Abstract
Despite a growing body of literature on child sexually abusive materials (CSAM) in Portugal, this investigation is the first to examine the evolution of this form of crime over a decade and create a profile of people who have committed sexual offences in Portugal, specifically collecting demographic characteristics of those who have committed sexual offences, victims’ characteristics, characteristics of the offence and measures applied. This study collected data about 294 people who have committed sexual offences, mostly males (99%) aged between 16 and 77. Most perpetrators (73.5%) reported more than one victim, who tended to be women (80%) and of different ages (84.4%). Regarding the characteristics of the offence, most of them had image files (98.2%) and accessed the content through the Internet (62.2%). Still, there was a minority of people who had committed sexual offences that interacted with the victims in person (15.5%) or tried to establish face-to-face contact using social networks (20.4%). Most people who have committed sexual offences were arrested for only one offence (69.4%), and many subjects had no criminal history prior to the conviction for their current offence. Nevertheless, 6.5% had a previous record for the same type of crime. More than half of the people who have committed sexual offences whose data were collected are awaiting sentences (57.7%). The implications of these findings are discussed, along with important directions for targeted prevention strategies and robust legal frameworks to address CSAM.
Introduction
In Portugal, there is a crime identified as child pornography, according to article no. 176 of the Penal Code, and it concerns all material which, for sexual purposes, depicts minors engaged in real or simulated sexually explicit behaviour, or contains any representation of their sexual organs or any other part of their body (Law Decree no. 40/2020 of 18 August). The emergence and involvement of CSAM came long before the emergence of the internet (Wall, 2007). However, technological developments have increased the availability and accessibility of CSAM, which is directly related to the increase in this crime in recent years (Brennan, 2012). The Internet Watch Foundation (IWF, 2023) reports highlight the scale of CSAM available on legitimate websites, including pornography platforms. Research into online sexual offending normally focuses on individuals who use the internet and adjacent platforms to access, distribute, and produce CSAM (Babchishin et al., 2010; Seto et al., 2012).
Given that most CSAM crimes are committed online (Henshaw et al., 2015), it makes sense that people who have committed sexual offences are referred to based on this definition. One of the concerns with this method of offending is the difficulty in representing these people who have only committed online sexual offences, versus those who sexually abuse directly, without resorting to any offline platform. However, there is insufficient information to understand the extent to which the internet is not used merely as a means of facilitating this crime (Seto and Karl Hanson, 2011).
In a study by Steely et al. (2018), based on 25 interviews of people who have committed sexual offences from a southern state in the USA, the motivations and circumstances behind the initiation and continuation of underage pornography consumption were distinguished and described as curiosity, exposure by accident, attraction to child innocence/inexperience, and thrill in risk-taking. Attraction and adrenaline were the main motivations for initiating and maintaining the consumption of CSAM in this sample.
People who are involved in the offence of CSAM can be classified into three categories, namely people who have committed online offences, people who have committed contact offences, and people who have committed dual offences. People who have committed online offences limit themselves to the material available online, with no interest in meeting the child in the offline world. In opposition, people who have committed contact offences are those who favour physical contact with the minor. Finally, people who have committed dual offences assault the child in the online world, not only to acquire sexual content, but also to identify potential victims and ultimately achieve encounters that result in sexual abuse (Briggs et al., 2010; Ly et al., 2018; Paulino et al., 2020; Rogers et al., 2021). People who have committed online offences can be characterised as having an interest in fantasising about children, but with little interest in meeting one in the real world (Rogers et al., 2021). This has been explained as they display low levels of aggression or hostility (Magaletta et al., 2012) and exhibit greater levels of empathy towards the victim (Steely et al., 2018). Other studies (Ly et al., 2018; Magaletta et al., 2012; Merdian et al., 2016; Rogers et al., 2021; Steely et al., 2018) show that these groups often experience socio-affective deficits (Magaletta et al., 2012) and present higher levels of anxiety and depression-related problems, lower levels of self-esteem and stronger feelings of being emotionally alone (Henry et al., 2010; Steel et al., 2023). They also register fewer criminal records and are typically educated individuals (Ly et al., 2018; Magaletta et al., 2012; Merdian et al., 2016; Rogers et al., 2021; Steely et al., 2018; Steel et al., 2023). Compared to people who have committed contact offences, people who have committed online offences exhibit antisocial tendencies, including sexually deviant interests and paedophilic interests (Babchishin et al., 2010; Seto et al., 2006). However, they tend to display high levels of self-control compared to contact offenders, which prevents them from acting on their sexual impulses (Babchishin et al., 2015; Elliott et al., 2009).
