Navigating complex spaces: experiences of Māori working for the Crown in Aotearoa

Abstract

Historically, settler states such as the USA, Canada, Australia and Aotearoa New Zealand (Aotearoa) have used government directives to entrench colonisation, producing long-lasting effects that marginalise Indigenous peoples. In Aotearoa, Māori (Indigenous peoples of New Zealand) have a sustained history of resisting colonisation, including pushing for change within the public sector. This article explores how Māori staff in a Crown agency navigate the complexities of working for the Crown. Drawing on narratives shared during a hui-a-kaupapa (open discussion), key themes emerged: the tension of working for the man, the centrality of cultural identity, experiences of turmoil and trauma, strategies for negotiating power dynamics and aspirations for tino rangatiratanga (self-determination). Despite shifting political landscapes, the imperative remains to uphold Te Tiriti o Waitangi and advance Māori aspirations. This requires centring Māori voices, embedding cultural competence and safety, and addressing systemic injustices to create a public sector that upholds Te Tiriti o Waitangi.

Introduction

In 1835, He Whakaputanga o te Rangatiratanga o Nū Tīreni (The Declaration of Independence) affirmed Māori (Indigenous peoples of New Zealand) sovereignty, and secured recognition within the western diplomatic community (Sadler, 2015). Later, Māori negotiated Te Tiriti o Waitangi (Te Tiriti), a peacetime treaty with the British that reaffirmed Māori tino rangatiratanga (self-determination), granted the British limited kāwanatanga (governorship) over immigrant population, and promised ōritetanga (equitable) citizenship rights, including religious and cultural freedoms (Healy et al., 2012). Despite policy rhetoric since the 1970s affirming its importance, successive governments have misinterpreted, marginalised and breached Te Tiriti for nearly 200 years (Waitangi Tribunal, 1986, 1999, 2019).

The Hunn (1961) report highlighted systemic social and economic inequities between Māori and other New Zealanders. Subsequent reports exposed colonialism and institutional racism within the public sector (Berridge et al., 1984; Jackson, 1988; Ministerial Advisory Committee on a Māori Perspective for the Department of Social Welfare, 1988). Although the government is meant to serve all New Zealanders, Waitangi Tribunal (2019, 2021) reports continue to reveal failures in areas such as education, military veterans’ treatment, housing, social services, environmental management and health.

Māori have consistently resisted colonisation and assimilation (A. Harris, 2004; Walker, 1990). This has taken the form of deputations to the Royal family in England, petitions, non-violent direct action as at Parihaka, hīkoi (marches), land occupations such as at Takaparawhau, and warfare. The growth of Kura Kaupapa Māori (schools grounded in Māori philosophies and values) reflects this resistance within the education system, a key site of assimilation (Walker, 2016). Despite this movement, Māori continue to experience historical trauma due to intergenerational inequities, socio-economic disadvantage and colonial oppression (Moewaka Barnes & McCreanor, 2019; Thom, 2022).

Since the imposition of the settler government in Aotearoa, Māori have worked at every level of the public service for both career progression and to advance Māori aspirations. O’Sullivan (2007) has noted Māori are a legitimate and integral part of the Crown but little has been published about the experiences of Māori Crown officials working in the public sector and how this complex space is navigated. This article addresses this gap in the literature and provides insight into the ways Māori Crown officials express tino rangatiratanga within the context of the public sector and perhaps more importantly, as tangata whenua (Indigenous people of the land) in Aotearoa. For the purposes of this article, we define Crown officials as those that work within the public sector in Aotearoa. We also assume Māori have tino rangatiratanga both inside and outside of the Crown.

The Crown is a complex system. Te Arawhiti (Office for Māori Crown Relations) has a formal role in fostering strong ongoing and effective relationships with Māori across Government, while Te Puni Kōkiri (The Ministry for Māori development) is the government’s principal policy advisor on Māori well-being and development. Te Kawa Mataaho (The Public Service Commission) administers the code of conduct to ensure the practice of Crown officials is fair, impartial, responsible and trustworthy. These guidelines ensure the integrity of the public service and enable a seamless transition of the administration of government regardless of which political party, or parties – in a coalition government, hold power. Political neutrality is an important guiding principle of public service (Eichbaum, 2023). Officials enjoy all the rights and freedoms of other workers to have safe workplaces free of discrimination. Te Kawa Mataaho standards of integrity and conduct (New Zealand Government, 2007) have potential implications for Māori working in the public sector. All Crown officials are required to disclose interests that could be in conflict with their particular role. Depending on that disclosure, officials may be excluded from discussing or voting in meetings on certain matters. Crown officials must also carry out the work of the department or Crown entity without being influenced or affected by their personal beliefs. This creates particular challenges for Māori officials whose worldviews can be vastly different to those of the Crown.

