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Abstract

This literature review will trace the recent history of the globalisation of human rights with reference to education, particularly for girls and women, but also looking more broadly to include education for boys and men. The main paradigms – traditional, neo-liberalism and philanthrocapitalism – for providing education in developing countries will be defined. This will be followed by a consideration of the lack of forethought and the difficulties encountered in providing education for females, along with techniques suggested for addressing the issues. There will be a brief look at the way forward. This is a fluid, changing area as conferences and committees around the world are continually meeting, and new ideas, values and goals are being proposed for consideration.

Keywords

Girls’ education globalisation development

Introduction

There has been so much written on the effects of educating girls on development and social change that articles no longer reference these claims. The rhetoric has been in the range of the hyperbole as educated girls are seen as the solution to all development problems. Once educated, girls and women will realise the global dream of freedom for all. They will annihilate poverty, increase the health of society, control family size, create harmonious societies where all are equal, be represented in the workforce in direct ratio to their numbers, take their rightful place in governing the state, eliminate child marriage and female genital mutilation, and prevent violence, conflict and wars. ‘The closest to a silver bullet in human development is educating women, and particularly mothers’ (Malik, 2014). Experience has shown that achieving this Utopia depends on many factors, not the single factor of educating girls and women. As the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) deadline of 2015 approaches, institutions, governments, Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs), academics and individuals are examining progress made and obstacles encountered, and rethinking and realigning goals towards 2020 and beyond.

Early ideas

Human rights and freedom have been discussed for centuries, but it was the shock of learning of the horrors of the Second World War that galvanised countries into action. As a consequence, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) was signed in 1948 by 48 countries. This established the philosophy of the right of all people to live in freedom, justice and peace, and was followed by the adoption in 1966 of two treaties, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, both entering into force in 1976. These two have been combined with the UDHR to form the International Bill of Human Rights. This Bill was the precursor to the MDGs laid down in the year 2000 by the United Nations, signed by 189 countries. Over the 52 years in between the UDHR and the MDGs, political climates changed in many countries and issues once seen as obstacles no longer existed. Apartheid was no longer a policy in South Africa, communism with its restrictions on travel for its citizens had lost its grip on the Soviet Union, which, in itself, had devolved into many countries. Globalisation of values and rights for humanity became a possible aim, and the year 2015 was set down as the target date.

Two MDGs referred directly to education, girls and women. MDG2 aimed to achieve universal primary education: the target being to ensure that, by 2015, children everywhere, boys and girls alike, would be able to complete a full course of primary training. MDG3 aimed to promote gender equality and empower women with its target being to eliminate disparity in primary and secondary education, preferably by 2005, and in all levels of education no later than 2015 (Millennium Development Goals, n.d.).

Participating countries, non-governmental and non-profit organisations and capitalist corporates enthusiastically applied their energies to achieving these targets. In many countries programmes had already been instituted to address inequalities in education and the MDGs added an urgency and deadline. Strong support for the far-reaching effects of educating girls and women emerged and continues to emerge in NGO vision statements, academic journals, websites, and news articles. The Economic and Social Council Ministerial Declaration (2010) stressed that ‘investing in women and girls has a multiplier effect on productivity, efficiency, and sustained economic growth’; the World Bank (2014) notes that education is the key to empowering women. The Department for International Development (DFID) also supports girls’ education as it restates its vision for girls and women in 2013 as ‘Voice, Choice and Control’ (Department for International Development, 2013). The Global Poverty Project (2008), an Australian-based project, has as part of its vision ‘empowering girls and women to end poverty and create a healthier, wealthier and better educated community’. The Global Education First Initiative (GEFI), instigated by UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon, states in its brochure (Global Education First Initiative, 2014) that ‘educated women are more likely to have decent working conditions, delay child-bearing, resist violence, denounce injustice, and participate in political processes’. The UN Population Fund (UNFPA), on its website (United Nations Population Fund, 2014), calls the education and empowering of women ‘an indispensable tool for advancing development and reducing poverty’. The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD), in its conference paper (2013), stressed the importance of education for women, especially in conflict and post-conflict Africa, in order to provide better economic prospects and create healthier families. Although not focusing specifically on women, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) (2014) aims to promote equality and human rights. As participants in the Baku Forum (2013), the OIC is committed to international gender equality standards and to protecting girls’ and women’s rights. The Girl Effect, a collaboration between the DFID and the Nike Foundation, has used the slogan ‘Invest in a girl and she will do the rest’ (The Girl Effect, 2014). According to CARE’s Education Plus report (CARE, 2010), ‘the world’s future will be largely shaped by today’s girls and tomorrow’s women’. The Council of Europe (COE) (2014) considers gender equality in education to be ‘part of an overall strategy for a more egalitarian and democratic society’.

