Intersectional Principles of Community Partnership and Social Justice in Qualitative Research in Migration

Abstract

This article examines the methodological implications of employing intersectional principles in qualitative health research conducted in migration contexts, specifically focusing on a doctoral research project on return migration and reunited couples in Mexico. The article highlights the integration of social justice and community-based research perspectives within an intersectional lens. Five key areas are examined, including recognizing diversity and agency among women who stay behind, navigating intersectional identities, understanding positionality, and advocating for populations made vulnerable by inadequate policies, navigating power dynamics and multiple social locations, and empowering the community through intersectional research. The application of intersectionality challenges homogenizing narratives, emphasizing the agency and resilience of women who stay behind. Reflexivity is crucial in mitigating biases and deepening insights, while collaboration with a local researcher enhances understanding of power dynamics. By empowering the community through advisory committees and culturally relevant dissemination, I aimed to amplify community member voices and promote social justice. This article serves as a valuable resource for researchers conducting intersectional qualitative health research in rural settings, offering guidance on integrating a strength-based approach, fostering intersectional reciprocity, and navigating positionalities.

Introduction

Intersectionality is a dynamic and evolving theoretical and analytical tool that provides valuable insights across various fields of research. While its broad applicability and commitment to justice are widely recognized (May, 2015), there remains a scarcity of guidelines for effectively integrating intersectional principles into practical research settings. Scholars have emphasized the need for intersectional researchers to clearly articulate how intersectionality is employed, whether as a framework for examining intersecting dynamics, a theoretical or methodological paradigm, or a political intervention (Cho et al., 2013; Crenshaw, 1991).

The integration of social justice and community-based research perspectives within intersectional frameworks is crucial for addressing systemic inequities and fostering positive social change (Jones & Abes, 2013; Minkler et al., 2017). Grounding research in social justice principles enables critical analysis of power dynamics, advocacy for communities facing barriers, and the promotion of transformative actions that lead to greater equity and inclusivity. Community-based research approaches underscore the importance of active community involvement, recognizing the expertise and lived experiences of community members as integral to generating knowledge and shaping interventions (Israel et al., 2013).

In qualitative research, intersectionality has been widely recognized as a valuable framework for understanding the complexities of social identities and power dynamics (Davis, 2008; Hancock, 2007). Researchers have employed intersectional approaches to explore the ways in which multiple intersecting social categories shape individuals' experiences and access to resources (McCall, 2005; Weber, 2017). Additionally, participatory action research (PAR) has emerged as a powerful methodological approach that promotes collaboration and empowerment among researchers and participants (Reason & Bradbury, 2008). PAR emphasizes the active involvement of participants in shaping research agendas, generating knowledge, and implementing interventions to address social issues (Wallerstein & Duran, 2010).

Against this backdrop, this article draws on insights gained from a doctoral research project on return migration and reunited couples in Mexico. The primary objective is to explore the methodological implications of employing intersectional principles of community partnership and social justice within qualitative health research conducted in migration contexts. By integrating intersectionality, this study aims to unravel the complexities inherent in the phenomenon under investigation and contribute to the development of practical strategies that promote positive social transformations within communities. To establish a comprehensive understanding of the research context, this article provides information on return migration in Mexico. It delves into the concept of intersectionality and its relevance in informing qualitative health research, while also highlighting the significance of social justice and community-based research perspectives within intersectional perspectives.

Recognizing the importance of an intersectional reflexivity mindset, this article further discusses how this approach facilitated the recognition of family and community as vital sites for understanding coping dynamics. By employing a combination of reflexive practices, community engagement, and formal input from the community, this study embraces an intersectional feminist perspective. It acknowledges the diverse experiences of women across various spatial, temporal, and contextual dimensions, recognizing that their vulnerability and resilience differ based on their social locations and intersecting inequities, which often overlap and operate in conjunction, exacerbating one another.

This article contributes to the methodology literature by identifying and highlighting its unique contributions. It builds upon the existing base of research on intersectionality within qualitative research and participatory action research and distinguishes itself by emphasizing the integration of social justice and community-based research perspectives within an intersectional framework. This article establishes its distinctiveness and departure from existing research, thus enhancing its contribution to the field.