Being an Indigenous Crown official

There is a paucity of contemporary academic literature on the experiences of Indigenous people working in government organisations, particularly in colonial jurisdictions. Some Indigenous peoples worldwide have been making strides in being represented within their public sectors, where their unique perspectives and cultural insights offer valuable contributions (Althaus & O’Faircheallaigh, 2022). For example, Māori comprise 16.4 per cent of the public service workforce, compared with 17.3 per cent of the total population and are under-represented in higher paid leadership positions, in comparison to their European counterparts (Te Kawa Mataaho, 2024).

In Australia, there are considerably lower levels of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people in the public service than their proportion of the total population (Australian National Audit Office, 2014). Further, Topp et al. (2022) noted that Australian Indigenous officials were working within a ‘system where racism is built into, and amplified by, formal and informal rules at all levels’ (p. 2951). They noted the gap between Crown rhetoric about the treatment of officials and the reality of the workers’ experiences. Mudaliar (2003) has documented the practice of the Queensland state government during the 1800s through to the 1970s taking direct control of Indigenous workers’ wages. Through that period she found over AU $500 million of Indigenous officials’ wages misappropriated into general government funding.

Asey (2022) explored the experiences of non-White and Indigenous employees within the Canadian public service. Participants described physical, emotional and familial impacts that were not present prior to employment, which developed during their work in the sector. Of concern were the ways in which complaints were often inappropriately managed resulting in a lack of faith in the organisation. The psycho-emotional toll was described as a lack of self-esteem, low self-confidence, poor mental health and a deepening emotional sadness.

Indigenous employees in the public sector bring a wealth of traditional knowledge, language skills and a deep understanding of community needs to their roles, enhancing decision-making processes and policy development. The presence of Indigenous people helps promote cultural sensitivity within government institutions, fostering greater understanding and collaboration with Indigenous communities. Such diversity not only enriches organisational cultures but also leads to more effective governance and better outcomes for all people (Kukutai & Taylor, 2016).

Being a Crown official with Māori whakapapa

The lack of published evidence prompted the research team to examine the unpublished literature within the university and hui-a-kaupapa (open discussion) research commons across Aotearoa from (2012–2022). Several theses were identified which explored aspects of being a Crown official with Māori whakapapa (ancestry).

Bean (2018) interviewed staff in Te Puni Kōkiri, and participants described that: “you must be fully aware of what you say and how you say it impacts on others. In some cases, even your presence within a space raises eyebrows and tension” (p. 108). Furthermore, the expectations that non-Māori employees had of their Māori colleagues was poor: “as Māori working for the Crown, you are perceived to be different to others, and managers and colleagues have different and, in many cases, low expectations of you” (Bean, 2018, p. 110). This quote indicates that non-Māori feel that they have the right to judge Māori, and to question their ability to positively contribute. Māori are made to feel different; and to gain credibility must adapt and behave in a more Pākehā (White settlers) way.

Kohere (2022) interviewed personnel from the New Zealand Defence Force who alluded to Māori having to carry the load of their people and be seen to be good Māori: “These demands are emotional labour that Māori have to carry, compensating for the deficits from colonisation that are entirely out of their control” (p. 79).

Several examples of this were described by Kohere (2022); for instance, the need to incorporate cultural elements such as karakia (prayer), and haka (dance) into formal proceedings: “It is usual for Māori to be assumed that they are the expert in their own culture when this is not a reality for many due to the ongoing process and effects of colonisation” (p. 81).

Tipene (2017) indicated similar issues, in that employment contracts and job descriptions are often written from a western perspective and may lead to Māori employees having to be inventive and modify their practice to safeguard their authenticity: “[Māori are] Doing Whatever it Takes is . . . having the ability to navigate the perceived boundaries of their roles and working around these to get the best outcomes for Māori while not compromising who they are” (p. 42, emphasis added).

Methodology

A hui-a-kaupapa was conducted as part of a larger research project (Came et al., 2022) aiming to reimagine antiracism theory for the health sector. A hui-a-kaupapa is a face to face gathering that creates a space to hear and share different points of view and perspectives on a particular subject. The values of tika (what is right), pono (what is just) and aroha (generosity of spirit, compassion) are held throughout the hui (meeting) process. The impact of experiencing racism for participants involved in this hui required facilitators to unpack examples to gain an understanding of the interpersonal and institutional dynamics at play.