Individuals have added their voices to the case for education of women. Jejeebhoy (1995) was a vocal early supporter of the education of women. Glewwe (1999) recognised that educating mothers would have a direct effect on the health of their families even though this knowledge was not usually taught in schools. With literacy and numeracy skills, mothers would be able to understand and implement better health knowledge they would acquire. Roudi-Fahini and Moghadam (2003) noted that the Fourth World Conference on Women in 1995 recognised that women’s literacy was the key to empowerment. Stromquist (2006), after studying an extensive body of empirical findings, strongly linked the empowerment of women to better health for the whole family, better economic control and less physical violence. Malala Yousafzai, who was nearly killed in Pakistan for speaking out for the rights of all children, but especially girls, to an education, stated in a speech to the United Nations in 2013, ‘Let us pick up our books and our pens. They are our most powerful weapons. One child, one teacher, one book, and one pen can change the world. Education is the only solution’ (Devani, 2013).

There appeared to be a consensus among countries’ representatives and organisations that education for girls and women would solve many of the world’s problems, but initially little consideration was given to the appropriateness of the education.

Three paradigms for guiding the provision of education in developing countries have become evident: traditional, neo-liberalism and philanthrocapitalism. In traditional education, the emphasis is on pure learning, promoting intellectual enquiry and debate once the basic skills are learned. Education is seen as an holistic enterprise in which people learn to think, synthesise, evaluate and assess without the constraints of capitalistic outcomes. Traditional education prepares students to cope with an ever-changing world, but what is appropriate for one country or culture may not be suitable for another. Neo-liberal education, on the other hand, encourages links between business, industry and higher education. It is used as a tool, even a weapon of influence, by financiers to develop economic strength and power. Education is managed as a business, often by non-academics, with targets and specific outcomes required. Focus tends to be on the ‘successful’ students. This may be to the students’ own detriment as their fields of study may have been limited and they are not able to adapt easily as career options change. Philanthrocapitalism in education provides knowledge and skills with a capitalistic focus. As in neo-capitalism, the bottom line is profit. Business knowledge is provided in under-developed countries so that students can operate a business for the benefactor. While this is a laudable outcome in the short term, the limited education does not encourage flexibility if the political/cultural climate changes.

With funding being provided by the countries of the Global North, many programmes sought to impose a Western style of education on the under-developed countries. The pedagogy and curriculum were instituted without regard to the local culture, religion and needs. Many scholars voiced their concern. Amin (2009) warned that the MDGs were a cover for academic colonialism and capitalist domination by the ‘Triad’, the name given to the US, Europe and Japan as a consortium. Kwarteng (2014) made a strong case for Afrocentricity which ‘eschews uncritical copying of non-African ideas’. He cited successes in regional organisations by ‘building a system of cultural pride and independence’ and ‘rejecting western stifling control and patronage’. Kwarteng, along with Afrocentricity International, advocated the ‘recovery of African centeredness in education’.

Just as Western academic imperialism was not welcomed, neither was the neo-liberal system of education. The World Bank, which is a partner with the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), had clearly been using neo-liberal educational reforms, according to Lincove (2009). He was concerned that free markets did not necessarily promote equity; experience had shown that the gender gap could be widened. Schools no longer controlled their budgets and curriculum, a situation that could lead to abuse. Parents, themselves lacking education, were not always in the best position to make decisions. Reid-Henry (2012) supported this idea, stating ‘Neoliberalism is any idea that is pro-market and anti-government intervention … to support the interests of big business, transnational corporations and finance. It seeks not so much a free market, therefore, as a market free for powerful interests’. The profit motive became the goal, development was about ‘Trade, not aid’. The neo-liberalist theory was that, if the ‘corrupt’ state was not involved, social justice and human development would automatically follow. Such an uncompromising approach, according to Reid-Henry, was likely to fail.

Seguino (2006), in a study of globalisation and liberalisation in Latin America and the Caribbean spanning 1970–2000, argued that the beneficial effect on gender equity was not realised; liberalisation pressured state funding which, in turn, affected gender equity including education. Parenti (2013) saw neo-liberalism as ‘imperial terrorism’ which brought great rewards to a select minority while the masses continued to suffer hardship. Tatto (2014) was concerned that ‘the introduction of market approaches which are supported by neo-liberal policies promising quick easy fixes for teacher preparation must be carefully scrutinized, as should emerging policies that are designed to undermine high quality research-based teacher education’. She argued that quality teaching is a developmental process; it takes time and an inquiry-oriented approach and cannot be dictated by corporate and business management.

Even in developed countries, neo-liberalism in education attracts its critics. Ravitch (2014) describes the neo-liberalist educational policies in the US as ‘The Reign of Error – the hoax of the privatization movement and the danger to America's public schools’, which is the title of her newly published book. Ravitch is very critical of the system of charter schools, while she acknowledges that they range from excellent to awful. In a review of her book, Featherstone (2014) describes how Ravitch believes that neo-liberalism and the free market favour those who are wealthier and more educated, thus creating more inequality. According to Ravitch, the quality of teaching overall could be improved, but the cause of inequality in outcomes was not teaching but rather social concerns such as jobs, housing, healthcare and early childhood education.