Return Migration in Mexico

Mexican migrants are returning to their places of origin at increasing rates. Despite the COVID-19 pandemic, the U.S. removed more than 185,000 migrants in 2020 and more than half were Mexican citizens (U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, 2021). That same year, Canada returned almost 200 nationals to Mexico (Government of Mexico, 2021b). These figures do not include voluntary returnees, so the number of migrants returning to Mexico is believed to be higher. Internationally, other reasons for return can include failure to adapt to the host country, undocumented status, health issues, and family reunification (OECD, 2020).

Evidence on return migration to Mexico underlines social, economic, and health issues affecting returning migrants. According to a recent review of return migration in the Americas (Fernández-Sánchez et al., 2022), forced returnees often face problems related to their mental health (i.e., anxiety, depression), sexual health (i.e., human immunodeficiency virus), drug use (i.e., marijuana), and complications from untreated chronic health conditions (i.e., hypertension). Globally, returning migrants may also face challenges in applying learned skills abroad, integrating and adapting, and rejection from family members may be present (Segal, 2016). In Mexico, deportation and old age may set the stage for stigma and discrimination against returning migrants (Calva Sánchez, 2022), and the lack of job opportunities and lack of help from the government can create an uncertain future for other returnees (Mestries, 2013).

Return migration not only affects migrants, but also the families and communities that receive them in their places of origin. International literature on receiving families indicates that upon reunification, some returnees continue their traditional male roles, leading to disagreements between reunited couples about the women’s agency (Fernández-Sánchez et al., 2020). In Mexico, despite their day-to-day difficulties, women have found ways of supporting their communities and developing skills to expand their survival and ability to thrive (Salazar Serna & Castro Pérez, 2020).

Intersectionality

Intersectionality, rooted in the struggles of Chicanas, African American, Native American, and Asian American women in the United States (U.S.) and women worldwide, emerged as a response to inequities and gained prominence through activism and literature in the 1960s and 1970s (Collins, 2006; Salem, 2018; Shields, 2008). Within academia, Crenshaw (1991), an African American lawyer and scholar, introduced the term intersectionality to highlight the gender and race dynamics that disadvantaged women of color in the U.S. workforce (Hankivsky et al., 2010; Patil, 2013; Yuval-Davis, 2006). Since then, intersectionality has been defined and conceptualized in diverse ways, referred to as a method, theory, paradigm, concept, perspective, or theoretical framework by different authors (Van Herk et al., 2011). However, a universally accepted definition remains elusive (Collins, 2017; Misra et al., 2021).

In this study, intersectionality is employed as both a critical inquiry lens and critical praxis to elucidate social inequities and foster positive social transformations among reunited families in Mexico. Drawing inspiration from Collins and Bilge (2016), who view critical inquiry and praxis as interconnected principles that generate new knowledge and inspire action, this research centers on the active application of intersectionality. By employing intersectionality as a critical inquiry lens and critical praxis, the aim is not only to uncover and challenge social inequities but also to promote social justice by recognizing the interconnectedness of various social identities and systems of oppression. The utilization of intersectionality ultimately strives towards creating more inclusive and equitable societies (Collins & Bilge, 2016; Hankivsky et al., 2010Hankivsky, Grace, et al., 2010; Patil, 2013).

Importantly, this article goes beyond mere intersectional thinking and actively engages in doing intersectionality. By intersectional thinking, I acknowledge that intersectionality serves as a critical inquiry lens, which recognizes that people’s experiences of oppression and privilege are complex and influenced by multiple intersecting social locations. This lens allows for a deeper understanding of the nuanced dynamics at play. Moreover, through intersectional praxis, this article promotes social justice and community partnership efforts, employing intersectional principles to guide the research process.

Applying intersectional principles of community partnership and social justice, this article delves into the methodological implications of incorporating intersectionality in qualitative health research conducted in migration contexts. It emphasizes the importance of understanding and examining the intersecting identities and experiences of both the author and the participants in the study. This approach allows for a more comprehensive analysis of power dynamics, positionalities, and reflexivity within the research process.

By highlighting the connections between intersectionality, reflexivity, power, and positionalities, this article provides a clearer understanding of how these concepts interrelate and shape the research findings. Through this expanded discussion of intersectionality, the paper aims to better elucidate the multifaceted work that intersectionality accomplishes within the context of the study. It underscores the transformative potential of intersectionality in promoting social justice and fostering meaningful community partnerships.

