Framing misogyny in the metaverse: Theorising incel communities in virtual reality (VR) environments

Abstract

This research note provides a theoretical exploration of how misogynist “incel” (involuntary celibate) communities might adapt to and exploit developing technologies, particularly virtual reality (VR) and the emerging metaverse. Drawing on sociologist Erving Goffman’s concept of frame analysis, we examine how immersive technologies could transform incel activity, identity construction, and modes of interaction. After reviewing the current literature on incels and immersive technologies, we propose five hypotheses regarding the potential affordances of these virtual spaces for incel ideology and action. We argue that the evolution of incel subcultures into these environments may not only deepen echo chambers of misogyny but also complicate efforts to moderate and intervene in gender-based harms online. This exploratory work aims to inform future empirical research on online violence against women and girls (VAWG) in Web 3.0 digital spaces and beyond.

Introduction

This research note considers the future of misogynist “incel” (involuntary celibate) communities considering the rapid development of digital technologies. Our focus is on how these groups might persist within and exploit virtual reality (VR) and immersive digital environments, particularly those envisioned as part of the metaverse. We begin by unpacking the incel phenomenon and the ideological features of the incelosphere. We then draw on Goffman’s (1974) theory of frame analysis to examine how immersive spaces may reconfigure the framing of incel identity and activity. This work then proposes five hypotheses and concludes with suggestions to guide further inquiry into the interplay between misogynist subcultures and emerging sociotechnical environments.

Incels and the incelosphere

The term “incel” originally emerged as a self-descriptor for individuals who desired but could not achieve sexual or romantic relationships (Sugiura, 2021). However, in recent years, “incel” has evolved into a largely male-dominated, ideologically rigid community characterised by misogyny, nihilism, and a belief in the immutability of gendered hierarchies (Kelly et al., 2021), hence our use of the term incels relates to misogynist incels to distinguish between those who align with the original gender-inclusive use of the term (see Zaid, 2025). The incelosphere, a loose constellation of forums, imageboards, subreddits, and other digital spaces, functions as a site of collective identity construction and radicalisation (Brace et al., 2024).

Studies have examined the rhetorical features of incel discourse, including their use of esoteric terminology (e.g. “Chad,” “Stacy,” “blackpill”; Heritage, 2023; Heritage and Koller, 2020), fatalistic worldviews, and the glorification of violence against women and sexually successful men (Ging, 2019; Hoffman et al., 2020). While not all incels necessarily endorse violence, high-profile attacks such as Isla Vista (2014) and Toronto (2018) have cemented the connection between incel ideology and acts of physical gender-based violence. Importantly, these communities thrive in online environments where anonymity, gamification, and platform design afford the reproduction and intensification of violent misogynistic content, irrespective of whether members claim to be non-violent. As immersive digital environments emerge as the next generation of online interaction, it is important to consider how misogynistic incels might exploit these technologies to advance their agendas, amplify harm, and further engage in VAWG.

Virtual reality and the metaverse: Affordances and implications

Web 3.0 represents a transition from static and interactive web platforms towards more decentralised, immersive, and user-driven digital ecosystems. Within this context, VR plays a significant role by enabling users to engage in fully immersive, sensory-rich environments. VR typically involves the use of headsets, avatars (for users themselves or in the creation of virtual partners), and 3D simulations to create a strong sense of presence and emotional engagement, often replicating or enhancing real-life experiences (European Parliament, 2022; Ma, 2022; Senno, 2022). The metaverse is frequently discussed alongside VR, although its definition remains fluid due to its ongoing development (Lakhani, 2023). Broadly, the metaverse is envisioned as a vast, interconnected network of persistent virtual environments where large numbers of users can interact in real time (Lakhani, 2023). It is generally understood as an immersive, interactive, and hyperrealistic shared space that prioritises user autonomy and decentralisation (Bajwa, 2022; Joshi, 2022). VR is considered a foundational technology within the metaverse, providing the tools for users to navigate and participate in these digital environments.

Virtual reality technologies include both hardware and software that shape how users experience immersive environments. Although there are several more forms of VR technologies, this research note focuses on head-mounted displays (HMDs; Meta Quest, PlayStation) motion controllers and hand tracking (Oculus Touch), virtual environments and platforms, avatars and digital embodiment tools, and haptic feedback devices (haptic gloves and suits). Despite large investment into the development of VR and the metaverse by companies (e.g. Meta), adoption has fallen short of initial expectations. Key barriers to widespread adoption include prohibitive hardware costs, privacy concerns around biometric data collection, and reports of underperforming technology. However, with the development of technology and the use of generative artificial intelligence (AI) to develop virtual spaces, these tools will likely see increased usage as costs decline and capabilities expand.