In developing countries, there have been further theoretical criticisms of educational programmes. Ramalingam (2010) described the problem as applying the MDGs using results-based management, with targets and indicators being specific, measurable, achievable, relevant, and time-bound. This created the paradoxical situation of ‘We’ll give you budget if you tell us for sure what you are doing will work’. Ramalingam claimed that development was not so easy to predict or steer. Vernon and Baksh (2010) argued that the educational MDGs represented the wrong view of change. The means and the ends were confused, the goals were set globally instead of locally, and were unrealistic. Consequently, the development process was obstructed when the aim was to precipitate change. In its own evaluation of the contribution to the reduction in poverty (2012), UNDP made recommendations to create a community of dialogue between all stakeholders – national, local, parents and religious leaders. There should be a more holistic approach, considering effects of programmes on livelihoods, governance and environment. A balance is required between control upwards and downwards, and rigorous and broad evaluations are essential.

Philanthrocapitalism is another system for providing education for under-developed countries. Jenkins (2011) describes this as a blend of philanthropy and capitalism and is an ‘ambitious new movement of charitable-giving promoted by ultra-rich social investors, not traditional donors using big-business strategies’. These mega-rich corporations are bestowing their tax-free profits on worthy causes, while at the same time seeking a hands-on approach with the aim of persuading governments, businesses and other funders to accept their vision and their proposed solutions. They have the attitude that, because they have been successful in business, they can fix the social ills of society. In essence, they are looking for sub-contractors to carry out their vision, not people who have strengths and visions of their own. Microfinancing ‘appears’ to be successful; cases are cited where individuals have achieved economic freedom. Yet there is no such evidence that individual cases have had an effect on the community, transforming it from a poor one to a wealthy one. Without the broader goals of creating political, social and cultural shifts, ‘increasing individual participation in markets is likely to reproduce existing inequalities rather than unsettle hierarchies’ (Jenkins, 2011: 53). Dependency develops and democracy is undermined. Two Foundations highlight the contrasting approaches: the Gates Foundation defines the problems, sets agenda and strategy; the Ford Foundation works with the donees and their innovative ideas to problem-solve.

The 5by20 project fits the definition of philanthrocapitalism, although the spin-off is the propagation of the corporation behind it. Instituted by Coca-Cola, this project has as its target 5 million women in business by 2020 (5by20 Coca-Cola, 2013). Coca-Cola’s belief that investing in women can strengthen entire communities and bolster local economies lies behind this altruistic dream. Economic empowerment is offered to women globally by providing business skills training, loans and financial services and assets, and peer networks and mentoring. According to its website, working in collaboration with businesses, government and civil society is critical to 5by20’s success; this is not a characteristic of philanthrocapitalism, but it is difficult to know what actually happens behind the public relations image. Schwartz (2012), while acknowledging the good that Coca-Cola achieves, questions the ethics of blending profit margins with morals. He raises the issue that many poor communities in Coca-Cola’s already established markets such as the US would also benefit from such a project, yet no such offer is made to them. Schwartz’s editor suggests the project is seen as a social enterprise rather than a philanthropic endeavour and in this light it looks a lot better.

The philanthropic wing of the Nike Foundation is the Girl Effect campaign. The Independent Commission for Aid Impact (ICAI) (2012) has critically reviewed a subsidiary of this campaign, the Girl Hub, which is a joint venture between the DFID and the Nike Foundation and attracted a £11.6m grant. The review found that there was a lack of clarity over goals, poor budgeting and financial monitoring, short-coming in its governance and in its plans to translate its vision of increasing adolescent girls’ involvement in the design of policies that affect them. Its focus was on what girls could do for development rather than what development could do for girls. They criticised the simple solution of ‘Invest in a girl, she will do the rest’ as too simplistic for a complex set of problems.

Since the MDGs were drawn up, the number of NGOs has proliferated; by 2012 there were estimated to be 1.5 million in the US alone (Human Rights, 2012), by 2009 approximately 3.3 million in India (South Asia, 2014). Some NGOs have attracted strong criticism. Particularly since 2000, voices have been raised cautioning a sound theoretical approach to the manner in which they operate. This applies as much to the field of education as to other areas of concern. In Tanzania, Shivji (2004) saw NGOs as top-down benefactors and the people they were trying to help as beneficiaries; the NGOs were not membership based except for a small group of elite who were answerable to the donors, not the people; they were reliant on foreign funding, which meant the donors called the tune; the theory and vision was not defined for the overall social and economic context of the societies; and traditional working people’s organisations were undermined. He considered it vital that NGOs understood the worlds they were trying to change and that they worked with the grassroots organisations. Shivji saw the ideology of neo-liberal globalisation as post-Cold-War imperialism which undermined democratic governance and the right to self-determination. He questioned the pure motivations of the NGOs, and saw them as part of a neo-liberal paradigm.

Despite the criticisms levelled at the methods of supporting education in developing countries, the reports from the UN indicate progress has been made. Between 2000 and 2011, the number of children out of primary school declined by half, but this still leaves 57 million out of school. Of this group, the majority will be girls from poor families (MDG Report, 2013). Some statistics are so broad they are not helpful. The Human Development Report (HDR) 2014 issued by the UNDP details such statistics as mean years of schooling per gender from 2002–2012 as a single figure, which does nothing to show the progress made. The UNESCO report (2014) does show progress, as the table details in percentage by male and female those enrolled in the different school levels per year from 2002. Unfortunately, figures do not show the whole picture.