In turn, people who have committed contact offences are more likely to engage in sexually deviant behaviours, such as talking to minors with the intention of sending them pornographic content, talking about their sexual interests, and therefore attempting face-to-face contact with the child (McCarthy, 2010). This type of pornographer is also characterised by exhibiting more cognitive distortions, such as believing that engaging in sexual behaviours is not harmful to children, and manipulative behaviours compared to online offenders (Ly et al., 2018). In addition, people who have committed contact offences often experience difficulties as adolescents, such as school misconduct or family problems (Babchishin et al., 2015; Elliott et al., 2009) and are more prone to substance abuse as adults (Babchishin et al., 2015). People who have committed contact offences, compared to the other groups, show higher levels of recidivism for sexual offences (McCarthy, 2010).
Finally, people who have committed dual offences are characterised by sharing motivations with the other two groups (Rogers et al., 2021), oscillating between consuming CSAM, satisfying their sexual fantasies with children, and perpetrating sexual abuse. This group exhibit more online predatory behaviours (e.g. sexual grooming) to identify potential victims and to contact networks of people who consume CSAM to share and receive information about them (Rogers et al., 2021). Babchishin and colleagues (2015), through a meta-analysis study with most samples from countries such as the USA, Canada, and the UK, but also single samples from countries such as Australia, France, Germany, New Zealand, Switzerland, and the Netherlands, found that people who have committed dual offences exhibit more antisocial traits and paraphilic interests. Compared to people who have committed online offences, the group who have committed dual offences collect and prefer images of young children (McManus et al., 2014).
Despite the summarised typology, there is, for Henshaw et al. (2018), no single pattern of offending or offender to commit the crime of CSAM. This argument confers the heterogeneity of this group, with a wide variety of motivations and behaviours associated with offending patterns (Alexy et al., 2005; Aslan, 2011; Henry et al., 2010; Krone, 2004; Merdian et al., 2013; O’Connor, 2005; Sullivan and Beech, 2003). However, research shows that people involved in the offence of CSAM share sociodemographic characteristics, such as being mostly male, Caucasian, employed and educated, and aged between 30 and 40 years (Bourke and Hernandez, 2008; Merdian et al., 2009; Motivans and Kyckelhahn, 2007; O’Brien and Webster, 2007; Seto et al., 2010a, 2010b; Steel et al., 2023; Wakeling et al., 2011).
One of the above-mentioned concerns refers to the importance of focusing on the tendency of the people who consume CSAM to commit or come to establish sexual contact with a child (Eke et al., 2011).
The risk factors associated with this type of contact generally rest on two dimensions, namely antisocial traits (personality, behaviours, attitudes, and beliefs) and atypical sexual interests (i.e. that reflect paraphilic interests) (Seto and Eke, 2015).
These differences, related to people who have committed offences’ types and characteristics, have an important implication in recidivism rates and in the escalation to more serious offences (Rogers et al., 2021). For example, Elliott et al. study (2019) shows that, in a sample of 584 people involved in the offence of CSAM from the United Kingdom (84.6%), 106 people who have committed dual offences (15.4%), after an average follow-up time of 13 years, recidivism rates were 24.8% for pornography use and 12.6% for sexual offences. Only 2.6% of the CSAM consumer group was convicted of a sexual contact offence, as opposed to 9.4% of the group of people who have committed dual offences. With this, there is a need for a more hybrid model, based on observation of the offence individuality (e.g. reality, personality, demographic characteristics, among others) to assess the risk of reoffending or committing a crime by the people who have committed sexual offences (Rogers et al., 2021).
