponding author, CAA, upon reasonable request.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This research was supported by funding through the Collaborative to Advance Equity through Research Seed Grant and the COVID-19 Racial Justice and Mental Health Micro Grant at Columbia School of Social Work.

Ethics Approval

This study was approved and monitored by the Institutional Review Board at Columbia University.

Consent to Participate

This observational study employed publicly available data; therefore, informed consent was not required.

Consent for Publication

This observational study employed publicly available data; therefore, informed consent was not required.

ORCID iD

Chelsea A. Allen

Notes

Author Biographies

Chelsea A. Allen is a doctoral candidate at Columbia University’s School of Social Work. Her present research employs interdisciplinary perspectives and multiple-methods to examine how Black women leverage emerging technologies (i.e., social media and virtual reality) to center self-care, wellness, and culturally congruent care. Chelsea’s scholarship also seeks to conceptualize collective trauma, as it results from social oppression and situates its role in reproducing health and social disparities among historically marginalized communities. Chelsea is a Licensed Clinical Social Worker and received her MSW and BSW from the University of South Carolina.

Zuleka R. Henderson is the Founding Director of the Center for Black WellBEing (CBW), where she is reimagining mental health service delivery with Black people. She was previously an Assistant Professor of Social Work at Bowie State University and a lecturer at the Columbia University School of Social Work, where her research and scholarship focused on the intersections of ancestral healing practices, trauma, and pathways to wellness. Dr. Henderson translated insights from her scholarship and personal experiences to developing CBW, a healing-centered, culturally-rooted, collective practice that works with organizations and individuals to create the conditions for wellness to come alive for all Black people.

Jalana Harris is a Licensed Clinical Social Worker, Certified Hypnotherapist, Certified Life Coach, and Consultant based in NYC. She operates a private practice in NYC, providing therapy and coaching to individuals, couples, and families. Jalana completed her Doctor of Philosophy in Social Welfare at Stony Brook University, where she also received her MSW and was a distinguished Turner Fellow. She has an extensive history in social development and community organizing. She is a Returned Peace Corps Volunteer having served in the Dominican Republic where she worked with small business owners, government, and local non-governmental organizations providing training and facilitation on strategic planning, leadership, and program development. Her research and practice focus on cultural scripts, intersectionality, and intergenerational trauma and healing.

Rae L. Chang received her B.A. in public health within Ethnicity and Race Studies at Columbia University, where she completed the pre-medical track. She is passionate about closing racial disparities in health care and access and aims to effect this change as a future physician and scientist. Her previous work has been related to addressing health care provider stigma toward marginalized communities, particularly related to the overdose epidemic. She has presented research on pedagogical models centered on anti-racism, science, and public health. She is currently working with neuro-oncology patients and clinical research at Columbia University Herbert Irving Comprehensive Cancer Center in Washington Heights.

Errica L. Williams is a psychotherapist in private practice and perpetual student of human behavior. Her corporate experience spans over 20 years in business, health care administration, and mental health/behavioral managed care. She holds a master of Public Health degree (MPH) from the University of Alabama at Birmingham, in addition to a master of science in Social Work (MSSW) from Columbia University in the city of New York. Errica’s work in research and academia is geared toward psychological well-being and education, with a focus on Black liberation, healing, and joy. She also collaborates with community organizations to reduce health disparities in the Black community, especially decreasing the stigma toward mental health therapy and counseling. In all her pursuits, Errica’s passion lies in centering and serving the Black family, particularly Black women, mothers, and couples. She currently serves as Associate Psychotherapist and Marriage and Family Program Coordinator for Inspire Counseling, LLC.

Courtney D. Cogburn is Associate Professor at the Columbia University School of Social Work and faculty of the Columbia Population Research Center and Data Science Institute where she co-chairs the Computational Social Science Working Group. She employs a transdisciplinary approach to improve the characterization and measurement of racism and in examining the role of racism in the production of racial inequities in health. Dr. Cogburn’s work also explores media as a social stressor that contributes to racial inequities in health. She also works at the intersection of emerging technology and social justice. She is the lead creator of 1000 Cut Journey, an immersive virtual reality experience of racism that premiered at the 2018 Tribeca Film Festival, and is also the co-founder of the Justice Equity and Technology Studio at Columbia. Dr. Cogburn is a member of the American Medical Association’s External Equity & Innovation Advisory Group, the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation (RWJF) Health Equity Collective, and also serves as the Chief Equity Officer and Knowledge Transfer Director of the Learning the Earth with Artificial Intelligence and Physics (LEAP), an NSF Science and Technology Center (STC). Dr. Cogburn completed postdoctoral training at Harvard University in the RWJF Health & Society Scholar Program and at the Institute for Social Research at the University of Michigan. She received her Ph.D. in Education and Psychology and an MSW from the University of Michigan and completed her B.A. in Psychology at the University of Virginia.

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Telehealth “Verzuz” Radical Telehealing: Reimagining Social Media as Virtual Healing Spaces for Black Communities

Abstract

Keywords

Introduction

Digital Black Cultures

“Last Night a DJ Saved My Life”: Black Online Activity During COVID-19

Radical Healing as Culturally-Congruent Care for Black People

The Present Study

Methods

Research Design

Data: Instagram Comments

Analysis

Researcher Description

Results

Expression of Gratitude and Appreciation

Necessity of the Virtual Space

Timeliness of the Virtual Event

Accessibility of the Virtual Space

Emotional and Spiritual Impact of the Virtual Space

Spiritual Impact of the Virtual Space

Emotional Impact of the Virtual Space

Ancestral and Culturally-Grounded Healing Practices

Commenting on the Music

Outlet for Movement and Dancing

Respite Within the Virtual Space

Community and Collectivism Within the Virtual Space

References to Blackness

Use of Collectivist vs. Individualistic Language

Socialization and Connection Within the Virtual Space

Intergenerational Connections to Community

Discussion

Social Media as a Mechanism to Establish Radical Healing Care Models

Critical Consciousness

Radical Hope and Envisioning Possibilities

Strength and Resistance

Cultural Authenticity and Self-Knowledge

Collectivism

Future Directions

Footnotes

Author Contributions

Availability of Data and Materials

Code Availability

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

Funding

Ethics Approval

Consent to Participate

Consent for Publication

ORCID iD

Notes

Author Biographies

References