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Abstract

This research investigates the relationship between perceived economic inequality and collective nostalgia in China, proposing that inequality perceptions foster longing for an idealized past, with conspiracy beliefs mediating this process. A pilot study (N = 319) revealed a significant association between perceived economic inequality and collective nostalgia. Study 1 (N = 320) confirmed the mediating role of conspiracy beliefs, while Study 2 (N = 300) replicated these findings. Study 3 (N = 360) experimentally manipulated perceived economic inequality, showing that higher inequality perceptions increased collective nostalgia, with conspiracy beliefs mediating this effect. Together, these findings provide a novel theoretical perspective on how perceived economic inequality shapes collective emotional responses, offering broader implications for understanding public reactions to inequality in contemporary societies.

Keywords

economic inequality conspiracy beliefs collective nostalgia social emotions

Introduction

Economic inequality is a growing global concern that generates widespread dissatisfaction and undermines social cohesion (Jetten et al., 2020). Beyond its structural consequences, inequality may also shape how individuals emotionally relate to their collective past. One common emotional response to periods of social and economic strain is collective nostalgia—a shared longing for an idealized past perceived as more stable, fair, or coherent (Wildschut et al., 2014).

Existing research has primarily linked collective nostalgia to experiences of collective discontinuity, such as rapid social or cultural change (Duyvendak, 2011; Sedikides & Wildschut, 2019; Smeekes et al., 2021). However, comparatively little attention has been paid to economic inequality as a distinct trigger of collective nostalgia. From this perspective, longing for a “more equal past” may represent a restorative psychological response that helps individuals cope with perceived injustice and reaffirm a sense of collective fairness and stability. This perspective also connects the present research to a broader theoretical question in inequality research—namely, whether individuals tend to adapt to inequality or attempt to restore equality when confronting it (Jetten & Peters, 2019).

Building on this reasoning, the present research examines how perceptions of economic inequality give rise to collective nostalgia and tests whether conspiracy beliefs help explain this relationship. Periods of economic strain are known to foster conspiracy beliefs, which offer simplified explanations for complex social problems (van Prooijen & Douglas, 2018). Accordingly, we propose that conspiracy beliefs may serve as a psychological mechanism linking economic inequality to collective nostalgia.

Economic Inequality and Collective Nostalgia

Collective nostalgia is a form of reminiscence that individuals engage in based on specific social identities (Lammers, 2023). This research primarily focuses on the general collective nostalgia that people harbor for their nation's past (Smeekes et al., 2018). According to nostalgia theory, collective nostalgia is often triggered by social changes and transformations, reflecting both criticism of the present and hopes for the future (Boym, 2008; Davis, 1979). Turbulent periods, such as political transitions and economic crises, tend to evoke longing for “relatively stable” past eras (Prusik & Lewicka, 2016; Smeekes et al., 2018; White, 2010; Wohl & Stefaniak, 2020).

Economic inequality increases the likelihood of turbulence, including war, revolution, or state collapse (Scheidel, 2017; Sprong et al., 2019), and can therefore be viewed as a potential source of social crisis. Concerns about the collective future are significant predictors of collective nostalgia (Jetten & Wohl, 2012; Smeekes et al., 2018). Furthermore, economic inequality negatively impacts well-being and life satisfaction, while nostalgic emotions can serve as a coping mechanism to alleviate psychological stress (Schröder, 2018; Sedikides & Wildschut, 2019; Smeekes & Verkuyten, 2015; Wienk et al., 2022). Therefore, economic inequality tends to give rise to collective nostalgia.

Previous research on collective nostalgia has predominantly focused on Western contexts, addressing issues such as race and immigration (Duyvendak, 2011; Smeekes et al., 2021). However, collective nostalgia is shaped by social, political, and cultural demands, and its expression and causes can vary significantly across cultures (Wohl & Stefaniak, 2020). It is therefore important to examine the relationship between economic inequality and collective nostalgia in different cultural contexts, and in the current research, we focus on China. Collective nostalgic sentiment is pronounced among the Chinese population, but research on this topic remains limited (Zhang et al., 2022). We propose that collective nostalgia in China is primarily influenced by socio-economic changes.

Since the economic reforms of the 1980s, China has experienced remarkable economic success. However, this rapid transformation has also led to increasingly economic inequality (Chancel et al., 2022; Xie & Zhou, 2014). Confronted with the reality of unequal wealth distribution amid rapid economic growth, many Chinese people have begun to nostalgically long for the more egalitarian social environments and interpersonal relations of the past, while expressing dissatisfaction with, and concern about, the current state of economic inequality (Lei et al., 2018). Consequently, cultural works evoking nostalgia have gained popularity across various new media platforms, resonating with the collective nostalgia of the Chinese public (Zhang et al., 2022). Therefore, the perception of economic inequality may amplify the sense of collective discontinuity and relative deprivation among Chinese people (Li et al., 2013; Zhang et al., 2022), prompting them to reminisce about a past perceived as having a more equitable distribution of wealth.