While empirical instances of misuse remain limited, research and regulatory attention increasingly converge on the potential for these technologies to facilitate radicalisation, propaganda dissemination, and operational coordination (Lakhani, 2023; McDonald et al., forthcoming). Early VR applications focussed on entertainment and education, but scholars now highlight challenges around moderation, consent, and harm (McGlynn, 2024; Lakhani, 2023). VR’s features—persistent identity, spatial presence, and avatar customisation—can foster community but also facilitate harassment and abuse (McGlynn and Rigotti, 2025). Such spaces may offer misogynist groups like incels opportunities to further entrench their belief systems and translate them into harmful behaviours or practices. For example, incels’ hatred and resentment of women could be reinforced through highly realistic simulations of rejection or social failure, which may amplify the belief that women are responsible for incels’ loneliness. Furthermore, incels might use VR to play out misogynistic fantasies, or organise harassment campaigns against women online, thus enacting their harmful beliefs.

Goffman’s frame analysis as a theoretical lens

To conceptualise how incels may navigate and inhabit immersive digital spaces, we draw on Erving Goffman’s (1974) theory of frame analysis. Frames, in Goffman’s terms, are interpretive structures that help individuals locate, perceive, and label occurrences within their social experience. They organise the “what it is that’s going on here” (Goffman, 1974: 8) in any given interaction.

In the context of the incelosphere, framing processes shape how members understand gender relations, hierarchies of desirability, and their own social positioning. Immersive technologies may amplify and mutate these frames. For example, virtual environments could offer incels the ability to experience “corrective” gender dynamics, either by adopting hyper-masculine avatars or simulating encounters that align with their fantasies. These spaces may also reframe social rejection or loneliness as collective resistance against a perceived feminised and hostile world.

Moreover, Goffman’s distinction between “primary frameworks” (basic understandings of reality) and “keyed frameworks” (reframed or modified interpretations, such as in games or simulations) is particularly useful. VR blurs these boundaries, simulations take on real emotional salience, and the immersive nature of interactions complicates distinctions between play and serious identity work (Ma, 2022). This blurring may enable incels to rehearse, refine, and reinforce misogynist identities under the guise of entertainment or escapism. This relates to the concept of “telepresence,” where users feel like they are present within simulated environments (Steuer, 1992). As such, this research note proposes the following five hypotheses for future empirical investigation.

Hypotheses on incel engagement with VR

Enhanced embodiment and misogynist fantasies

VR environments may allow incels to construct hyper-masculine or idealised male avatars and participate in simulations that reproduce dominance over women, reinforcing their ideological beliefs.

Virtual reality technologies can mark a significant shift in how misogynist incel communities construct and perform identity online, moving beyond earlier tactics like “chadfishing” (Halpin, 2022) or blackpilled self-improvement content (Wilson et al., 2024). While these earlier practices rely on 2D images and narratives for controlled self-presentation they remain fundamentally disembodied, with limited sensory engagement or interaction. In contrast, VR, accessed via HMDs and motion controllers, allows incels to inhabit idealised avatars that move, speak, and interact in real time, simulating physical presence and enabling more complex social rituals. Virtual reality provides new interpretive frames through which users understand and perform their identities. These immersive environments facilitate “keyings,” where fantasy is reframed as emotionally credible and socially meaningful, further blurring the boundary between fiction and belief.

For incels, looks, money, and status (LMS) are central to their perceived social standing and worldview. They idealise “Chads”—white, attractive, muscular men—with the “GigaChad” as the ultimate archetype. In VR, incels may seek to transcend the perceived limitations of their offline identities—like Goffman’s (1951) contemplations on transcending class boundaries—through carefully curated avatars. These customisable virtual bodies enable incels to mimic Chad-like traits such as exalted physiques, fashionable clothing, or high-status aesthetics. In immersive environments, avatars are deeply connected to a user’s sense of identity, presence, and social interaction. As a result, these performances blur the lines between incels, “normies,” and Chads, raising questions around authenticity and identity.

In VR, incels may see the virtual world not as fantasy but as a space to reclaim status and agency. Adopting Chad-like avatars is not deception but self-actualisation. The boundaries they cross focus less on class and more on aesthetics and social status, with virtual symbols like luxury avatars and high-status items easily displayed, bypassing real-world limits. These symbols are interpreted through a frame that equates visual dominance with social power, reinforcing incel beliefs about hypergamy (that women will only “marry-up”), female superficiality, and masculinity.