It is possible to state that child pornographers fall within a heterogeneous subgroup of people who have committed sexual offences with different motivations and modus operandi (Aslan, 2011; Merdian et al., 2013; Babchishin et al., 2015). These distinctions are relevant for expert assessments in forensic psychology. This knowledge may be useful, for example, in deciding whether to revoke pre-trial detention, in determining the perpetrator's guilt, and in determining to sentence.
Relevance of the study
The main motivation to develop this research project stems from the practice of psychological assessment in clinical settings and the justice of researchers to contribute evidence-based knowledge on a topic of relevance for a current society that is increasingly digital.
Studying the evolution of CSAM in Portugal contributes to the criminology and forensic psychology areas, such as understanding the impact of CSAM on victims, and is crucial to analyse the psychological, emotional, and physical effects, in the short and long term, so that interventions can be designed to meet their needs (Ali et al., 2021).
Although most countries already have legislation protecting children, the virtual world has no boundaries, and it is up to each country to apply its law (Rodrigues and Silva, 2011). The emergence of the use of social and encrypted internet platforms by people who have committed sexual offences creates invisible barriers and makes it challenging to track factors such as the distribution, creation, possession, and receipt of content of a sexual nature from children (Beech et al., 2008; Burke et al., 2002; Cooper, 2002; O'Connell, 2001; Taylor and Quayle, 2003).
To effectively design legislation to combat online child exploitation, it is necessary to understand how online platforms are evolving through the study of cybercrime's evolution. Furthermore, a thorough understanding of this topic enables the updating of laws and policies to address new issues brought about by the ease and continuous development of the internet (Choi et al., 2020). A retrospective study is essential to identify and characterise specific areas of concern, such as recidivism rates and the dangers these criminals pose to the security of society over time. More broadly, through the analysis of official documents (e.g. Annual Internal Security Reports) and news sources (e.g. Polícia Judiciária – Portuguese Criminal Investigation Police), this research will contribute to a growing body of scientific knowledge by demonstrating the value of systematic analysis of specific data to trigger the better selection of pornographers’ assessment protocols through a confrontation of results.
Besides that, this study about CSAM in Portugal enhances the possibility of helping law enforcement agencies to adapt their investigative techniques and strategies. Understanding how criminals operate, the online platforms they use for distribution and their methods of evasion allows law enforcement to develop proactive measures to identify and detain criminals.
Objective
This study aims to analyse the evolution of CSAM crime in Portugal over the past decade. It focuses on analysing socio-demographic characteristics, identifying modus operandi, exploring victims’ socio-demographic characteristics, understanding the age range of children at higher risk, analysing coercive measures, understanding contact methods, and identifying criminal records. By collecting this data, it is believed that it will be possible not only to describe and analyse the evolution of the CSAM crime typology in Portugal, but also to open new doors, so that the same can be done in other countries to create a better selection of pornographers’ assessment protocols.
Method
Sample (N = 294)
The sample for this study was chosen intentionally, consisting of pre-existing data from official documents (e.g. Polícia Judiciária, Annual Internal Security Reports) concerning individuals convicted and charged with the crime of child pornography according to Portuguese law. To collect the data, keywords were used in the search bar, such as ‘child pornography’, ‘Portugal’, ‘police judiciary’, and ‘crime’, with a search interval of 10 years (2011–2021) on the official online news platforms and the police organisation responsible for criminal investigation in Portugal.
The inclusion criterion was the presence of references to child pornography on the official website of the Polícia Judiciária, and the presence of the keyword ‘child pornography’ on other news sources, thus allowing the identification of relevant characteristics of the criminal offence under investigation (i.e. time and place). The exclusion criterion was the reference to cases of sexual crimes, wherein no specific mentions were made of child pornography.
In this paper, we deliberately adopt the term CSAM for the sake of clarity and conceptual precision. However, institutional websites, earlier legal frameworks, and search algorithms often employ the term ‘child pornography’. In such instances, we retain that terminology when describing dataset sources or search protocols, while carefully contextualising it to reflect the current understanding of such content as abusive and inherently non-consensual.