The Role of Conspiracy Beliefs in Economic Inequality and Collective Nostalgia

Conspiracy beliefs refer to the perception that significant social or political events are secretly manipulated by powerful and malevolent groups (Douglas & Sutton, 2023; 2025). Economic inequality provides fertile ground for such beliefs, as it heightens anxiety, uncertainty, and perceived injustice (Casara et al., 2022; Douglas et al., 2019). Conceptually, inequality-related conspiracy beliefs offer individuals a psychological framework for explaining societal injustice—attributing economic disparities to the covert manipulation of social systems by powerful elites (Casara et al., 2022; Zeng et al., 2024). Empirically, prior studies have demonstrated that both objective inequality (e.g., national Gini coefficients) and perceived inequality are associated with stronger conspiracy beliefs (Casara et al., 2022). In the Chinese context, economic inequality has also been shown to erode moral evaluations of economically advantaged groups, thereby fostering elite-related conspiracy beliefs (Zeng et al., 2024).

By providing such explanatory narratives, conspiracy beliefs may serve as a psychological bridge linking perceptions of inequality to collective emotional responses. Beyond explaining inequality, conspiracy beliefs can also influence how individuals emotionally relate to the present and the past. By attributing current inequality to powerful outgroups, conspiracy narratives may amplify dissatisfaction with the present and idealize a “better past” characterized by social stability and fairness (Boym, 2008; Mols & Jetten, 2014; Smeekes et al., 2021). Given that conspiracy beliefs are often rooted in negative emotions such as anxiety and feelings of powerlessness (van Prooijen & Douglas, 2018), nostalgia can serve as a coping mechanism, helping individuals regain a sense of belonging and collective meaning (Sedikides & Wildschut, 2019; Wildschut et al., 2006).

In the Chinese context, where wealth distribution was historically more equal (Chancel et al., 2022), perceptions of current inequality may increase endorsement of conspiracy beliefs that blame economically advantaged groups for existing disparities, thereby intensifying nostalgic longing for a “more equal” past. Importantly, such nostalgia often involves idealized and overly positive reconstructions of the past—a selective remembering that portrays earlier times as fairer and more harmonious than they may actually have been (Smeekes et al., 2018; Wildschut et al., 2014; Wohl et al., 2020). Thus, conspiracy beliefs may function as one possible psychological pathway linking perceptions of economic inequality to collective nostalgia, transforming feelings of injustice and loss into restorative reflections on an imagined, fairer past.

Overview of the Present Research

We hypothesized that: (1) perceived economic inequality would be associated with (and foster) collective nostalgia; (2) conspiracy beliefs would mediate the relationship between perceived economic inequality and collective nostalgia.

To evaluate the proposed hypotheses, we carried out four studies employing diverse methodologies: three correlational investigations (a pilot study and Studies 1–2), and one experimental design (Study 3). The pilot and the first two studies explored associations among the core constructs. Specifically, the pilot study concentrated on the link between perceived economic inequality and collective nostalgia. Study 1 introduced conspiracy beliefs as a potential mediating mechanism, while Study 2 replicated these findings. Study 3 experimentally manipulated perceptions of economic inequality in China to determine its causal impact. All research was conducted using Chinese samples.

Open Practices Statement

All data and materials from the present studies are openly accessible via the Open Science Framework (https://osf.io/bqrhx/?view_only=b89fcfb4dd1c47de919aa18866ac78b0). Full details on study conditions and measures are provided either in the respective method sections or the Supplementary Materials. Ethical approval was obtained for all studies, with Studies 2 and 3 being preregistered¹.

Pilot Study

We first report a pilot study² in which we explored the association between perceived economic inequality and collective nostalgia. Participants responded to measures assessing their perceptions of economic inequality and levels of collective nostalgia. We expected a positive correlation between the two variables.

Method

Participants and Design

Data were collected via Credamo, an online crowdsourcing platform based in China that operates similarly to Amazon Mechanical Turk. A total of 320 adult participants residing in mainland China took part in the study after providing informed consent. One respondent was excluded due to being under 18 years of age, resulting in a final sample of 319 individuals (111 male, 208 female). Participants’ ages ranged from 18 to 56 years, with a mean age of 29.39 (SD = 7.48).

Materials and Procedure

Perceived economic inequality was measured using the four-item scale developed by Schmalor and Heine (2022), which includes statements such as “Almost all of the money that is earned goes to only a few people.” Participants responded on a 7-point Likert scale (1 = strongly disagree, 7 = strongly agree), and the scale showed excellent internal consistency (α = .91). Collective nostalgia was assessed through an adapted version of the 4-item Collective Nostalgia Scale (Smeekes et al., 2018), exemplified by the item “I nostalgize about the way of life that Chinese people had in the past.” Responses were recorded on the same 7-point scale, with the measure demonstrating high reliability (α = .89).