Overview of the Primary Study

A critical ethnography was conducted in a small rural community of Veracruz, Mexico. Intersectionality informed and guided the research design and data analysis. The questions that guided the research were: what are the postmigration reunification experiences and health needs of reunited couples in Agua Dulce, Veracruz? and What are the social, cultural, economic, and political factors that intersect to shape those experiences? Critical ethnography is grounded in critical social theory and is widely employed to provide broader insights into the social-political, cultural, and economic structures and systems of power-relationships within a specific context (Madison, 2020; Wolf, 2012). For seven months (January to July 2021), I conducted fieldwork in Agua Dulce, a community impacted by return migration.

The research involved document reviews, participant observations, and in-depth interviews. A policy analysis was conducted of the current return migration policies in Mexico (Fernández-Sánchez et al., 2023). Participant observations included living in Agua Dulce to get deeper insights into the cultural values of the community and families. In a journal, I recorded participant observations, including physical locations, people involved, actions and behaviors, dates, times, and activities. Fifty interviews were completed either by phone (n = 15) or face to face (n = 35). For this article, I draw from my experiences in the field and completing a systematic literature review on the topic.

Although not initially included, phone interviews became essential in increasing interviewee and interviewer safety from COVID-19. As evidenced in the literature, phone interviews can also increase the perceived confidentiality and anonymity from key informants (Drabble et al., 2016). Once restrictions were eased, face-to-face interviews were preferred, since phone interviews made it difficult to get key informants to expand on their responses, and behavior and body language could not be observed.

I conducted interviews with men key informants, and a woman research assistant conducted most of the interviews with women key informants. Having same-gender interviewers and interviewees was deemed necessary because of the patriarchal nature of Agua Dulce. I interviewed 20 women, 12 returnees, 12 community leaders, and six healthcare providers. This diverse participant selection promotes inclusivity, centers marginalized voices, incorporates community insights, addresses power dynamics, and enables a holistic analysis of intersecting identities and experiences. Interviews were in Spanish and transcribed verbatim. Five interviews were translated into English for supervisory purposes by the lead author, and later final themes and quotes were also translated for publication; however, the analysis was conducted in Spanish. The lead author and three experienced researchers manually coded data using an inductive approach with the aid of NVivo software. The results were analyzed using a thematic analysis to interpret data through an intersectional lens (Maguire & Delahunt, 2017). This consisted of identifying, analyzing, and reporting repeating themes across the data set, following an iterative approach: (1) becoming familiar with the data, (2) coding, (3) creating themes, (4) validating themes, (5) naming themes, and (6) interpreting and reporting findings. I conducted this work following the Government of Mexico, 2021a COVID-19 measures, including wearing facemasks and maintaining social distancing. The study was approved by the Research Ethics Board I of the University of xx (approval no. Pro00106680), and automatic approval was granted from the Ethics and Research Commission from the Faculty of Nursing, Campus Poza Rica, Universidad Veracruzana. All key informants provided written informed consent prior to enrollment in the study.

Merits of Using Intersectionality in Qualitative Health Research

Through examples, I intend to discuss the methodological implications of using the intersectional principles of community partnership and social justice in qualitative health research in migration contexts. I focus on five areas: (1) Recognizing Diversity and Agency among Women Who Stay Behind, (2) Navigating Intersectional Identities, Power Dynamics, and Research Integrity, (3) Navigating Positionality, Power, and Advocacy for Populations made Vulnerable by Inadequate Policies, (4) Navigating Power Dynamics and Multiple Social Locations, and (5) Empowering the Community Through Intersectional Research.

Recognizing Diversity and Agency among Women Who Stay Behind

In this section, I describe how intersectionality, guided by the principle of social justice, informed the literature review by highlighting the power of language and the importance of recognizing those who are often overlooked. When conducting a literature search in 2019 on women who stay behind in their places of origin while their partners migrate across international borders, I observed the frequent use of the term “left-behind women” to refer to this group. However, I believe that employing such labels as “left behind” assumes homogeneity among women and overlooks their diverse experiences. It perpetuates the notion of victimhood and fails to acknowledge the agency, autonomy, and decision-making capabilities of these women. This issue aligns with the critique raised by other researchers who have highlighted the problems associated with categorizing women under universalizing terms like “third world women,” which can limit our understanding of their complex socio-economic circumstances and subject them to a victim narrative (Djoudi et al., 2016; Mohanty, 1991).