Teaching quality

So many more children may be in primary school, yet the quality of teaching is so poor that often the educational, social, and economic gains hoped for are not achieved. The Education for All (EFA) Global Monitoring Report (GMR) 2013/2014 warns that, although access has improved, sub-standard education has left a ‘legacy of illiteracy’ (EFA, 2014). The Report states that 250 million children are not learning basic skills even though over half of them have spent at least four years in school.

In Uganda, it appears little attention has been given to learning outcomes. In a study in 2013, not even 1% of children in 10 schools could read at least 60 words per minute in the local language (Munthali, 2014). In Kenya, there was an increase of 20% school enrolment from 2003 to 2010, but there were few teachers, books or schools. The resources could not cope; the quality of teaching was poor and absenteeism was rife (Boit, 2014). Although the statistics say enrolment levels in Benin have gone from one of the lowest in 1990 to the second highest in Sub-Saharan Africa by 2014, girls are subjected to sexual harassment from teachers and professors, beginning at primary level (O’Neill, 2014). She says increasing access is not enough; girls underperform or drop out rather than be subjected to sexual blackmail, and until this is addressed there will be no quality education. In sub-Sahara generally, the education system is producing unskilled youth who are unemployable because of a low level learning (Ogwo and Ezekoye, 2014). Mikulska (2014) also raises the issue of poor teaching in reference to South Sudan. Enrolment is very low, but of those 17% who reach grade 8, very few learn anything useful for employment. An over-ambitious curriculum in Tanzania has resulted in poor-quality teaching as students rely on rote learning without understanding to pass tests (Naylor, 2014).

In Central America, poor teaching quality is producing low learning outcomes, and this problem is worse in the poorer areas, according to Guzman (2014). In Latin America, Stromquist (2006) noted that the education system taught only cognitive skills. Although girls were being ‘educated’, the resulting social change expected did not occur because values or practices to encourage a change in the ideas of gender in society were not being taught. In North America, considered a developed country, the schooling system is in chaos as debate rages over the neo-liberal reforms imposed and the resulting effect on the standard of teaching (Ravitch, 2014).

In Indonesia, attempts are being made to improve the teaching profession and thence the quality of teaching (Shaeffer, 2014). Fernandez-Chung and Loh (2014) describe the poor education provided in Malaysia as a ‘ticking time-bomb’. Private tutoring has been used extensively in Cambodia to prop up the poor-quality public education provided, and this excludes children from poor families, increasing the inequality gap (Brehm and Edwards, 2014).

Even in 2003, Roudi-Fahimi and Moghadam were concerned about the standard of education in the Middle East and North Africa. They saw the situation as slowly changing, as mainly educated women activists became champions of change. Statistics are available for the percentage of students by gender that are enrolled, which are near parity in this region as in many others, but there are no statistics on the quality of education or whether the missing percentages are located in particular sections of society. Many of the reports do indicate that rural and poorer communities are less well served.

Regardless of whether a country is a developing state or a ‘developed’ state, there is a need to examine the education curriculum and delivery on offer to all children. The EFA GMR 2013/2014 recommends that all countries, regardless of wealth status, ensure all of their children have access to well-trained and motivated teachers (EFA, 2014). Ten strategies are listed as a way forward. Hamm (2014) writes that it is obvious that post-2015 education will need to address the problem of poor-quality education. The characteristics of quality teaching and learning need to be defined in relation to local needs and in consultation with local teachers. Mason (2014) considers good professional development of teachers as the basis for improving the quality of teaching.

Sawamura (2014) is defensive of teachers in Kenya. Despite difficult conditions, many of them have a genuine vocation to teach and do the best they can. A recent comment in the group ‘Education in Developing Countries’ on LinkedIn highlights a few of the difficulties. A teacher describes how he has ‘to go to collect salary twenty kilometres away from my school on unmotorable road or crossing a river by boat to the only rural bank in a district capital’. Sawamura suggests the environment is examined before the teachers are criticised for poor teaching.

Attitudes

Another factor affecting educational quality is the attitude of a local community or culture towards a teacher. Fernandez-Chung and Loh (2014) and Bong-Gun (2014) describe the ‘Trinity’ of king, teacher and father in traditional Korean culture that accorded respect and love to these three. In recent years, the government has introduced a neo-liberal economic policy that regarded teachers as ordinary workers in the labour market. This has hurt the self-esteem and morale of teachers, who now need to work to re-establish their sense of vocation and create a balance between school, state, and the market. Mason (2014) attributes the success of teachers in countries such as Finland, Japan and Singapore partly to the high status of the teaching profession in those countries. In China there has been a long history of respecting teachers, who tend to be very passionate about and committed to their learners (Li, 2014). The Cultural Revolution was a testing time but the Confucian cultural roots have resurfaced. Ongoing evaluations indicate there are still unequal outcomes between girls and boys, rural and urban, and in different regions. This has prompted further teacher education reform and the development of teacher excellence. Lee (2014) looks at a different section of Chinese education and laments the decline in teacher quality of the Open University of China, one of the factors being the unsatisfactory salary and social status of teachers.