Participants also reported demographic variables, including gender, age, annual income (Bai et al., 2021), and subjective social class (Adler et al., 2000). The demographic measures employed in subsequent studies were consistent with those used in this pilot study. Upon completion of all measurements, each participant received a reward of 2 RMB.

Results

Table 1 presents the correlation coefficients. As shown, perceived economic inequality was significantly and positively associated with collective nostalgia (r = 0.22, CI_95% [.06; .36], p < .001). Additionally, collective nostalgia exhibited significant positive associations with age, subjective social class, and annual income. After controlling for these demographic variables, the partial correlation between perceived economic inequality and collective nostalgia remained significant, r = .28, CI_95% [.18, .38], p < .001.

Table 1.

Descriptives and Correlations (Pilot Study).

Variable	M	SD	1	2	3	4
1. Age	29.39	7.48	—
2. SSC	5.10	1.35	.12^*	—
3. Income	5.33	2.21	.40***	.39***	—
4. EI	4.90	1.45	−.07	−.30***	−.19***	—
5. CN	5.04	1.32	.23***	.12^*	.12^*	.22***

Note. N = 319. SSC means subject social class. EI means perceived economic inequality. CN means collective nostalgia.

* p < .05. ** p < .01. *** p < .001.

Discussion

The pilot study provides preliminary evidence supporting Hypothesis 1. Specifically, participants who perceived the economy as inequitable were more nostalgic about their society in the past. As previously proposed, we suggest that conspiracy beliefs are closely related to both variables. Building on the pilot study results, we aimed to further investigate whether conspiracy beliefs mediate the relationship between perceived economic inequality and collective nostalgia. Therefore, Study 1 included a measure of conspiracy beliefs, enabling a simultaneous test of both Hypothesis 1 and Hypothesis 2.

Study 1

The primary aim of Study 1 was to examine whether conspiracy beliefs serve as a psychological mechanism linking perceived economic inequality to collective nostalgia. Participants were asked to complete a set of scales assessing their perceptions of economic inequality, conspiracy beliefs, and levels of collective nostalgia. In addition, we administered the Conspiracy Mentality Questionnaire³ (Bruder et al., 2013), which captures individuals’ general inclination to interpret global events as the result of conspiracies. We hypothesized that perceived economic inequality would be positively related to collective nostalgia and that this association would be mediated by conspiracy beliefs.

Method

Participants and Design

As in the pilot study, data collection was conducted via Credamo. This study was designed to test a simple mediation model. Drawing on previous parameter estimates, we performed a Monte Carlo simulation using the pwrSEM package (Wang & Rhemtulla, 2021) to determine the statistical power for detecting mediation effects in structural equation modeling. We set the power at 0.8, conducted 5,000 iterations, and used a seed value of 2222, with the alpha level fixed at 0.05. The simulation results indicated that a sample size of 280 participants would yield sufficient power for detecting the hypothesized mediation effect. To account for potentially invalid responses, 320 adults residing in mainland China were recruited. All participants provided informed consent. The final sample consisted of 122 male and 198 female, aged between 18 and 58 years (M = 29.81, SD = 8.45).

Materials and Procedure

The scales used to assess perceived economic inequality (α = .93) and collective nostalgia (α = .81) were the same as those employed in the pilot study. To measure conspiracy beliefs, we referred to previous studies (Zeng et al., 2024) and adapted relevant scale items accordingly. Participants were asked to indicate their level of agreement with seven conspiracy statements—for example, “With the assistance of influential individuals, financial conglomerates and multinational corporations fabricate unemployment rates to undermine social security systems”—on a 7-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 7 (strongly agree). This measure showed excellent internal consistency (α = .90). In addition, general conspiracy mentality was assessed using five items adapted from the Conspiracy Mentality Questionnaire (Bruder et al., 2013), such as “I think that many very important things happen in the world, which the public is never informed about” (1 = strongly disagree, 7 = strongly agree; α = .94). Demographic variables including gender, age, income, and perceived social class were also recorded. Participants received 3 RMB as compensation upon completing all survey measures.

Results

As presented in Table 2, perceived economic inequality was once again positively associated with collective nostalgia. In addition, both variables showed positive correlations with conspiracy beliefs. Age also exhibited a significant positive association with collective nostalgia. Although general conspiracy mentality was closely related to perceived economic inequality, its correlation with collective nostalgia was not significant.

Table 2.

Descriptives and Correlations (Study 1).

Variable	M	SD	1	2	3	4	5	6
1. Age	29.81	8.45	—
2. SSC	5.25	1.40	.16^**	—
3. Income	5.56	2.05	.42***	.26***	—
4. EI	4.77	1.55	–.23***	–.30***	–.24***	—
5. GCM	4.68	1.61	–.19***	–.31***	–.25***	.66***	—
6. CB	3.89	1.31	–.15^**	–.25***	–.29***	.61***	.62***	—
7. CN	5.02	1.20	.13^*	–.00	.09	.14^*	.07	.21***

Note. N = 320. SSC means subject social class. EI means perceived economic inequality. GCM means general conspiracy mentality. CB means conspiracy beliefs. CN means collective nostalgia.