The principle of social justice compels us to critically examine the language we use and its potential impacts on groups disadvantaged by the system. By moving away from harmful, victim-centered language, such as “left-behind women,” and adopting more empowering and inclusive language, such as “women who stay behind,” we shift the focus from the absence of their partners to the agency and resilience of these women. This linguistic shift is crucial in challenging power imbalances and affirming the diverse identities and experiences of women within the context of migration.

Living in Agua Dulce provided me with firsthand insights that revealed the heterogeneity within the group of women who stay behind. While some women discussed experiences of partner violence, others displayed resilience, adapted to family and personal changes, sought opportunities, and thrived over time. Recognizing the urgent need to shift from using “left-behind women” to “women who stay behind,” I made this modification in my writing and integrated it into my data analysis. This linguistic change aligns with the principles of social justice by affirming the agency, diversity, and strengths of these women, and it contributes to a more just representation of their experiences.

By critically engaging with the literature on return migration and women who stay behind, guided by the principle of social justice, I centered my attention on the experiences of women while also acknowledging those who have been overlooked. It became apparent that the existing literature often portrays women who stay behind in Mexico as a singular profile—adult, cisgender, heterosexual mothers—while neglecting other important identities and intersections. Women with different gender identities (e.g., transgender), women with children with special needs, Indigenous women, and women with preexisting health conditions are consistently excluded from the narrative. These aspects of identity intersect with various social locations and systems of oppression that shape women’s experiences during the post-migration reunification period. This realization underscores the importance of applying a social justice lens to language and representation, ensuring that the voices and experiences of all women who stay behind are recognized and valued in research and policy.

By employing an intersectional lens guided by the principle of social justice, I could identify the intersections that may be most significant and warrant further investigation in the field. This approach promotes a more equitable and inclusive understanding of the experiences of women who stay behind and contributes to the broader goal of addressing social inequalities and advancing justice in the context of migration.

Navigating Intersectional Identities, Power Dynamics, and Research Integrity

My lived experiences are informed by intersecting identities across time, space, and context, and are influenced by structures of power and dominance. According to several scholars, reflexivity in qualitative inquiry allows the researcher to examine oneself and how this examination may influence the broader context (Berger, 2015; Macbeth, 2001). Researchers must also account for the power differential between them and key informants (Grove, 2017) and acknowledge that they are key in knowledge construction (Palaganas et al., 2017). Through consistent self-reflection, seeking feedback, and employing diverse research methods, I mitigated biases and upheld the principles of credibility, inclusivity, and integrity in the study. Reflexivity played a key role in shaping my approach, influencing how I engaged with key informants and critically examined my personal and professional experiences' influence on the research. It allowed me to monitor and address biases, ensuring the accurate representation of key informants' narratives. Ongoing reflection and the negotiation of my positionality were essential in building trust and rapport with key informants. By acknowledging and transparently discussing the ways my background and perspectives might have influenced the research, I fostered mutual understanding and respect. Moreover, reflexivity had a transformative effect on both my personal growth and development as a researcher. It provided deeper insights into the complexities of the research topic and its intersections with broader social issues. This transformative journey emphasized the importance of continuous self-monitoring and reflection in maintaining research integrity and faithfully representing the voices and experiences of key informants.

Navigating Positionality, Power, and Advocacy for Populations made Vulnerable by Inadequate Policies

I engage in critical feminist approaches to research how to empower people disadvantaged by the system. I self-identified as a partial insider to this research as I am originally from Veracruz, grew up as an undocumented migrant in the U.S., and later returned to Veracruz. For some returnees, the shared experience of being a returning migrant created a sense of connectedness. While I am well-known for advocating for migrants’ and women’s rights, I acknowledge that I am a highly educated, urbanized, gay man and feminist. However, being a recognized feminist and activist in Veracruz helped bridge the insider-outsider perspectives to position myself in the space between the two. This was noted with the high acceptance and sense of connectedness with community members—a community where most citizens continue to be women and children (Anyan, 2013).