Virtual reality technologies also offer incels unprecedented possibilities for the creation of virtual partners, digital entities designed to simulate social, emotional, and even romantic interactions within immersive environments. Through AI, virtual partners can exhibit adaptive, autonomous behaviours through natural language processing, emotional recognition, and machine learning algorithms that tailor interactions to the user’s preferences and responses. Incels’ virtual girlfriends could be modelled on the “TradWife,” a white nationalist archetype promoting traditional gender roles, submission to male authority, and domesticity (Tebaldi, 2023). For incels, TradWives embody the ideal woman, the “Madonna” in the Madonna–whore binary (Sugiura, 2021). Yet these figures remain inaccessible and linked to alt-right ideology (Barcellona, 2022), doing little to humanise women in incel narratives. Instead, VR enables the creation of idealised AI partners who are compliant, sexually available, and fully subservient, thereby reinforcing patriarchal dynamics. Previous studies on AI girlfriends have demonstrated that dominant ideas of male control over both technology and women continue to persist in these virtual relationships (Depounti et al., 2023), whilst research highlights the AI bias in designing women companions (Prasad and Singh, 2025). For incels, these virtual women are not seen as artificial but as superior alternatives to “real” women, who are framed as hypergamous and disloyal. This marks a shift from exclusion to entitlement and control (Connell and Messerschmidt, 2005).

Also concerning is VR’s potential to normalise and entrench these views. Goffman (1974) notes that interpretive frames shape emotional and moral responses. In immersive VR, repeated exposure to symbolic violence against women may erode moral boundaries. Over time, these beliefs are not only expressed but deeply internalised, potentially escalating radicalisation and lowering the threshold for offline harm.

“Simulated” gendered violence

The ludic structure of VR platforms may enable or encourage scenarios where sexual violence towards female avatars becomes routinised and rewarding, both socially and psychologically.

Misogynistic incels frequently discuss and even celebrate rape and sexual violence on their forums (Chan, 2023; Lindsay, 2022), while simultaneously denying rape as a harmful or a criminal act. They often frame rape not by the act itself, but by the perceived attractiveness of those involved. For them, an attractive man, the “Chad,” cannot rape, as women are presumed to always desire sex with such men (Solea and Sugiura, 2023).

In VR, where incels can construct idealised “Chad” avatars and control environments, the risk of simulated sexual violence increases. The immersive and malleable nature of these spaces allows users to project and act out their ideological frames without external constraint. These virtual acts can be rekeyed, presented as roleplay, fantasy, or dark humour, rather than being acknowledged as reflections of real misogynistic intent. This rekeying shields perpetrators from moral accountability, while reinforcing the frame that such behaviour is either harmless or justified, that simulated is not real.

Given their denial of physical rape, incels are unlikely to take it more seriously in virtual settings. Instead, VR provides a low-risk space to rehearse and normalise ideologies that justify or glorify sexual violence. While not necessarily incel-driven, cases of virtual sexual assault against women have been reported—most notably the gang-rape of a 7-year-old girl by two male avatars on Roblox (Al-Jarani, 2019). VR’s immersive nature turns these ideologies into embodied experiences, blurring the line between fantasy and intent. Furthermore, haptic technologies in virtual environments heightens the harm of assault by making unwanted interactions feel physically real. Devices like gloves or vests translate digital touch into tactile sensations, blurring the line between virtual and physical violation. This embodied feedback can intensify emotional and psychological distress, especially in cases of gendered or sexualised harassment.

Virtual worlds often use multimedia—videos, memes, and simulations—to spread extremist ideas more effectively than text alone (Kien, 2019). These formats shape how users perceive rape, gender, and power, turning ideology into lived experience through roleplay and group rituals. Social reinforcement, such as exclusive gatherings or choreographed acts, strengthens these frames and makes them harder to challenge. Recorded content can then be shared, amplifying harm, and serving as propaganda.

In such environments, frames of misogyny and entitlement are not just passively accepted; they are actively performed and emotionally internalised. Goffman’s (1974) insight that people often become committed to the frames they use because they serve important identity or group-belonging functions is especially relevant here. In virtual incel spaces, to reject the frame is not merely to change one’s view of an issue, it is to risk social exile, loss of belonging, and the collapse of a coherent narrative through which the user understands himself and the world.

Reinforcement of echo chambers

Decentralised or user-generated virtual spaces may foster ideologically homogeneous environments, deepening group cohesion and reducing exposure to counter-narratives.