This terminological shift reframes the material as unequivocal evidence of sexual abuse. Referring to such content as ‘pornography’ risks normalising and diminishing the seriousness of child sexual abuse, inadvertently suggesting consent where none is possible, and thereby undermining child protection efforts (Internet Watch Foundation, 2025). The preference for the term CSAM is supported by multiple child protection organisations and international frameworks. This shift in terminology is also endorsed in the Luxembourg Guidelines (ECPAT International, 2016), an international consensus document recommending the adoption of CSAM to ensure consistency and clarity in policy, research, and practice.
Informed consent was, therefore, not needed for the present investigation, since there were no participants, but rather the collection of public information from open sources. However, the study was approved by the Ethics Board of the Universidade Autónoma of Lisbon, in accordance with Parecer 16/2022. The study was conducted in accordance with the local legislation and institutional requirements.
Instruments
To carry out this research, the authors developed a research matrix, which aimed to systematise information regarding sociodemographic data of people who have committed sexual offences and victims, as well as regarding criminal conduct (e.g. means used to access the victim, the existence of previous contacts), considering the literature analysed in a first moment and prior publication (Paulino et al., 2020).
Procedures
Initially, a pre-test was made with the information from a few months, and then it was adapted to obtain a more functional final matrix version (e.g. identify the variables that could be collected and others that, typically, are missing in the public information from open sources). Information on the crime of CSAM in Portugal was collected from the Policia Judiciária website, with an explicit reference to this type of crime. To better analyse the data and construct variables in Excel, extra information on the cases was collected from official news websites in Portugal. Excel was chosen for data organisation due to its user-friendly interface, accessibility, and functionalities that facilitate efficient initial data organisation and analysis. The intuitive interface and tools such as pivot tables, filters, and formulas enabled effective data manipulation and summarisation. Subsequently, a table was created with variables filled in based on the data collected, such as ‘district’, ‘city’, ‘age’, ‘gender’, ‘criminal record’, ‘number of files’, ‘coercive measures applied’, among others, between the years of 2011 and 2021. These variables were selected based on the information available in the different news reports about the pornographers represented on the Polícia Judiciária platform. All variables were organised in a database. The answers to these variables were coded according to the data collected. At the end of the data collection process, the codes for the variables were refined, and those that did not have enough data to be considered relevant were eliminated. After a careful review of the initial matrix and subsequent adjustments, the analysis of the information collected was performed using IBM SPSS Statistics 26. The different parameters corresponding to the variables created were coded (see below). Descriptive statistical measures (mean, standard deviation, minimum and maximum, absolute and relative frequencies) were used to characterise the people who have committed sexual offences. Cluster analysis was used to organise the data into groups/profiles. This method was chosen because it makes it possible to group individuals/cases into clusters based on a set of shared characteristics. It allows similar data to be grouped together to reveal underlying patterns. This helps to create profiles that represent distinct segments or groups within the sample. According to Everitt et al. (2011), the method is designed to uncover these natural groupings that can correspond to meaningful profiles. Without making assumptions about the structure of the data, researchers can discover hidden patterns in the data (Jain, 2010).
This study allowed the authors to explore the variables concerning the crime of CSAM in Portugal during the decade 2011–2021 and to gauge the socio-demographic data of the people who have committed sexual offences and victims, as well as the criminal conduct.
Limitations
There was little information available regarding the people who have committed sexual offences criminal history and developmental history, information which would be important to predict the behavioural profile of this group and to invest in preventive measures to protect potential victims. There was also missing data on the variables under study, which limited some analyses.
Results
The sample includes data from 294 people who have committed sexual offences, mostly males (99%, n = 291), aged between 16 and 77 years (M = 40.64, SD = 14.06). Most come from the North and Centre regions (55.1%, n = 162), followed by the metropolitan area of Lisbon (22.1%, n = 65). The district of Aveiro is the one which registers the most cases (13.3%, n = 39), followed by the districts of Setúbal (12.2%, n = 36) and Porto (10.9%, n = 32). Table 1 shows the socio-demographic characteristics of the group.
Socio-demographic characteristics of the people who have committed sexual offences (n = 294).
There is not enough data regarding the marital status of the perpetrators (only 12% information) or employment status (only half of the responses).