We took a practical kaupapa Māori (Māori philosophy) approach using action research methods to hui-a-kaupapa with Māori Crown officials to develop, apply and test a reimagined theory of anti-racism in a health setting. The key focus of the hui-a-kaupapa was to explore and validate the experiences of Māori working for the Crown and identify what it would look and feel like to work in an environment which upheld tino rangatiratanga.

Freire’s (2000) work on conscientization and critical pedagogy is influential in the field of antiracism. He describes co-intentional processes through which the descendants of the coloniser and colonised have different roles and unique and complementary contributions to bring to decolonisation. We drew on critiques of Freire which call for material change rather than changes in rhetoric. Using this framework, we located the project within a Māori-centred design. This is consistent with the Matike Mai (an independent working group on constitutional transformation) model (Matike Mai Aotearoa, 2016) with the wider study situated in the relational sphere between tino rangatiratanga and kāwanatanga approaches. Kaitiakitanga (guardianship) over the study was achieved through a Māori Kaitiaki Rōpū (a guardianship group), which also supported māhaki (respect and humility).

This particular component of the study is situated in the kāwanatanga sphere of Matike Mai. We proceed with the assumption that the Crown, due to their Te Tiriti responsibilities, must serve all citizens with particular consideration of the needs and aspirations of Māori. Māori often choose to work for the Crown as an act of service to advance Māori aspirations as an expression of their tino rangatiratanga. We maintain Māori have tino rangatiratanga both inside and outside the Crown, through the expressions of tino rangatiratanga may manifest differently in those different domains (O’Sullivan, 2007). Moana Jackson consistently argued that it is culturally impossible for Māori to surrender their tino rangatiratanga.

The hui-a-kaupapa held in the National Library, coinciding with an exhibition on Te Tiriti and the Women’s suffrage movement, was a deeply significant event for all involved. The juxtaposition of exploring tino rangatiratanga in the presence of the original Te Tiriti document added a spiritual dimension to the proceedings, which was acknowledged and appreciated by participants. Eleven Māori interns, junior, subject matter experts, senior and experienced public servant staff members, across a Crown agency took part in the hui-a-kaupapa, reflecting a workforce where Māori representation stood at 5 per cent. This agency’s decision to engage in the research stemmed from a recognition of their lacking Māori cultural emphasis and values in the workplace. While the Crown agency aimed for Māori health equity, it remained an unrealised goal, with many individuals only beginning their journeys towards understanding their cultural identity and obligations as Te Tiriti partners. The hui-a-kaupapa was facilitated by a Māori researcher, with support from a Tāngata Tiriti researcher. This collaboration symbolised the shared responsibility and partnership inherent in the journey towards upholding Te Tiriti. The ethical approval for the research was granted by the Auckland University of Technology Ethics Committee, ensuring the process adhered to ethical standards.

Findings

During the hui-a-kaupapa, following whakawhanaungatanga (process of establishing relationships), kaimahi Māori (Māori workers) – hereafter kaimahi – engaged in a reflective dialogue on their experiences of working for the Crown. Prompted by the facilitators, they shared their perspectives on what it means to be Māori while working within a Crown entity. This discussion was not merely verbal but also found expression in a creative exercise involving Lego blocks, where participants constructed visual representations of their visions for tino rangatiratanga within the Crown. Each creation was shared with the group, fostering a collaborative atmosphere of exchange and mutual understanding. In addition, one participant, guitar in hand, chose to express their thoughts through the composition of a waiata (song) in te reo Māori (the Māori language). Throughout the hui-a-kaupapa, kai (food) and cups of tea were passed around, nurturing a sense of community and inclusivity. As discussions unfolded, facilitated by prompts from the co-facilitators, participants delved into the enablers and barriers to achieving tino rangatiratanga within their respective roles within the Crown. This holistic approach to dialogue and expression provided a space for meaningful exploration.

Throughout the hui-a-kaupapa, participants identified five overarching themes that encapsulated their experiences as Māori working within the Crown. First, working for the man highlighted the tension between serving within institutions historically associated with colonial power structures and maintaining cultural integrity and sovereignty. Second, the importance of culture identity in service emphasised the importance of culture in guiding roles and responsibilities within the public sector. Third, experiences of turmoil and trauma acknowledged the historical and ongoing impacts of colonisation on Māori, influencing Māori experiences and interactions within the workplace. Fourth, strategies for navigating power dynamics underscored the strategies and resources employed by kaimahi to navigate complex power dynamics and advocate for Indigenous perspectives within their respective roles. While envisioning tino rangatiratanga involved staying focused on the kaupapa (purpose).