In ideologically uniform spaces, users are repeatedly exposed to content that reinforces their beliefs without challenge. This is especially concerning in misogynist incel communities, where shared grievances and hostile narratives foster group cohesion (Zimmerman, 2022). Virtual environments intensify this through emotional engagement, shared rituals, and a sense of belonging. Within these echo chambers, incels’ views are continually validated, with repeated exposure to extreme narratives driving group polarisation and increased radicalisation over time (Marino et al., 2024). In virtual echo chambers, users do not just consume content, they inhabit reframed realities. Goffman’s (1974) concept of “frame alignment” applies here: to remain accepted, users must adopt the group’s shared worldview. Immersive spaces intensify this by blurring belief and experience. The blackpill becomes not a theory but a lived lens for interpreting rejection and gender dynamics. Outside critique is dismissed or reframed as hostile, naive, or evidence of perceived social oppression (Mansour and Kidd, 2024).

The immersive nature of virtual worlds enhances this effect by increasing emotional and psychological engagement. Unlike traditional forums or social media, but like gaming, VR environments simulate physical presence and interaction, or telepresence. This makes group rituals, conversations, and shared experiences feel more vivid and impactful, strengthening bonds and group cohesion, what Kowert et al. (2022) describe as “identity fusion.” As users repeatedly perform within the frame, incel identity becomes emotionally reinforced and ritualised. Over time, this can solidify into a rigid and insular “deep frame” that shapes how users interpret reality, even beyond VR.

This framing mechanism can contribute not only to ideological entrenchment but also to resistance against deradicalisation. Once an individual’s identity and social belonging are wrapped within a particular frame, challenges to that frame may be perceived as personal attacks rather than ideological alternatives. As Goffman (1974) notes, individuals often defend their frames fiercely, since to abandon a frame is to risk losing the coherence of their social reality.

Obfuscation of accountability

Immersive technologies may complicate attribution of harm, especially where harassment occurs via avatars or through ‘playful’ interactions, challenging existing moderation strategies.

In VR, avatars act as both masks and identity extensions, blurring the line between roleplay, intent, and real harm. This ambiguity complicates accountability. Incels may exploit VR’s immersive features to enact fantasies of domination or symbolic violence against women, which could be framed as role-play or gaming. Simulated acts like stalking or groping can be dismissed as jokes or in-game behaviour, masking their harmful intent. Undermining harmful actions is especially salient in misogynist incel communities, where members often append the phrase “in a video game” to violent or sexual threats in online forums as a form of plausible deniability (Jones, 2020). Such rhetorical strategies allow users to flirt with the boundaries of acceptable discourse while shielding themselves from social or legal consequences. The immersive, embodied nature of VR may exacerbate this issue, as the realism of user interactions increases, but the same mechanisms of denial remain in place.

In these environments, harmful actions can be reframed or keyed as playful or non-serious, thus obscuring their violent or violating nature. Behaviours that would be seen as harassment offline can be dismissed as part of the game, reducing their perceived seriousness and shielding perpetrators from scrutiny. This rekeying offers plausible deniability, allowing users to deflect accountability by claiming their actions were misunderstood or merely performative. This gamification of gendered violence would reduce its visibility and reshape how it is morally perceived. Incels can more easily evade responsibility, as misogynistic acts are framed as entertainment or fantasy. This framing sanitises harm, making it more acceptable, and even rewarding, to incels.

Incels may also become adept at navigating or undermining moderation systems. Since much of their rhetoric is coded in memes, irony, or “edgy humour,” their harmful activity often evades detection by automated systems or appears ambiguous to human moderators (Horta Ribeiro et al., 2021; Solea and Sugiura, 2023). Bad actors online are also becoming increasingly adept at enacting “awful but lawful” strategies. In virtual worlds, these strategies can extend into physical gestures or private spatial interactions (e.g. “cornering” female avatars, using VR proximity for intimidation), difficult to document or verify. Here, Goffman’s (1974) notion of frame disputes is relevant, victims may see these acts as harassment, while perpetrators frame them as harmless interaction or in-game performance, complicating moderation and accountability.

This creates a toxic environment where women and gender minorities feel constantly vulnerable, while perpetrators exploit technology and ambiguous framing to avoid accountability. Without a shared understanding of harm between users, victims, moderators, and platforms, systemic misrecognition becomes not only possible but likely, especially when acts of violence are strategically concealed behind the veil of interactivity and play.