*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.

Based on these findings, we employed the bruceR package (v2023.9) in R 4.3.1 to perform a mediation analysis using its implementation of Hayes’ PROCESS models, to examine whether conspiracy beliefs functioned as a mediator in the link between perceived economic inequality and collective nostalgia. After controlling for participants’ age, income, subjective social class, and general conspiracy mentality, the regression results indicated a significant total effect of perceived economic inequality on collective nostalgia (total effect = .15, CI_95% [.02, .29], p = .030). As illustrated in Figure 1, perceived inequality was a positive predictor of conspiracy beliefs (B = .29, SE = 0.05, p < .001), which in turn were positively associated with collective nostalgia (B = .24, SE = 0.07, p < .001). The residual direct path from inequality to nostalgia was not statistically significant (B = .08, SE = 0.07, p = .260). The indirect effect via conspiracy beliefs was significant (indirect effect = .07, accounting for 46.67% of the total effect), CI_95% [.03, .12], p = .003. For completeness, we also tested the reverse mediation model, examining whether collective nostalgia mediated the association between perceived economic inequality and conspiracy beliefs; however, this alternative pathway was not supported (see Supplementary Analyses).

Figure 1.

Mediation of the relationship between perceived economic inequality and collective nostalgia by conspiracy beliefs (controlling for age, income, subjective social class, and general conspiracy mentality) in Study 1. Note. *p < 0.05, **p < 0.01, ***p < 0.001.

Discussion

Study 1 supported our hypothesis that conspiracy beliefs mediate the relationship between perceived economic inequality and collective nostalgia, after controlling for general conspiracy mentality, age, income, and subjective social class. This indicates that the observed effect is not merely attributable to stable individual differences in conspiracist thinking but rather reflects the unique explanatory role of specific conspiracy beliefs related to economic inequality.

Although general conspiracy mentality was not significantly associated with collective nostalgia, this result is consistent with previous research suggesting that general and domain-specific conspiracy beliefs are theoretically and empirically distinct constructs that often display different psychological correlates (Mao et al., 2024; Sutton et al., 2024). General conspiracy mentality represents a broad and relatively stable cognitive tendency to attribute major societal events to secret plots (Douglas et al., 2019; Đorđević et al., 2021), whereas specific conspiracy beliefs are context-sensitive interpretations of concrete social issues shaped by situational and cultural factors (Wang & Van Prooijen, 2023). This distinction highlights economically oriented conspiracy beliefs appear to capture the specific meaning-making processes through which perceived inequality translates into collective nostalgia in the Chinese context.

It should also be noted that neither the pilot study nor Study 1 was preregistered. Moreover, the conspiracy beliefs assessed in Study 1 primarily concerned employment-related issues rather than economic inequality per se. Furthermore, prior research has shown that populist attitudes—characterized by attributing social inequality to powerful elites—are associated with both collective and personal nostalgia (van Prooijen et al., 2022). This suggests that personal nostalgia may covary with collective nostalgia when individuals respond to perceptions of inequality. Therefore, the preregistered Study 2 refined the measurement of conspiracy beliefs and included personal nostalgia as a control variable to examine whether the effect of perceived economic inequality on collective nostalgia remains robust.

Study 2

The objective of Study 2 was to examine whether conspiracy beliefs mediate the relationship between perceived economic inequality and collective nostalgia, while accounting for the potential influence of personal nostalgia and demographic factors. Participants completed measures of perceived economic inequality, conspiracy beliefs, collective nostalgia, personal nostalgia, and basic demographic variables. We hypothesized that higher perceived inequality would be associated with stronger collective nostalgia through increased endorsement of conspiracy beliefs, and that this indirect effect would be significant after controlling for personal nostalgia and demographic covariates.

Method

Participants and Design

Data were collected through an online questionnaire distributed via Credamo. This study aimed to test a straightforward mediation framework, consistent with the analytical approach used in Study 1. Considering potential invalid responses and following the same power estimation procedure, a total of 300 adults residing in mainland China participated after providing informed consent. The final sample comprised 90 male and 210 female, aged between 19 and 63 years, with an average age of 32.81 years (SD = 8.88).

Materials and Procedure

The assessment of perceived economic inequality (α = .90) remained unchanged from Study 1. For collective nostalgia, a new item was introduced (“I nostalgize the values of past society”), adapted from Wildschut et al. (2014). This resulted in a 5-item scale, which was still rated on a 7-point scale (1 = strongly disagree, 7 = strongly agree), demonstrating good reliability (α = .89). Personal nostalgia was measured using an adapted version of Batcho's (1995) Individual Nostalgia Scale. Participants indicated their agreement with eight statements (e.g., “I nostalgize those old songs from the past”; 1 = strongly disagree, 7 = strongly agree), with the scale yielding an α of .78. Conspiracy beliefs were assessed with items adapted from prior research (Nera et al., 2021; Zeng et al., 2024), in which participants rated their agreement with seven conspiracy theory statements (e.g., “The economic gains have been appropriated by a powerful few through certain secret means”; 1 = strongly disagree, 7 = strongly agree; α = .95). Demographic data including gender, age, income, and subjective social class were also gathered. Upon completion of the survey, participants received a reward of 3 RMB.