Attitudes to teachers affect the quality of education and so, too, do the attitudes to the girls by the people who are trying to help them. Otoo-Oyortey (2014), after attending the Girl Summit in 2014, questions the view that the young female activists fighting for change in their communities were ‘portrayed mostly as victims and not survivors and agents of change’. Koffman and Gill (2013) critique the attitudes behind the Girl Effect that depicts the American girl as the best example of girlhood and girls in the South as victims of their culture, and that, by education, they are holding the key to solving the poverty problems of the world. There is a risk that the North will view the foreign ‘Other’ as culturally deficient when differences are being considered (Dervin and Tournebise, 2013).

Viewing young women as instigators of social change can potentially place a huge burden on them, according to Hayhurst (2013), who explored the experience of girls in Uganda in a corporate-funded sport, gender and development martial arts programme. It was concluded that ‘becoming self-reliant agents of change is problematic when [the young women] are not supported structurally in their quest to challenge gender norms and to shift gender relations’.

School principals’ attitude to marginalised students also has its effect (Schleicher, 2014). When students are not seen as disadvantaged, their learning outcomes are much better. Singapore, where disadvantage is significant but principals do not perceive it as such, shows only moderate impact on its learning outcomes. Contrast this with France; there is a relatively small share of disadvantaged students, but the school principals perceive this as large, and the learning outcomes suffer. ‘Principals’ perception of disadvantage correlates with inequalities in education opportunities more strongly than real disadvantage does’ (Schleicher, 2014).

Violence

Girls’ education is the first to suffer in times of violence. Many countries are in a state of upheaval, with full-scale war being raged in some. Education First, an initiative of the UN’s Secretary General, says ‘education cannot wait’. In situations of conflict, it is imperative that children still have access to quality education. Education First lists three key barriers that need to be addressed: under-financing; attacks on schools, teachers and children; and a lack of planning in case of crisis. ACCORD met in late 2013 in Kenya to strategise on how to cope with ‘the persisting reality of continued marginalization of women from formal peace processes, increased insecurity and high levels of violence against women and girls’.

In Afghanistan, the gender inequality index for 2013 was 0.705 (0 being equality), according to the HDR 2014. Visalli (2014) comments on the state in Afghanistan, describing the attacks on women – which affects their ability to attend school – as increasing by 20% from 2011 to 2012, then by 61% from 2012 to 2013. Not only are the attacks increasing but the rate of increasing is going exponential. In at least 23 countries, teachers have been targeted since 2009 for several reasons: they teach girls; they protect children from being recruited into armies; and they teach ‘unacceptable’ topics or curriculum (Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack, 2014). With teachers being targeted, education for children is disrupted.

Nor does a country have to be in crisis for gender violence to affect girls’ right to education. Meger (2014) suggests it is partly because girls are being educated and learning to speak up for their rights that men are feeling their traditional male dominance is under threat. Couple this with economic reforms driven by globalisation and males are feeling a loss of status, wealth and power. Meger cites as an example the rise of rape cases in India, although she acknowledges gender-based violence (GBV) is a worldwide problem – in Australia 48% of women have experienced physical violence.

Natural disasters can also put a country into crisis where girls and women are the first victims unless humanitarian aid includes protection. Blunt (2013) examined the aftermath of Typhoon Haiyan in the Philippines and found that women could become sexual victims in exchange for food. Syrian refugee women and children are struggling to exist after fleeing to Lebanon. Many are trying to marry their daughters early to escape the humiliation of prostitution, not always successfully as the new wives are often beaten; mothers turn to sex to feed their families and pay for shelter (Syrian refugee, 2014).

Education of boys and men

It has been realised that boys and men also need educating on human rights and gender issues so girls can take their rightful place in society. Mao Zedong said ‘women hold up half the sky’, yet in China the killing of baby girls is rife, due partly to the one child policy but also to a traditional cultural preference for sons. According to The Economist (2010), South Korea, which had a sex ratio almost as skewed as China, has managed to turn this around by female education, and anti-discrimination suits and equal rights rulings. In Somaliland, Edna Adan is unapologetic in her belief that men must step up to the mark in the fight for gender equality. ‘Fathers must join this battle. This is happening to their daughters, their mothers. Women have suffered for long enough, it is time for men to play a greater role,’ she says. ‘We need a worldwide movement to make this a central concern, so it is no longer confined to the borders of debate.’ (Adnan, 2014). Velasquez-Manoff (2014) studied timing of social intervention and found that the earlier issues could be addressed, the better the effect on the child’s social development. This would indicate the earlier boys are educated about gender issues the more likely that social change will occur.

In its report on GBV, CARE (2014) cites three different programmes that educate boys and help break the cycle by seeking to change the patriarchal norms of dominance. Another programme, Magic Bus, is an NGO that works in India on changing behaviour and attitudes of boys and girls by providing a mentoring programme (magicbus.org; Magic Bus, 2013). Michael Kaufman is the founder of the White Ribbon Campaign which works to engage men and boys to end gender inequality and men’s violence (Kaufman, 2011). ActionAid Australia is working worldwide to reduce violence against women and girls and further their human rights by using education (ActionAid, 2014).