Extension of incel mythology

The symbolic and narrative potential of virtual spaces may allow incels to mythologise their worldview in more elaborate ways, constructing immersive lore that reifies concepts like the ‘blackpill’ or ‘Chad/Stacy’.

Static archives like the Incel Wiki shape and legitimise incel ideology by cataloguing terms, narratives, and pseudo-scientific claims that frame misogyny as rational truth (DeCook, 2021). Such archives provide users with interpretive structures through which social grievances are understood and reified. However, VR extends this knowledge production from the textual to the performative. In immersive environments, ideology is not only consumed but enacted and embodied. Here, avatars and spatial interaction allow incel users to rehearse identity and belief systems in real time, transforming ideological knowledge into lived, affective experience.

Online, misogynistic incel beliefs, like the blackpill, or the Chad/Stacy archetypes, are transformed from marginal internet subcultural discourse into immersive, emotionally charged, and mythologically reinforced narratives (Rothermel, 2023). In immersive virtual environments, these frames can become even more tightly bounded, self-reinforcing, and oppositional to mainstream norms. For example, the blackpill can become a primary framework organising not only personal experience, but also interaction, appearance, and expectations. Everything, whether social rejection, female agency, or success of others, is read through the lens of irreversible sexual hierarchy and genetic determinism. Virtual encounters are thus framed not as playful or creative, but as symbolic reenactments of real-world dynamics, rigged games in which incels are destined to lose, and the social order is inherently unjust. Opposing views, especially feminist or egalitarian ones, are further discredited as delusional or naïve reframing, entrenching the incel frame as the only “truthful” interpretation of society.

Immersive platforms enable “thick framing,” a layering of sensory, social, and symbolic cues that reinforces the chosen worldview. Users would not just talk about the blackpill, they would see it, embody it, and inhabit it through avatar design, environmental symbolism, and scripted interactions. These frames can become affectively charged, binding users emotionally to the incel mythology.

Implications for future research: Governance, safety, and ideological harm in VR spaces

The potential migration of misogynist incel communities into immersive environments such as VR raises urgent and complex research questions about the future of online safety, platform governance, and digital harm mitigation. These concerns are not occurring in isolation but are shaped by, and reflective of, broader social and political contexts marked by growing anxieties around gendered violence, platform accountability, and technological acceleration.

Unlike traditional text-based platforms, VR environments simulate presence through embodiment, proximity, and gesture, introducing new layers of risk that are not easily addressed by existing moderation tools. Harm in these spaces can be enacted through nonverbal cues such as gaze, spatial intrusion, or virtual touch, complicating questions of consent, violation, and accountability. These developments demand a re-evaluation of how safety is conceptualised and operationalised in digital spaces. Future research must critically examine who holds responsibility for ensuring safety in open-world, user-generated platforms: is it developers, moderators, governments, users themselves—or all of the above?

Misogyny, as a foundational logic within incel ideology, remains a persistent driver of online harm. In immersive platforms, misogynist ideologies may not only be disseminated but also embodied, enacted, and ritualised in ways that deepen emotional investment and group cohesion. These environments are not merely stages for communication, they serve as ideological theatres where identity is performed, grievances are mythologised, and reality is reframed through immersive storytelling.

Researchers must attend to the deep interpretive frames, the symbolic structures and performative practices, that make incel ideology feel coherent and lived within these environments. Drawing on Goffman’s frame analysis, scholars might explore how these digital spaces function as affective infrastructures for radicalisation, shaping how users perceive themselves, others, and the world around them.

Conclusion

As immersive technologies become increasingly integrated into everyday life, understanding how fringe or extremist communities adapt to these environments is essential. Incel communities, already adept at exploiting digital affordances, may find in VR and the metaverse fertile ground for deepening their ideological commitments and social bonds. By applying Goffman’s frame analysis to this speculative future, we highlight the interpretive and emotional mechanisms through which misogyny may be enacted and normalised in virtual spaces.

It remains essential to examine why misogynist incels develop such harmful fantasies and desires to inflict harm on women in the first place. Care must also be taken to avoid inadvertently educating incels on how emerging VR technologies might be used to harm others, or themselves. What this research note suggests is the need for serious consideration that, while technological developments may range from minor to significant, the underlying tactics and motivations of misogynist actors may remain largely unchanged. Instead, technology may simply intensify these issues, serving as a new means of facilitation rather than a fundamental transformation.

This research note offers a conceptual foundation for future empirical and theoretical work on the convergence of digital misogyny and immersive technology. As researchers grapple with the implications of developing technologies, attention must be paid to how the affordances of these environments reshape both harm and accountability.