Moreover, the research assistant who contributed to this study also played a crucial role in bringing insider perspectives. She is originally from the community where we conducted the study, and her deep understanding of the local context enhanced our research efforts. As a straight married woman with undergraduate studies in Intercultural Management for Development, she brought invaluable insights into Indigenous ways of knowing and cultural preservation. Her advocacy for these perspectives further enriched our understanding of the intersecting challenges faced by people and communities facing barriers.

Together, our intersecting positionalities and shared commitment to social justice facilitated a comprehensive and nuanced examination of power dynamics and social inequities within the community (Breen, 2007; Dwyer & Buckle, 2009). By recognizing and embracing our personal, professional, and research experiences, we were able to engage in both insider and outsider positions, thus developing stronger insights into the complexities of the issues at hand (Collins & Bilge, 2016; Patil, 2013). This collaborative approach allowed us to uncover and address the power imbalances that influenced various spaces within the community, ultimately contributing to a more transformative and inclusive research process.

During the research, both the woman research assistant and I actively maintained negotiations regarding power imbalances by engaging the key informants. For instance, we provided options for the key informants to choose the interview format (phone or face-to-face), the gender of the interviewer (man or woman), and the preferred day and time for the interviews. This collaborative approach aimed to promote empathy, trust, and rapport with the key informants and other community members, recognizing the importance of power dynamics and positionality in the researcher-participant relationship (Cuevas-Parra, 2021; Karnieli-Miller et al., 2009).

We both embraced personal and methodological reflexivity, promoting subjective consciousness of our privileges, backgrounds, identities, and biases throughout the research. We actively recorded personal feelings and emotions, such as anger and admiration, which shaped us as researchers and individuals. For example, as we became aware of the thriving stories from women, we transitioned from an angry, oppression-focused perspective to an intersectional strength-based approach in our analysis and writing.

This reflexive lens deepened our insights into the phenomenon under study. With a background of advocating for women and victims of sexual violence, we initially anticipated that women would be treated unjustly. However, we discovered that many women proved to be resilient, empowered, and self-determined, highlighting the importance of strength-based and resilience-building approaches promoted by intersectionality for positive social change (Chaplin et al., 2019; Thurber et al., 2020). This realization reminded us to avoid victimization and instead highlight the agential power of women who stay behind.

Intersectional reflexivity allowed us to re-frame our understanding of health in the context of return migration, recognizing the nuanced interactions between our intersecting social locations and those of the key informants. We acknowledged that not all aspects of our social locations held the same relevance in every context. In the macho, Catholic culture prevailing in Agua Dulce, my identity as a gay man had the potential to interfere with my work. During my fieldwork, I chose not to openly disclose that I was gay. However, in formal or informal conversations with community members, when asked about my marital status, for instance, I would mention that I was married to a man. Being gay did not appear to be a relevant or stigmatized status within the community, so I did not have to negotiate my identity in that regard.

Nevertheless, my efforts in rapport-building, community activism, education, and shared migrant experiences seemed to prevail. The intersection of gender, masculinity, and sexuality did not create disadvantages in this research. Instead, the community expressed interest and support, welcoming me into their space even during a pandemic. They accommodated for needs for strict COVID-19 protocols, actively promoted the research through Facebook live interviews where I shared study details, and extended invitations for meals or family events. Furthermore, my activism work in Veracruz further strengthened the relationship with the community.

During interviews and meetings with community members, many expressed familiarities with me through newspaper articles that highlighted my efforts in supporting abandoned children and victims of sexual abuse (La Opinión de Poza Rica, 2021; Rodriguez, 2017; San Martin, 2017). This awareness and recognition of my work played a significant role in our acceptance by the community. In agreement with Bellamy et al. (2011), I reject the notion of focusing solely on a researcher’s single social location to determine the feasibility of conducting research. Instead, I believe that researchers can and should play an active role in negotiating their positionality, leveraging their intersecting positionalities, and engaging in reflective practices throughout the research process.

Navigating Power Dynamics and Multiple Social Locations

I completed data collection during the pandemic and used intersectionality to focus on the power dynamics and account for the multiple intersecting social locations present during the interviews. Practicing reflexivity accounted for the power asymmetries during data collection by considering how the interviewer’s and interviewee’s personal, social, political, religious, and cultural backgrounds interacted to shape the interview and the knowledge being produced (Anyan, 2013).