Results

The correlations presented in Table 3 reveal positive associations among perceived economic inequality, conspiracy beliefs, collective nostalgia, and personal nostalgia. Furthermore, the analysis showed that age was significantly positively related to collective nostalgia.

Table 3.

Descriptives and Correlations (Study 2).

Variable	M	SD	1	2	3	4	5	6
1. Age	32.81	8.88	—
2. SSC	5.19	1.31	.13^*	—	.
3. Income	5.82	1.93	.32***	.35***	—
4. EI	4.42	1.49	–.12^*	–.25***	–.16^**	—
5. CB	4.52	1.47	–.10	–.28***	–.18^**	.71***	—
6. CN	4.97	1.31	.12^*	–.05	.08	.18^**	.21***	—
7. PN	5.78	0.66	.16^**	.06	.15^**	.15^*	.18^**	.50***

Note. N = 300. SSC means subject social class. EI means perceived economic inequality. CB means conspiracy beliefs. CN means collective nostalgia. PN means personal nostalgia.

*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.

Based on these findings, we again employed the bruceR package (v2023.9) in R 4.3.1 to perform a mediation analysis using its implementation of Hayes’ PROCESS models, to examine whether conspiracy beliefs functioned as a mediator in the link between perceived economic inequality and collective nostalgia. After controlling for participants’ age, income, subjective social class, and personal nostalgia, however, the total effect of perceived economic inequality on collective nostalgia was not statistically significant (total effect = .09, CI_95% [−.01, .19], p = .091), and the indirect effect through conspiracy beliefs was also non-significant (indirect effect = .05, CI_95% [−.04, .14], p = .255).

When personal nostalgia was not included as a covariate (controlling only for demographic variables), the total effect of perceived economic inequality on collective nostalgia became significant (total effect = .17, CI_95% [.05, .27], p = .003), whereas the indirect effect via conspiracy beliefs did not reach statistical significance (indirect effect = .11, CI_95% [.002, .22], p = .062). For completeness, we also tested the reverse mediation model, examining whether collective nostalgia mediated the association between perceived economic inequality and conspiracy beliefs while controlling for age, income, subjective social class, and personal nostalgia. This alternative pathway was not supported (see Supplementary Analyses).

Discussion

In Study 2, perceived economic inequality, conspiracy beliefs, and collective nostalgia were significantly correlated. However, when demographic variables and personal nostalgia were simultaneously controlled for, the indirect effect of perceived economic inequality on collective nostalgia through conspiracy beliefs was no longer significant. In contrast, both the pilot study and Study 1 showed a significant total effect of perceived economic inequality on collective nostalgia, and the mediation remained robust in Study 1 after controlling for relevant covariates.

The nonsignificant mediation result in Study 2 likely reflects the substantial conceptual and statistical overlap between personal and collective nostalgia (r = .50). Theoretically, both constructs capture a general nostalgic disposition and share similar affective content (Sedikides & Wildschut, 2019). Including personal nostalgia in the same model may have partialled out the common emotional variance that constitutes the core of collective nostalgia, thereby reducing the explanatory power of perceived economic inequality and conspiracy beliefs.

Overall, across the three studies, perceived economic inequality consistently related to collective nostalgia. Nevertheless, the mediation pathway through conspiracy beliefs was not consistently supported. As these studies relied on correlational data, they cannot provide direct causal evidence for the effect of perceived economic inequality on collective nostalgia. To address this limitation, the preregistered Study 3 experimentally manipulated participants’ perceptions of economic inequality in China, drawing on real-world contexts, to further test the core hypotheses.

Study 3

In Study 3, we used experimental techniques to manipulate participants’ perceptions of economic inequality in China, drawing from prior studies (Davidai, 2018). Following a reading task, participants assessed their views on economic inequality, conspiracy beliefs, collective nostalgia, and personal nostalgia. We again hypothesized that perceived economic inequality would positively influence collective nostalgia, with conspiracy beliefs acting as a mediator.

Method

Participants and Design

All individuals gave informed consent prior to participation. The experiment involved two conditions reflecting perceptions of economic inequality in China (high vs. low). Using the same statistical power estimation as in Study 1, a total of 454 adults residing in mainland China were recruited via the Credamo platform. Prior to the manipulation phase, 94 participants were excluded automatically due to failing an attention check (see study procedure for details). The final dataset included 360 valid responses (108 male and 252 female), with participant ages ranging from 18 to 60 years (M = 31.61, SD = 8.58).