One way in which to make social attitude changes was demonstrated by Tinka Tinka Sukh, an entertainment programme broadcast on All India Radio in the late 1990s (Papa et al., 2000). Papa et al. studied the effects of the series on one village and found that it led to discussions among the village people which resulted in social changes – not a linear change, but change nonetheless. This suggests possibilities for addressing, among other issues, the attitudes of men and boys to gender equality.

In September 2014, Emma Watson opened the campaign HeforShe (HeForShe, 2014), which encourages men to sign a pledge against ‘all forms of violence and discrimination’ and post pictures of their ‘support’ for feminism. West (2014) is critical of the campaign, writing that ‘this latest campaign illustrates how social media has turned many of us, and men in particular, into modern-day Pharisees: we display our moral worth like peacocks in full show, and it liberates us from the need to be kind to women’. Woolf, (2014) from the Girl Hub, warns ‘Don’t lose focus on girls: very clearly men and boys have got to be a central component of the solution, but we need to tread carefully here not to lose the focus on equality and empowerment for girls and women’.

Religion and culture

Religion and culture often come into conflict with the notions of gender equality and education. When Northern values and education systems and curricula have been imposed without appreciating, valuing and understanding the local culture, resistance has been a natural reaction. Wan (2014) states that education for international understanding is an essential skill for teachers. Emblen (2014) considers the difficulties in Lao People’s Democratic Republic (Lao PDR). She learned that human rights and democracy are taboo topics for discussion. Development agencies can only work with guided participation in conjunction with village authorities; pre-set skills are taught, but new ideologies or the ability to critically analyse do not form part of the curriculum, particularly in the rural areas.

Kelly (2014) believes that limiting teaching practice to basic skills and economic and political imperatives but ignoring local cultural practices and ways of knowing will not address local problems and authentic, immediate needs. Jejeebhoy (1995) challenged the assumption that education of women would automatically improve female autonomy, citing traditional kinship structures as one of the factors hindering the outcomes. Otoo-Oyortey (2014) points out that changing centuries-old social norms can only happen at community level, and so religious leaders need to be part of the solution for lasting change.

The OIC aims to ‘preserve and promote the lofty Islamic values of peace, compassion, tolerance, equality, justice and human dignity; to promote human rights and freedoms, good governance, rule of law, democracy and accountability …’ (Organization of Islamic Cooperation, 2014). Mamouri (2014) argues that both the Bible and the Quran can be cited as justification for extremism that denies human rights of equality and aims to establish or maintain a patriarchal society. Just as with Christianity, there exist many sects within Islam, a feature that is not new to either religion. The majority of Muslims are not fundamentalists and wish to live moderate lives. Mamouri questions where these moderate voices are. The terrorist groups have at present grabbed the headlines, but very recently (September, 2014) moderate Muslim leaders in the UK have been televised preaching moderation and peace.

Government intervention

There are many who highlight the importance of governmental support and legislation to enable women to become educated and realise their full potential. The Economist (2010) recommends that all countries raise the value of girls by encouraging female education, abolish laws that prevent equality, and raise the profile of women in public life. Guzman (2014) blames poor policy and institutional weaknesses for low levels of student learning in Central America, but is heartened by the fact that there is renewed concern about improving teacher policy. Noor (2014) reports that Malaysia has had a major educational policy shift over the last five decades and is introducing educational innovations, guided by UNESCO, the World Bank and past PISA results. In 2005, Indonesia developed the Teacher Law, a package of reforms for the management of teachers and institutions, including a wide range of quality assurance mechanisms. Unfortunately, the latter are only just being put into place, so the desired progress has not yet been achieved (Shaeffer, 2014).

The EFA GMR 2013–2014 notes very little progress in closing the gap in education, according to Avalos-Bevan (2014) who suggests many countries have not considered all factors that affect education, resulting in inadequate policy formulation. The GCPEA 2014 study calls for protective legislation and policy, conflict-sensitive education programmes and policies, and increased accountability (Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack, 2014). Rose (2014) summarises that the GMR makes it clear that ‘ultimately it is the responsibility of policymakers to address the problems in the system’. The Global Poverty Project (2008) believes that governments have to become more greatly aligned with businesses and individuals to progressively change systems, structures and policies. This Project continues to press for the equality of girls and women and their right to quality education. When the GEFI was launched in 2012, a group of ‘Champion Countries’ was formed to catalyse political support for education by leading by example. Empower Women (2014) is another organisation that discusses with governments what can be done to change mind-sets and provide opportunities for women. Multi-lateral and bilateral institutions, corporations, the private sector and governments are increasingly recognising the opportunity for girls to be agents of change, according to the International Center for Research on Women (2012). The MDG2 has largely been reached because national governments have introduced free and compulsory education at primary level.

Approaching 2015

Many reports and evaluations are being produced as the deadline of 2015 for the MDGs approaches. In an overview of the global political climate, Haass (2008) had already noted that there has been a change to a newer world order. Beginning as a multipolar system in the early twentieth century, international relations evolved into a bipolar state then to a unipolar state with the United States dominant after the end of the Cold War. Now, in the 21st century, the world is ‘dominated not by one or two or even several states but rather by dozens of actors possessing and exercising various kinds of power’. Peters (2014) writes:

the rise of ‘non-state actors’ – terrorists, global corporations, religious and ethnic tribes, sovereign wealth funds and non-profit charities and foundations, European Union, ‘civil society’ foundations and academic institutions – is now crucial in shaping the order of a ‘nonpolar’ world.