Power was produced when the interviewer was regarded by the interviewee as a young man in a professional position. Power inequities were observed either by the key informants’ behavior or by the way they responded to the questions. In some of the interviews with women, I observed that older women often avoided eye contact or provided short answers. This led me to reflect on whether women hesitated to respond due to the social status of superiority that men hold in the community or confidentiality concerns. Being aware of women’s multiple identities, I reminded them about the option of being interviewed by a woman research assistant and reassured them that their information would be kept confidential.

A second interview with a returnee who was twice the age of the interviewer (66-year-old) stated, “Oh, are you the researcher? I thought you were older.” Compared to the rest of the interviewees who referred to me as “master” (maestro) or “you” (usted) as a way of showing respect, this participant used the informal “you” (tú). This may have been a way for the returnee to show that he had greater knowledge. This is consistent with Mexican culture, where elders are thought to hold wisdom, prestige, power, and leadership (Reyes Gómez et al., 2013). To mitigate power imbalances, I always wore casual clothing: sneakers, jeans, t-shirt, and a cap. This approach positively contributed to a more intimate relationship with the key informants and with balancing power. However, in this situation, this strategy did not seem to work. I reacted quickly and used the age difference in my favor by making the key informants aware that I was here to learn from their experiences and not the other way around. However, on reflection, I wondered if by making such a statement, I granted the interviewees further power.

Empowering the Community Through Intersectional Research

By living in the community, I recognized that systemic inequities went beyond the reunification experiences and health needs of returning migrants and women. Through formal and informal input from the community, I was able to look at the broader social, economic, and infrastructure needs of the community. As a researcher, I was able to be flexible and adapt to the emerging needs of the community in times of crisis, COVID-19 pandemic.

Balancing Power and Collaboration through Advisory Committees

Though committees can serve as cultural agents and facilitate reception from communities (Salma & Giri, 2021), establishing leadership and distribution of power is essential for a successful participation (Newman et al., 2011). To balance power among members, I arranged two advisory committees composed of women who stay behind, and community leaders (chiefs of city blocks [COCB]). This separation helped reduce potential power conflicts among members, because the COCB already holds power within the community. They are a communication bridge between residents and the health department.

Dissemination Strategies for Culturally Relevant Impact

Intersecting social locations, like living in rural, poor, and marginalized areas, explains the need to be visible for those at the center of power. To ensure an effective dissemination plan, the advisory committees collaborated in this process. Literature disputes that traditional dissemination methods are limited to academic publications are often not useful for research key informants, whereas engaging community partners can result in relevant and culturally appropriate dissemination strategies for communities (Cunningham-Erves et al., 2020). The committees expressed the importance of showcasing the work and life of people in Agua Dulce.

From our conversations, the community felt the need to be seen, heard, and supported. As one woman expressed, “We are tired of no one looking at us; we want people to see us and to learn how we live in Agua Dulce.” Mohanty (1991) recognized that the experiences of women from developing countries are often silenced by systems of power and domination; hence, we must learn to advocate to ensure all voices are heard. I agreed to seek funding to create a mini documentary of the work in Agua Dulce. The team was successful in securing a grant specifically for intersectional research seeking to produce visual or audio materials. The documentary was released on International Migrant Day 2022 (Fernández-Calva Sánchez, 2022).

Fundraising and Infrastructure Improvements for Community Well-being

Intersectionality promotes transformation through positive social change and the elimination of inequities. Previous work fostered collaboration with the National Center for the Prevention and Control of HIV and AIDS (NCPCHA) in Mexico. In this regard, the NCPCHA agreed to support my research in Agua Dulce. In the field, I realized that STI testing was only available for pregnant women, which excluded other high-risk populations like reunited couples and their families. In Mexico, the lack of health services for populations made vulnerable by inadequate policies is often the case for small rural communities like Agua Dulce (Del Ángel-Pérez & Villagómez-Cortés, 2014). Keeping in mind intersectional values, I arranged an STI clinic with the NCPCHA to make testing available for all community members, and more than 80 syphilis and HIV rapid tests were completed. I assisted in making the arrangements with the NCPCHA. The clinic was successful and is expected to continue at least once a year.