Materials and Procedure

Following an adaptation of the procedure used by Davidai (2018), participants were presented with reading materials and comprehension questions designed to elicit their perceptions of the economic landscape in China. Those assigned to the high inequality condition read and memorized an article titled “China Economic Census”, which comprised two brief paragraphs accompanied by two visual figures. Although the term “economic inequality” was not explicitly mentioned, the article implicitly communicated that economic disparities in China are substantial. In contrast, participants in the low inequality condition reviewed a version of the same article conveying the opposite message—that economic inequality is relatively limited (Zeng et al., 2024). The full content of the reading materials and associated figures can be found in the Online Supplementary Materials.

Following the experimental task, participants were required to complete a comprehension check aimed at assessing their understanding of the wealth group divisions described in the reading materials. This check included four statements, among which they were asked to identify the one that was factually incorrect—for instance, “The richest group has the same amount of wealth as the poorest group.” A total of 94 participants were removed from further analysis for failing this comprehension check⁴. To assess whether the experimental manipulation was successful, we incorporated a measure of perceived economic inequality adapted from Davidai (2018). Participants evaluated the extent of inequality in wealth distribution across different societal groups in China on a 10-point scale (1 = relatively equal distribution, 10 = highly unequal distribution).

Subsequently, participants completed the same questionnaires used in Study 3, measuring conspiracy beliefs (α = 0.93), collective nostalgia (α = 0.86), and personal nostalgia (α = 0.80). Demographic data were collected at the end of the survey, and all participants were compensated with a reward of 3 RMB for their participation.

Results

We performed independent-samples t-tests to examine group differences in participants’ perceived economic inequality, conspiracy beliefs, and both collective and personal nostalgia. Findings indicated that individuals exposed to the high inequality condition reported significantly greater perceptions of economic inequality, endorsed stronger conspiracy beliefs, and experienced elevated levels of both types of nostalgia, relative to those in the low inequality condition (see Table 4). These results confirm the effectiveness of the experimental manipulation and demonstrate its influence across all targeted psychological variables. Additional descriptive and correlational analyses revealed that collective nostalgia was positively associated with each of the other key measures.

Table 4.

Independent Samples t-Tests, Descriptive Analysis and Correlations (Study 3).

	High-Economic Inequality (N = 180)		Low-Economic Inequality (N = 180)		t	Cohen's d	M	SD	1	2	3	4
	M	SD	M	SD	t	Cohen's d	M	SD	1	2	3	4
1. Economic manipulation							0.50	0.50	—
2. Economic inequality	8.85	1.43	5.93	2.17	15.05***	1.59	7.39	2.35	0.62***	—
3. Conspiracy beliefs	5.00	1.33	4.59	1.41	2.81**	0.30	4.79	1.39	0.15**	0.41***	—
4. Collective nostalgia	5.28	1.15	4.79	1.24	3.89***	0.41	5.03	1.22	0.20***	0.18***	0.24***	—
5. Personal nostalgia	5.98	0.64	5.82	0.64	2.20*	0.23	5.90	0.67	0.12*	0.08	0.05	0.51***

Note. *p < 0.05, **p < 0.01, ***p < 0.001.

Building on the findings, we again employed the bruceR package (v2023.9) in R 4.3.1, utilizing its implementation of Hayes’ PROCESS Model 4, to assess whether conspiracy beliefs serve as a mediator in the relationship between economic inequality manipulation (coded as 0 = low, 1 = high) and collective nostalgia. After controlling participants’ age, income, subjective social class and personal nostalgia, the regression analysis revealed a significant total effect of economic inequality manipulation on collective nostalgia (total effect = .29, CI_95% [.08, .51], p = .007). As illustrated in Figure 2, participants assigned to the high inequality condition reported stronger conspiracy beliefs (B = .46, SE = 0.14, p = .001), which in turn positively predicted collective nostalgia (B = .21, SE = 0.04, p < .001). The direct effect of inequality remained nonsignificant (B = .20, SE = 0.11, p = .070), indicating a mediation. The indirect pathway through conspiracy beliefs accounted for a significant proportion of the total effect (indirect effect = .10, 34.48%, CI_95% [.04, .17], p = .006). In contrast to the previous two studies, the present study found that collective nostalgia also served as a mediator in the relationship between the economic inequality manipulation and conspiracy beliefs(see Supplementary Analyses for details).

Figure 2.

Mediation of the relationship between economic inequality manipulation and collective nostalgia by conspiracy beliefs (controlling participants’ age, income, subjective social class and personal nostalgia) in Study 3. Note. *p < 0.05, **p < 0.01, ***p < 0.001.