Victims’ characteristics
Most cases (73.5%, n = 216) reported more than one victim. In the remainder, only one victim (19.6%, n = 53) was reported. Only one individual reported more than 1000 victims. Information about the sex of the victims was only present in 27.2% (n = 80) of the cases. In these, most victims were female (80%, n = 64). Most perpetrators reported victims of different ages (84.4%, n = 248). In only 14% (n = 41) of the cases was the victim's age specifically between 10 and 17 years.
People who have committed sexual offences’ characteristics by the offence
Most people who have committed sexual offences were arrested for only one offence (n = 204, 69.4%), and 30.6% (n = 90) were arrested for more than one offence. In 67.7% of the cases, there was no information on the length of the offence. Of the remaining cases, 25.5% (n = 75) indicated a duration of the crime of less than 3 years, and only 6.8% (n = 20) of the crimes lasted for more than 3 years.
Regarding the criminal history, there was only information in 16.3% (n = 48) of the cases. Of these, 7.1% (n = 21) indicated no previous record, 6.5% (n = 19) had a previous record for the same type of crime, and 2.7% (n = 8) had a record for other types of crimes. Table 2 shows the type of offence committed in the order of occurrence based on the information collected.
Type of offence (in a descending order of occurrence).
Characteristics of the offence
Of the 77.2% (n = 227) of people who have committed sexual offences, the majority possessed image files (98.2%, n = 216), with fewer people who have committed sexual offences possessing video files (73.9%, n = 147, out of a total of 199 on which information is available). Data on the number of existing files is only available in 35.4% (n = 104) of the cases. Of these, 44.3% (n = 45) had more than 1000 files, 33.7% (n = 35) between 100 and 1000 files, and 23.1% (n = 24) had less than 100 files.
Close to 80% (n = 234) used computer support to access the contents, and in 62.2% (n = 173) of the cases, the Internet was used. Only in 15.5% (n = 44) of the cases was the content watched in person. In 57.1% (n = 160) of the cases, the people who have committed sexual offences used more than one way to access the contents.
Regarding the use of social media, from the 212 answers collected, 59% (n = 125) indicated not using social networks. Only 8.8% (n = 26) used Facebook, and only 1% (n = 3) used Instagram and WhatsApp. Only in 5.8% (n = 17) of cases was there a reference to using other social networks.
Many of those who used social networks created fake profiles to attract victims (n = 31, 10.5%). In addition, 20.4% of the people who have committed sexual offences attempted face-to-face contact (55 of 270 cases with this information).
Measures applied
More than half of the people who have committed sexual offences whose data were collected were awaiting enforcement measures (57.7%, n = 169). Of the remaining, 3.4% (n = 10) were subjected to daily presentations at the police station of their area of residence, 8.8% (n = 26) to weekly presentations, 2.4% (n = 7) to bi-weekly presentations and 1% (n = 3) to tri-weekly presentations before the authorities. Table 3 shows the number of occurrences per year to enable a different insight compared to most measures applied.
Number of occurrences/year.
Profile of people who have committed sexual offences
Following the analysis of the different variables represented above, a descriptive cluster analysis was carried out in which groups were made based on the similarity in response to the variables of the aggressors’ profiles.
Initially, we considered only (in order of importance in determining the cluster): the number of victims, region, age of victims, and age of people who have committed sexual offences (variables with enough cases). Three clusters were defined based on these socio-demographic characteristics: Group 1: more than one victim, belongs to the Lisbon metropolitan region, victims of various ages, average age of offender = 43.97 (SD = 13.98); Group 2: one victim, belonging mostly to the central region, victims between 10–13 years old, average age of offender = 37.62 (SD = 14.59); Group 3: more than one victim, belongs mainly to the North region, victims of various ages, average age of offender = 38.86 (SD = 13.11).
The three groups were then compared about the type of offence. There were significant differences in the following: CSAM, aggravated CSAM, child sexual abuse, rape, and possession of a prohibited weapon. These variables were therefore included in a 2nd cluster analysis: Group 1: aggravated CSAM, victims of various ages, one victim belongs to the Lisbon metropolitan area, average age of offender = 39.03 (SD = 13.91); Group 2: CSAM, sexual abuse, victims of various ages, one victim, mostly from the Central region, average age of offender = 41.11 (SD = 14.80); Group 3: pornography of minors, children of various ages, more than one victim, belong to the North region, average age of offender = 40.77 (SD = 13.69).