Committee members believed that funding should be destined for other community needs like paved streets, better internet services, or hiring healthcare providers. In this regard, I committed to starting a fundraising campaign to help improve the infrastructure conditions of the community clinic. Taking advantage of my strong ties with Mexican migrants abroad, US$2000 were collected. Not only did this meet some of the needs from the community, but it also assisted in showcasing the research, leading to higher recruitment numbers. Literature on the subject highlights the risks of a researcher’s power and privilege (Muhammad et al., 2015), yet, in this case, being a credible and recognized activist allowed me to raise funds for the clinic.

Enhancing Adaptive Capacity and Promoting Gender-Responsive Workshops

An intersectional approach generated collaborative capacity that resulted in reciprocity with the community. I learned that women in Agua Dulce often sit at the intersection of gender, financial need, and the lack of formal education. The interaction among these social locations can lead women to suffer mental health issues; however, these women find ways to strengthen their adaptive capacity during the absence of their migrant partners and upon their return. Women enroll in workshops to help them deal with mental health concerns and learn new skills that later provide income for the family. Importantly, these interactions are also influenced by patriarchal values and religion of the community, meaning that most women engage in gender-approved behaviors.

Guided by the principle of intersectional reciprocity, I promoted two workshops on painting and baking. I had to be sensitive to the specific needs of this population (Wesner et al., 2014), so I advocated for the implementation of these workshops to encourage social and labor participation among women. These workshops were strategically chosen, as art therapy has positive effects on people’s health and well-being, including mental health, and it is something the community approved women of doing (Hu et al., 2021; Jensen & Bonde, 2018). Two residents agreed to deliver the workshops, a local baker agreed to host them, and the research team oversaw the organization. These activities were not part of my research plan, and I was not involved in designing or implementing them. However, an intersectional approach requires that researchers be flexible and advocate for social change in communities (Collins, 2017).

Navigating Gender Roles, Patriarchy, and Community Dynamics

Socially expected gender roles and patriarchy influence Agua Dulce’s education, health, economic, and political systems. This was noted when I had to conduct observations in public and private spaces (i.e., parks and work sites) after the community gatekeepers granted their approval. Andoh-Arthur (2019) suggested that gatekeepers are irrelevant when research is conducted in public spaces; however, I argue that this may not always be the case when research is done in small rural communities. For instance, at the beginning of the pandemic, the community did not allow outsiders to enter Agua Dulce to avoid COVID-19 cases; however, this did not apply to me.

My experiences collaborating with community gatekeepers resemble those of others who have reported positive results through this partnership by facilitating access to research sites and completion of research activities (McFadyen & Rankin, 2016). I visited multiple community sites, including the field crops and local farmers’ market. I observed that many women abided by the established gender roles and patriarchal standards of machismo (social behavioral culture of male dominance); older women were often shopping for groceries and taking their children to clinic visits and community celebrations, while men were overseeing the lands or working their businesses. In contrast, younger couples were often doing these activities together, and younger women worked informal jobs. Age-class-gender-rural cultures interact and are woven into community politics and the patriarchal system of Agua Dulce to reinforce, but also to resist, machismo. This broader knowledge of community dynamics aided in understanding the needs of women who stay behind and returning migrants.

Recommendations for Health Researchers

Based on my experiences in conducting qualitative health research through an intersectional lens, I have recommendations for researchers embarking on these approaches. I outline below two key recommendations drawn from health research focused on family and community impacts and dynamics of return migration. These recommendations are negotiating positionalities, reflexivity, and power in community engagement, and practicing intersectional reciprocity.

Negotiating Positionalities, Reflexivity, and Power

Intersectional research demands that researchers understand community politics to develop strong relationships with study key informants, gatekeepers, and the community. Engaging early on, even before starting data collection, helps build trust and facilitates access to research key informants and sites. The acceptance of the researcher by small rural communities, like Agua Dulce, greatly depends on how the researcher navigates in the community. Reflecting and negotiating the researcher’s positionality is key in building trust and rapport with residents; it ultimately reflects what the researcher is allowed to observe and to learn from the community.