Discussion

After controlling for demographic variables and personal nostalgia, Study 3 once again confirmed that perceived economic inequality predicted collective nostalgia through conspiracy beliefs, consistent with the findings of Study 1. Although the mediation model was not supported in Study 2, this discrepancy is likely attributable to the close association between personal nostalgia and collective nostalgia (Sedikides & Wildschut, 2019). Hence, the reduction in significance observed in Study 2 likely reflects a statistical suppression effect rather than a theoretical invalidation of the hypothesized mediation pathway. Overall, the proposed mediation model linking perceived economic inequality to collective nostalgia through conspiracy beliefs was generally supported across studies.

In addition, Study 3 indicated that collective nostalgia may also function as a mediator between perceived economic inequality and conspiracy beliefs. This pattern is consistent with prior work suggesting that conspiracy beliefs can serve to validate and justify existing worldviews and emotional responses (Mercier, 2020; van Prooijen et al., 2022), and that nostalgic representations of a “fairer past” may, in turn, reinforce conspiracy-based explanations of social inequality. Given this possibility, we conducted additional exploratory analyses to examine the potential reverse pathway (perceived economic inequality → collective nostalgia → conspiracy beliefs). Furthermore, to preliminarily explore the temporal relationship between conspiracy beliefs and collective nostalgia, we conducted a supplementary longitudinal study. Because this analysis did not reveal robust cross-lagged effects and does not directly advance the central theoretical focus of the present research, the longitudinal study is reported in the online supplementary materials for interested readers.

General Discussion

In this research, we found that economic inequality contributes to collective nostalgia. Previous studies have shown that economic inequality prompts more frequent social comparisons among different wealth groups, thereby exacerbating social fragmentation (Oishi et al., 2011; Uslaner & Brown, 2005). It can be inferred that a significant increase in economic inequality compared to the past (Chancel et al., 2022) constitutes a form of collective discontinuity for many individuals. Consequently, this may lead them to nostalgically yearn for a past era characterized by greater economic equality. Therefore, this research enhances our understanding of how collective nostalgia is situated within historical and cultural contexts. Specifically, in Western countries, collective nostalgia is primarily driven by the impact of immigration and religion on native culture and values (Smeekes et al., 2021), whereas in China, it arises from dissatisfaction with the growing socioeconomic inequality.

The present findings also contribute to a theoretical debate in inequality research—whether people tend to adapt to inequality or attempt to restore equality when facing it. Prior studies have shown that individuals often adjust to inequality through social norm reshaping and system-justifying beliefs, which help legitimize existing hierarchies (e.g., Goya-Tocchetto et al., 2024; Haack & Sieweke, 2018). Other research, however, highlights restorative reactions, suggesting that when inequality is perceived as intentional or unfair, people may moralize it and support redistributive action or protest (e.g., Cervone et al., 2024; Katerina et al., 2025; Kurer et al., 2019; Solt, 2015). Building on this literature, the current research identifies collective nostalgia as a subtle yet meaningful psychological form of restoration. When individuals perceive economic inequality, they tend to nostalgically idealize a “more equal past”, symbolically reaffirming collective fairness and stability. This finding extends existing understandings of the restoration mechanism by showing that restorative tendencies may also manifest through emotional pathways, rather than solely through overt collective actions.

Additionally, our findings reveal that conspiracy beliefs mediated the effect of perceived economic inequality on collective nostalgia. Economic inequality exacerbates social unrest and diminishes social trust (Ezcurra & Palacios, 2016; Oishi et al., 2011). Conspiracy theories tend to flourish during periods of unrest and are significantly negatively correlated with social trust (Douglas et al., 2017). Moreover, conspiracy theories associated with economic inequality often attribute this disparity to malevolent, powerful groups pursuing their self-interests, thereby intensifying dissatisfaction with the present and idealizing the past (Lammers, 2023; Wohl et al., 2023). Therefore, this finding offers a new perspective on how economic disparities shape individuals’ perceptions of the past and tentatively points to conspiracy beliefs as a possible factor contributing to the psychological consequences of economic inequality.

Beyond its theoretical implications, the current findings also carry important practical and socio-ecological significance. In contemporary Chinese society, although the past few decades have witnessed rapid economic and social development, the accompanying rise in economic inequality has had adverse effects on social trust (e.g., Yang & Xin, 2020) and has fueled public blame and suspicion toward economically advantaged groups (e.g., Zeng et al., 2024). The emergence of collective nostalgia in this context warrants careful reflection. Although collective nostalgia may serve a restorative emotional function (Wildschut et al., 2014), it can also, in some cases, evolve into a negative collective mindset that diminishes optimism about social progress and undermines social cohesion and stability.

Therefore, the phenomena identified in this research hold particular value for policymakers and social planners. In Western societies, collective nostalgia has already functioned as a powerful psychological force behind collective action and social movements (Smeekes et al., 2023; van Prooijen et al., 2022). This observation highlights the broader relevance of such sentiments across different sociocultural contexts and the importance of understanding their potential social implications. Reducing perceived economic inequality—identified in this research as a key antecedent of collective nostalgia—may serve as an effective strategy to mitigate its social and psychological consequences. Promoting stronger perceptions of economic fairness through equitable redistribution and inclusive social policies could help alleviate both conspiratorial thinking and nostalgic sentiments, thereby fostering greater social trust, collective well-being, and sustainable social development.