The individuals of these three groups were compared regarding the measures of coercion: the members of group 2 have significantly more people in pre-trial detention than groups 1 and 3 (χ2(2) = 19.46, p < .001), and more people who have committed sexual offences were forbidden to contact the victims (χ2(2) = 18.95, p < .001). The result showed no differences between the groups in the prohibition of internet access. As for the remaining measures, the number of cases does not allow us to make this analysis. Regarding the characteristics of aggression, the three new groups were compared. The results show that there were significant differences in the following: image files, computer support and face-to-face contact. These variables were included in a third cluster analysis, keeping the previous ones. However, these clusters included slightly more than half of the sample, grouping fewer individuals (n = 154): Group 1: aggravated CSAM (no CSAM), no sexual abuse, no attempt at face-to-face contact, more than one victim, use of computer support, half of them use social networks, belong mainly to the Lisbon Metropolitan Area, victims of various ages, average age of offender = 38.38 (SD = 14.76), had image files; Group 2: CSAM (no aggravated CSAM), no sexual abuse, no attempt at face-to-face contact, use of computer support, more than one victim, most don't use social networks sexual abuse, victims of various ages, one victim, mostly from the central region, average age of offender = 40.03 (SD = 14.26); Group 3: sexual abuse of children, half of them tried face-to-face contact, half computer support, and social networks, 50% with only one victim, no aggravated CSAM, children of different ages, CSAM, possessed image files, mostly from the Lisbon area (34%), average age of offender = 41.49 (SD = 16.78).
The groups were described in decreasing order of importance of the predictor variables, with age being considered as the least predictor. The individuals in these three groups were compared to the measures of coercion. The results showed that group 3 members have significantly more people in pre-trial detention than groups 1 and 2 (χ2(2) = 10.10, p = .006). There are no differences between the groups in the prohibition of internet access and contact with victims. As for the remaining measures, the number of cases does not allow for analysis.
Another difference found when comparing these groups is that there is no relationship between social media use and face-to-face contact. If only people who have committed sexual offences divided into two groups are considered – one victim or more than one victim (since there is only one person who claims to have more than 1000 and none with more than 100) – in the group with only one victim there is more pre-trial detention (χ2(1) = 4.38, p = .036), proportionally to what was expected. The results also show that there is a relationship between pre-trial detention and face-to-face contact (‘saw in person’ variable): there are more people in pre-trial detention who saw in person, relative to what was expected (χ2(1) = 8.58, p = .003). There is no relationship between the number of files and pre-trial detention (χ2(1) = 2.10, p = .348). It is not possible to verify the relationship between the number of files and criminal records or to associate pre-trial detention with criminal records (due to the number of cases).
Regarding the image files, the data are few and do not allow analysis. Regarding video files, there is no relationship with pre-trial detention (χ 2(1) = 0.95, p = .758). More people in pre-trial detention committed sexual abuse than expected (χ2(1) = 28.46, p < .001). Also, those who have committed more than one crime end up being in pre-trial detention more (χ2(1) = 14.44, p < .001).
Discussion
The general aim of this study was to analyse the evolution of the crime of CSAM in Portugal in the decade 2011–2021. The different parameters in the matrix created corresponding to the variables allowed the authors to explore the crime of CSAM during a decade in Portugal and to gauge the socio-demographic data of the people who have committed sexual offences and victims, as well as the criminal conduct.