Researchers must continuously negotiate their positionalities to navigate overarching social structures of communities, and help balance power differentials with key informants, and the community at large. A process that is influenced by the cultural values of the researcher and the community (Dery, 2020; Merriam et al., 2001), and can be achieved through formal and informal conversations with key informants (Kohl & McCutcheon, 2015). This is often shaped by the circumstances, people involved, and space and time (Ali, 2015). It is crucial to acknowledge that the researcher’s and key informants’ background, beliefs, and experiences can impact how positionalities are negotiated and how knowledge is produced.

Power exists and is apparent in all aspects of the research process. I recommend that intersectional researchers be flexible and sensitive to build and maintain strong partnerships with community members. Previous work has suggested involving the community in decision-making and prioritizing a research agenda that shares and distributes power during fieldwork (Green & Johns, 2019; Van der Riet & Boettiger, 2009). The agenda must go beyond the initial research plan and be tailored to the needs of residents. For example, during data collection, power relations that shift back and forth from the interviewer to the interviewee are inevitable. Therefore, researchers should create a safe and collaborative environment where knowledge is co-created in a harmonized way. Researchers must be attentive to locate and to avoid harmful language that can cause damage to communities.

When possible, I encourage researchers to take a strength-based intersectional approach, or as others have called it, Intersectionality of resilience (Njeze et al., 2020). This intersectionality seeks to transition from a victim-based approach to a strength-based approach, even in situations of suffering and need. Thus, intersectionality of resilience does not only allow individuals to adapt to difficult life experiences, but also to resist injustices, gain agency, and combat against systems of oppression (Goodkind et al., 2020; Sims-Schouten & Gilbert., 2022). For instance, previous research found that trust and empowerment became key components in reducing stigma in black women living with HIV who experienced gendered racism and discrimination at the intersections of gender, race, and health status (Rao et al., 2018).

Practicing Intersectional Reciprocity

Mobilizing intersectionality requires researchers to practice reciprocity. Reciprocity demands the researcher to navigate multi-faceted power structures within participating communities to balance competing demands, and to critically reflect on intersecting levels of privilege and power given as a researcher (Wesner et al., 2014). In this regard, intersectional reciprocity means being sensitive and willing to accommodate the needs of residents based on the structural and social concerns of the communities. Reciprocity has been accentuated as a tenet of intersectional and indigenous research (Vinyeta et al., 2015), and as a major principle of social justice work (Asghar & Rowe, 2017). Clemons (2019) suggests that it is the researcher’s responsibility to focus on reciprocity to address social challenges experienced by participating communities. This includes being aware that rural communities in Mexico may experience crises, like the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, at the intersection of poverty and disadvantage (Fernández-Sánchez, 2020b). Accommodating key informants’ specific needs during challenging times is vital to address inequalities (Wesner et al., 2014). In my research, intersectional reciprocity required the team to go beyond the initial planning of resources, timing, and flexibility. It involved time and effort to promote the health of the community, seek additional funding, and actively engage the community.

Limitations

Despite the multiple strengths of utilizing intersectionality in qualitative health research, there are some limitations. In practice, intersectionality can be time-consuming and resource-draining. To fully understand issues of identity, inequality, and oppression, it is deemed necessary to emerge in the field for prolonged periods. Engaging and negotiating with the community can result in challenges when competing interests are present. The need to seek additional funding to cover the costs of emerging needs is inevitable and takes time to achieve. Conducting intersectional research in times of crisis was challenging. The primary study was limited to observing outdoor activities, many of which had been canceled during fieldwork.

Conclusion

This work summarizes the methodological implications for intersectional community-engaged research on the dynamics of family and migration by combining reflexive practices, family and community engagement, and formal input from community. Intersectionality’s principles of community partnership and social justice highlighted social inequities in Agua Dulce and helped us promote action for change. Partnership with a health clinic resulted in the implementation of a STI and HIV testing clinic in Agua Dulce-testing was made available for all community members and not just pregnant women.

For qualitative health researchers planning to conduct intersectional work, this article can serve as a guide to integrate a strength-based approach, promote intersectional reciprocity, and negotiate their positionality across contexts in different stages of the research process. The ultimate goals of intersectionality are to achieve a positive social transformation and social justice. Negotiating positionality, practicing intersectional reciprocity, and attending to power differentials can help reach those goals.