Limitations and Future Directions

It is important to acknowledge several limitations of this research. First, our exploration of the effects of perceived economic inequality on collective nostalgia is situated within the social context of China, and it remains uncertain whether these hypotheses can be generalized across different cultures. As previously discussed, the social foundations of collective nostalgia in Western societies differ markedly from those in China. While economic inequality is a global phenomenon, its predictive power for collective nostalgia may vary across contexts—particularly in societies where inequality has remained relatively stable, such as the United States (Chancel et al., 2022). Nevertheless, by identifying perceived economic inequality as a potential psychological driver of collective nostalgia in a non-Western society, the present research provides a useful theoretical basis for future cross-cultural investigations. Future studies could further test this inequality–nostalgia relationship in Western samples to determine whether the mechanism is culturally universal or context-specific.

Moreover, we did not fully consider the complexity of the variables involved. For instance, researchers have distinguished between “upward” and “downward” conspiracy theories (Mao et al., 2024; Nera et al., 2021). Upward conspiracy theories target advantaged groups, such as governments, while downward conspiracy theories target disadvantaged groups, such as migrants (Nera et al., 2021). Given the dominance of upward conspiracy narratives in China (Zeng et al., 2024), we focused only on upward conspiracy beliefs, neglecting the potential role of downward conspiracy beliefs (Nera et al., 2021). It is also important to acknowledge the methodological limitation of using a mediation analysis to test for indirect effects. The experimental-causal design employed in this study does not fully establish the entire logical chain of causality. Future research should experimentally manipulate the mediator (i.e., conspiracy beliefs) to more rigorously examine its impact on the dependent variable (i.e., collective nostalgia), thereby providing stronger evidence for causal inference.

Finally, conspiracy beliefs alone are unlikely to fully account for the link between perceived economic inequality and collective nostalgia. Several additional mechanisms may plausibly mediate this relationship. Economic inequality has been shown to erode trust in political and economic institutions, undermine social cohesion and social capital, constrain perceived opportunities for upward mobility, and evoke a sense of societal breakdown and normative instability (i.e., anomie) (e.g., Jetten et al., 2021; Teymoori et al., 2017; Xu & Marandola, 2023). Empirical work supports these pathways: inequality increases perceptions of anomie (Casara et al., 2022), while institutional dissatisfaction and social alienation have been associated with stronger nostalgic orientations toward the past (Todorova & Gille, 2010; Zhang et al., 2022). These strands of evidence point to a broader set of psychological and social processes—ranging from institutional discontent to perceived disorder—that may channel the effects of economic inequality into nostalgic longings for a more equal and stable society. In light of this, the present research treats conspiracy beliefs as one possible, but not exclusive, explanatory pathway. Future research would benefit from systematically testing these alternative mediators in parallel, thereby clarifying their relative explanatory power and cultural generalizability.

Concluding Remarks

While economic inequality and collective nostalgia are prevalent in modern societies, research examining the relationship between these two phenomena remains scarce. According to nostalgia theory, collective nostalgia is often triggered by social change and transformation, reflecting people's critique of the current situation. This research, set in the Chinese context, employed multiple methods to empirically demonstrate, for the first time, that perceived economic inequality leads to collective nostalgia, with conspiracy beliefs acting as a mediating factor. The findings suggest that people often attribute economic inequality to the malevolent actions of specific groups, which subsequently evoke nostalgic sentiments for past societal conditions. By unveiling this mechanism, the research provides novel theoretical insights and empirical evidence for understanding the complex interplay between economic inequality and collective emotions.

Supplemental Material

sj-docx-1-pac-10.1177_18344909261419530 - Supplemental material for How Economic Inequality Fuels Collective Nostalgia: The Mediating Role of Conspiracy Beliefs

Supplemental material, sj-docx-1-pac-10.1177_18344909261419530 for How Economic Inequality Fuels Collective Nostalgia: The Mediating Role of Conspiracy Beliefs by Cai-Yu Tian, Jia-Yan Mao, Yong-Yu Guo and Karen M. Douglas in Journal of Pacific Rim Psychology

Footnotes

ORCID iDs

Jia-Yan Mao

Karen M. Douglas

Ethics Approval

This research was approved by the Biomedical Ethics Committee of Nanjing Normal University.

Consent to Participate

All participants provided informed consent prior to participation.

Consent for Publication

Not applicable.

Funding

The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This work was funded by the China Scholarship Council (Grant No. 202406860005) and the National Natural Science Foundation of China (Grant No. 71971120, PI Dr. Y. Y. Guo).

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Data Availability

All data, headlines, and materials are openly available on the project's Open Science Framework page: .

Code Availability

All analysis code (R scripts) is openly available at the project's Open Science Framework page: .

Supplemental Material

Supplemental material for this article is available online.

Notes

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