As for the demographic characteristics of the people who have committed sexual offences and their victims, the results revealed that most of them were men, predominantly from the north and centre of Portugal, with ages ranging from adolescence to old age, which leads us to assume that CSAM can be an intergenerational crime in Portuguese society. Compared with several other studies (Bourke and Hernandez, 2008; Merdian et al., 2009; Motivans & Kyckelhahn, 2007; O'Brien and Webster, 2007; Seto et al., 2010a, 2010b; Wakeling et al., 2011; Steel et al., 2023), it shows the same results regarding the fact that most aggressors are male. Most perpetrators reported more than one victim, who tended to be women of different ages. Regarding the characteristics of the offence, most people who have committed sexual offences had image files, being smaller than the number of those who had video files. The minority of people who have committed sexual offences committed the offence in person, since most of them accessed the content through the Internet. Regarding the use of social media, the majority indicated they did not use these platforms, but of those who did many created fake profiles to attract their victims. Still, a smaller number of people who have committed sexual offences tried to establish face-to-face contact through social networks. Considering the specificities of the crimes, we can admit a potential predominance of people who have committed online offences and dual offences in Portuguese society, which highlights the need for preventive measures in the online context to identify aggressors and protect victims. Most people who have committed sexual offences were arrested for only one offence. Regarding the offender's criminal history, the information available was scarce, but most subjects had no criminal history prior to the conviction for their current offence. Still, some perpetrators had a previous record for the same type of crime or other crimes – information comparison in line with what we know about the people who have committed dual offences, which present more online predatory behaviours (e.g. sexual grooming) to identify potential victims and to contact offender networks to share and receive information about them (Rogers et al., 2021); more antisocial traits and paraphilic interests (Babchishin et al., 2015), and higher recidivism rates (Elliott et al., 2019).
Notably, the predominance of male offenders and the high percentage of cases involving multiple victims align with trends observed in other countries (Seto, 2013). However, the relatively high proportion of offenders with no prior criminal history suggests a need for targeted prevention strategies that address first-time offenders. The reduced presence of crimes in their history may also be due, in part, to the predominance of people who have committed online offences in this sample. They register fewer criminal records and are typically educated individuals (Ly et al., 2018; Magaletta et al., 2012; Merdian et al., 2016; Rogers et al., 2021; Steely et al., 2018; Steel et al., 2023). Consequently, more than half of the people who have committed sexual offences whose data were collected are awaiting enforcement measures. Of the remaining, some are subject to daily presentations at the police station of their area of residence to weekly, bi-weekly, or tri-weekly presentations before the authorities.
Research on CSAM varies across jurisdictions due to legal and ethical considerations, and data availability can differ significantly. Nevertheless, there have been reports conducted in various countries by different organisations, such as UNICEF, focusing on crime information and demographic characteristics related to CSAM. According to the Internet Association of Internet Hotlines (INHOPE Association) (2021), an organisation with international organisation partners, such as INTERPOL, to tackle child sexual exploitation material, in 2021 reported around 911,000 URLs in the European Union (EU), of which 443,000 were confirmed as having illegal content. In that same report, it was concluded that most of the children represented in the videos and/or images were 96% female, with the highest incidence, about 81%, in children between 3 and 13 years of age, which is in line with the results obtained in this study. One of the main sources of dissemination of this content, about 31%, was the most diverse websites with easy access on the internet (INHOPE Association, 2021). It should also be noted that in the year 2021, in the EU, only 84% of cases confirmed as illegal content were reported to law enforcement, as these are influenced by the law procedures of each country. In the number of URLs cases reported in 2021 in the EU, Portugal has only 1.87% of these sources, with the Netherlands leading with 34.41% of cases reported online, followed by the United Kingdom (UK) with 28.68% (INHOPE Association, 2021). Other statistical data to note from the UK, with special attention to the police files of the crime of sexual grooming, where 6495 cases were registered, the highest number in the last decade (Office for National Statistics, 2021).
The problem with the term ‘child pornography’ is that it fails to describe the true nature of the material that is portrayed and discredits the seriousness of this abuse from a child's perspective (INHOPE, 2021). The regulatory debates surrounding CSAM are multifaceted and often centre on the balance between protecting children and the principles of freedom of expression, privacy, the regulation of online content and the definition and classification of CSAM, especially in terms of distinguishing which simulated depictions of minors represent illegal content (Akdeniz, 1997; Berghofer & Sell, 2015).
The EU is trying to establish a strategy to regulate the levels of defence against cyber-attacks that aims to criminalise these offences, such as CSAM and online objectionable content (Carvalho et al., 2020) and encourage a way to improve cyber security through international data sharing.