This changing political world has had a major influence on the progress made in achieving education for all and equality for women. In many parts of the world, fundamentalist groups have moved to protect their conservative values. Anti-Western sentiment is strongly condemning of the increasing consumerism, secularisation and apparent decline in morality and loss of traditional order in society. Consequently, groups have targeted women and girls, and GBV has increased. Haass warns that if terrorism is not combated, the non-polar era will descend into a modern Dark Ages. Peters observes that the ability of the West to intervene in conflict zones is declining. No progress has been made in Nigeria where Boko Haram has waged a campaign of GBV.

Bilal (2014), in an editorial in Great Insights, agrees that the world is changing rapidly. Developing countries are becoming more assertive in determining their own strategies and structural transformations that suit their culture, society and needs.

Grassroots voices

The Global Poverty Project (2008) believes that sustainable change can occur when a critical mass of individuals in a society aspire to the same values and that group is equipped to take meaningful action. Otoo-Oyortey (2014) supports this, stating change must come from within. Mihoko et al. (2013), working in the Yemen, aimed to improve gender equality by adopting a school-based management model that involved school committees with community members and regional administration. Because the education system was locally ‘owned’, improvements were accepted. Varghese (2014) believes that teachers, students and parents should all be part of a democratic decision process. SOS Villages (2014) also support the idea of solutions being formed at local, grassroots level. Improving educational opportunities for girls and women begins with the family, because it is this fundamental unit that ultimately decides an individual’s path in life. Fighting for women’s rights, Diop of the African Union (AU) is aiming to ensure that women and vulnerable communities are heard in negotiations (Clark, 2014). The DFID’s strategic vision (2013) for girls and women included having a voice and becoming active citizens for change.

Education and teaching

There are many voices asking for education content and pedagogy to be adapted to local culture and society. Education should be less linked to international ideologies (Emblen, 2014); there needs to be more input into policy and authority devolved from the centre to the schools (Noor, 2014); learning needs to be of a quality suited to the community to avoid producing an army of unskilled and unemployable youth (Ogwo and Ezekoye, 2014). Roudi-Fahini and Moghadam (2003) sounded an early warning that the quality of education should match the market needs. Bergh and Couturier (2013) seek to strengthen links between education and unemployment; and Ordonez and Bhatkal (2014) see the need for aligning education and technical training with the needs of the job market.

Yet others are concerned that teaching just skills is not enough. Kelly (2014) writes that teaching should be related to the dominant cultural values around it; success is not just about good scores, but linked to views of purpose. There are many different value positions: economic; quality of life; an individual’s development; making sense of the world; empowering individuals. Teaching should be centred on local problems and immediate, authentic needs. Jejeebhoy (1995) questions whether women’s education has succeeded in empowering them to make decisions, control resources and have confidence in dealing with the family and the outside world. EmpowerWomen (2014) says that knowledge and expertise are no longer sufficient; values and common-sense are needed.

The quality of teaching and teaching resources has, in many countries, been a hindrance to achieving true success. Hamm (2014) decries the quality of education, because of decisions made at national level with little consultation with teachers, and divorced from local realities and barriers to learning. Donor agencies have pressured countries into globally defined goals providing a framework within which the country has to operate. The poor teaching in Latin America and the Caribbean is due to lack of good training and incentives; concern about this is pushing educational reform (Guzman, 2014). Fichtner (2014) is calling for an educational policy in the Global South that involves head teachers, as they are familiar with the current constraints –social, official and practical – on their ability to ensure delivery of quality education. In the Sub-Saharan countries, the poorest, rural, girls and disabled are the most disadvantaged by poor-quality teaching and the responsibility lies with the policy makers, according to Rose (2014).

Trudell (2014) comments that using the local language for teaching is plain common-sense, yet this is not a skill considered important in much of teacher training in Africa. Simpson (2014) in Australia supports this idea. She says indigenous children should be taught using their language as well as English, learning to treasure their own culture and thereby themselves. In Uganda, Munthali (2014) also suggests teachers are recruited locally and trained, providing instruction in the local language.

Digital literacy, defined as the ‘ability to find resources, critically evaluate and create information using digital technology’, is considered by UNESCO to be a necessary life skill (Antonio and Tuffley, 2010). The internet opens the door to knowledge and education, yet two-thirds of the world’s population, many of whom are women, do not have access to the internet. The She Will Connect project is an initiative by Intel Corporation to improve the digital literacy skills of women in developing countries (Intel, 2012).

Measurement

Measurement of success is a contentious issue and one that is often mentioned as requiring attention. Bergh and Couturier (2013) describe an emphasis post-2015 on measuring literacy and numeracy, and some also want to measure completion and drop-out rates. There is a need to track how inclusive progress has been through disaggregated data – at the sub-national level as well as for different social groups and genders. There is a need for more detailed recording of statistics (O’Neill, 2014). Sawamura (2014) is calling for more quantitative rather than qualitative studies. Scott (2013) suggests that, where previously ratios in education were the focus, structural constraints and discriminatory norms (difficult to measure) should be seen as most important.

The way forward

Planning for the way forward from 2015 is taking into account the non-polar world, the evaluations and the critiques. The UN member states initiated steps at the 2010 MDG Summit towards a process of open, inclusive consultations regarding the post-2015 agenda (Beyond, 2015). In July 2014, the Open Working Group (OWG) Outcome Document was released for comment and critique (Open Working Group, 2014). The emphases in this document are on sustainable development, and working together in international cooperation, recognising that each country has its own national realities and responsibilities, yet guided overall by basic human rights principles. There are new focuses on dealing with climate change and terrorism, as well as a call for more accurate and in-depth measurement of outcomes. What is missing is the rhetoric about girls’ education providing the salvation of the world’s problems. Bourne of GEFI (2013) already cautioned, when talking to Erakit (2013), that ‘empowering girls alone will not suffice to bring about social change’, adding that all stakeholders, from parents and community to bodies such as the UN, need to be involved. Another issue missing from the basic framework is the need to work to change the attitudes of many men and boys towards women; this may appear in the detail developed later.

The Outcome Document has proposed a set of 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) to be achieved by 2030. The SDG 4 is focused on education: ensure inclusive and equitable quality education and promote life-long learning opportunities for all. There are seven sub-clauses relating to: all levels of education from pre-primary to tertiary and to eliminating inequalities due to gender and vulnerability; literacy and numeracy; education for sustainable development and sustainable lifestyles, human rights, gender equality, promotion of a culture of peace and non-violence; global citizenship, and appreciation of cultural diversity and of culture’s contribution to sustainable development. A further three extra sections mention facilities, scholarships and qualified teachers.

The second SDG that relates to our topic is SDG 5: achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls. This has six sub-clauses regarding: violence and discrimination; shared household responsibilities ‘as nationally appropriate’; participation in political life; and access to sexual and reproductive health care. These are followed by three sub-sections: equal rights to economic resources; enhanced use of technology; formation of gender equality policies.

Already there have been many responses, and more will follow as organisations and governments discuss the new SDGs. The Child Fund Alliance comments that the building blocks are in place, but in the negotiations to follow these must be extended to construct the detail to ensure the best implementation of the goals, and more locally led monitoring and accountability (Child Fund Alliance, 2014). People should be empowered to make positive change in their communities and hold their governments accountable for equitable progress at national, regional and local levels. The United Nations University Institute for Advanced Study of Sustainability (UNU IAS) stresses that all must be included in the opportunities for development, and the knowledge of all must be valued (UN University – Institute for the Advanced Study of Sustainability, 2014).

Sri Lankan Prime Minister Rajakpasa advises that human rights should be seen as a moral and ethical concept rather than as a political tool. External intervention without adequate consideration of the structures in a society and cultural traditions of the countries where such intervention takes place inevitably results in destabilisation, which is very much in evidence today, in most parts of the world (Rajakpasa, 2014).

There is a need to move from capital-based development to people-focused development, according to Vaca, the Social Development Minister of Ecuador. Her government is focusing on equality and equity. Larsen from the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and de Monthoux, CEO, SOS Children’s Villages Denmark, are both targeting inequality with a focus on children and young people. Woodroffe et al. (2014), writing on The Gender and Development Network (GADN), would like to see more emphasis on women’s human rights and object to the qualifying phrase of ‘as nationally appropriate’ when applied to sharing household duties.

Summary

There was a strong focus on the positive effects of girls’ education on development and social change when the MDGs were promoted in 2000 by the UN. Fired with zeal, the countries of the Global North tried to impose their ideas of education on the ‘deprived’ South. Pointed lessons have been learned: the local culture, society and religions have treasured values and needs of their own and, as 2015 approaches, voices at grassroots and at South government levels are demanding to be heard. Education itself has encountered obstacles, with the ability to provide quality and relevant learning being compromised. Girls’ education, in particular, has often been in conflict with social and religious norms. Measurements of success have been confined to quantitative achievements with no collection of qualitative data. Many governments are now reflecting on results and activating educational reforms.

The post-2015 Outcome Document, with 17 goals, was released in July 2014 after wide consultation, and further comments are invited from all levels of the community. The Document no longer presents girls’ education as being the saviour of the world. There is still an emphasis on equality, human rights and freedom, with the addition of sustainability – of political, social and environmental concerns – as a new focus. There are many thousands of NGOs and community organisations working to re-align themselves and learn from mistakes made – as well as from successful projects. The attitude that the North has all the answers is no longer prevalent. When all countries can feel respected and their values and abilities acknowledged – within the bounds of human rights – better and more sustainable progress will be made.

Footnotes

Declaration of conflicting interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Shirley Anne Porter taught mathematics at secondary school for fifteen years, and have been teaching mathematics at Bay of Plenty Polytechnic in New Zealand since 2000. She have received three teaching awards since being at the Polytechnic. She completed my Masters degree with first class honours specialising in Global Education in 2015.

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