When creating or improving information-gathering practices, worldwide guidelines can be used as references and recommendations for future adaptation. These rules serve as a foundation for coordinating data-gathering initiatives, assuring ethical concerns, and fostering comparability across various nations and areas. It is significant to highlight that, depending on the precise context and goal of information collecting, recommendations may differ in scope, focus, and application (UNODC, 2022). One of the systems used internationally by UNICEF is Multiple Systems Estimation (MSE) to access platforms with documented victim statistics collected by law enforcement agencies, prosecutors and private sector organisations aiding victims in the first instance, which realistically gives an estimate of the number of victims of human trafficking, in this case of CSAM.
CSAM is often a transnational crime, involving networks operating in several jurisdictions. Regulatory debates focus on the need for international cooperation and harmonisation of laws and law enforcement efforts to effectively combat cross-border exploitation (Witting, 2021). The implications of these findings are significant for both policy and practice due to the need for enhanced internet monitoring and regulation to prevent the dissemination of CSAM.
The estimates are thus more relevant for strategic objectives, such as setting new targets for more hidden victim groups, such as children, because they can be distinguished between victim categories (UNODC, 2022). The matrix of this study relies on the systematisation of information on the socio-demographic data of people who have committed sexual offences and victims, as well as criminal conduct. This can be a positive point and should be invested in the future in other countries to organise and create more practical and realistic methods for offering help to the victim and profiling people who have committed sexual offences according to each country's legislation on CSAM. When considering the adaptation of international guidelines, it is also recommended to consult with relevant stakeholders, such as law enforcement agencies, child protection organisations, and research institutions, to ensure their appropriateness and applicability within the specific national or regional context (UNODC, 2022).
Implications and future directions
The findings of this study provide valuable insights into the characteristics of individuals who commit sexual offences involving child sexually abusive materials in Portugal and highlights a need to invest in measures that tackle the online crime, given that it is the main platform for the consumption of CSAM, and, in some cases, social networks are used as a tool for online contact and consequent attempts to have contact in the real world with Portuguese victims. Given the early age of pornography consumption in Portugal and the harmful effects of this practice on the development of interpersonal relationships and a healthy sexuality (Pathmendra et al., 2023), psycho-educational measures among the younger generation are imperative to prevent the consumption of CSAM and other types of crimes.
It would be important to collect more information on people who have committed sexual offences, motivations, and personality traits, as these distinctions are relevant for expert assessments in forensic psychology (e.g. assessing psychological characteristics may be important in deciding whether to revoke pre-trial detention, in determining the perpetrator's guilt and in determining the sentence). Future research should consider comparative studies across different countries as a possible way to provide further insights into the unique aspects of CSAM across the world and inform the development of more effective prevention and intervention strategies.
The establishment of an information matrix makes it possible to prioritise the protection of the child as a victim, ensuring his or her privacy, confidentiality, and well-being through legal procedures. It also enables international cooperation between countries to combat the crime of CSAM. It facilitates the exchange of data, evidence, and information, enabling coordinated efforts to identify people who have committed sexual offences, rescue victims and dismantle transnational networks (European Parliament, 2011). The collection of information from online forms of distribution, production and consumption is of great importance to forensic psychology and agencies, as proper intelligence gathering techniques ensure that evidence is legally obtained and admissible in court (Rogers and Seigfried-Spellar, 2014). This includes gathering information about their online activities, communication patterns and other digital footprints. This information helps to profile people who have committed sexual offences, understood their behaviour, and developed effective investigative strategies (Rogers et al., 2021). By understanding the behavioural patterns and characteristics associated with different forms of aggression through more accurate and effective offender profiling, forensic psychologists can help law enforcement agencies reduce suspect lists and prioritise investigative strategies. It is crucial to identify child victims of pornography, track their exploitation and ensure appropriate support and protection. It helps forensic psychologists, child protection agencies and law enforcement to identify victims, understand the extent of their victimisation and provide the necessary support and rehabilitation services (UNICEF, 2021). The information gathered on CSAM can also be used to develop intelligence for proactive prevention strategies. Analysis of patterns, trends and characteristics of CSAM offences helps to identify high-risk individuals, networks, and emerging threats. This information guides prevention efforts, including targeted investigations, raising awareness among the community, parents, and educators, and designing effective prevention and education programmes (UNODC, 2022).
Footnotes
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Declaration of conflicting interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.