It was acknowledged that these themes would vary across organisations, reflecting diverse experiences and contexts within Crown agencies. Participants emphasised the importance of speaking from their own lived experiences, recognising the nuances and complexities inherent in their roles within this particular Crown institution. Through open dialogue and shared reflections, the hui-a-kaupapa provided a platform for mutual understanding and collective exploration of the challenges and opportunities faced by kaimahi in the public sector.

Working for the man

Working for the man is slang for working for someone or an agency that is controlling or authoritarian, potentially like a Crown entity or agency. Kaimahi during the hui-a-kaupapa spoke extensively of the complexity of the layers of being a public servant. Working for the Crown requires Māori to wear and manage multiple hats and responsibilities. There were at times tensions between being a loyal public servant, holding the company line, and the desire to serve whānau (family), hapū (sub-tribe) and iwi (tribe).

One of the kaimahi engaged with Milne’s (2017) education research about navigating White spaces shared how this metaphor resonated with them:

Being Māori, you have to fit within the organisation . . . you have to colour within the lines, there’s no room, you have to contain what you include. There are too many White spaces.

Job descriptions were markers of the complexity of working for the Crown. For Māori staff these covered the usual core competencies of a Crown official but also additional competencies around te reo Māori, mātauranga Māori (Māori knowledge) requirements, whānau, hapū and iwi engagement skills and expertise in Te Tiriti. The additional competencies of Māori staff were not reflected in salaries. There was a constant expectation that kaimahi would teach non-Māori Crown officials about Te Ao Māori (Māori tradition) regardless of the scope of job descriptions. This highlights the challenges of achieving tino rangatiratanga within Crown institutions, as kaimahi must constantly navigate tensions between institutional obligations and the pursuit of activities that strengthen self-determination.

The importance of culture identity in service

A period of the hui-a-kaupapa specifically addressed the question of what it was like being a Māori Crown official. This sparked an in-depth kōrero (discussion). Does it mean you are Māori first? Who gets to define that? Are we public servants because we serve the public? Or are we Māori kāwanatanga officials?

Kaimahi recognised that from a Te Tiriti perspective, it was useful to have Māori working inside the Crown pushing for responsiveness and change, but also having iwi on the outside holding the Crown to account. The standpoints were different but the kaupapa was the same:

When you are sitting at the table negotiating [Te] Tiriti settlements for the Crown, you get labelled as being a Crown official. There are expectations from both sides of the table.

Te Rōpū (the group) concluded that the Crown entity was the employer and paid one’s salary; yet kaimahi reported their motivation to work for the Crown was to serve Māori. A kaimahi spoke about the importance of mokopuna (grandchildren) and ensuring they would inherit a better world:

I understood at the time, . . . this was the Crown, and they were the other side of Te Tiriti. Over my career . . . I have grown a deeper understanding of what that means. You think you’re come in to do a job, you get there, and you realise, that . . . they system doesn’t allow you to. Ultimately you are there to serve their [the Crown’s] needs, not the needs of Māori.

Te Rōpū were clear that by working within a Crown agency they were ‘carrying the hopes and desires of our people’. They were charged with making a difference. This ongoing negotiation of identity within the Crown reflects the broader struggle for tino rangatiratanga, as kaimahi work to assert self-determination while operating within structures that often challenge their cultural authenticity and obligations to their people.

Experiences of turmoil and trauma

Some kaimahi recalled growing up surrounded by narratives of Crown wrongdoing, creating tensions when they later joined Crown agencies. When they returned home as Crown officials, it became somewhat personalised, “we were held responsible for everything the Crown has ever done across the entire public service”. Some faced challenges in being authentically Māori in these spaces, questioning whether they were being assimilated rather than effecting change:

Am I being assimilated into the organisation? You get sucked in . . . You come in as Ngāti [prefix for a tribal group] xxx, you were trying to change the system, but you become part of the system.

Kaimahi reflected on Tame Iti’s Ted Talk (TED, 2015) about mana (prestige, authority) which emphasised kanohi ki te kanohi (face-to-face engagement). However, workplace environments were often unwelcoming, with some kaimahi being questioned by tauiwi (people from overseas) colleagues: “Who are you, and what are you doing here?”

Many kaimahi experienced significant interpersonal and systemic racism:

The trauma I have experienced in this space is significant . . . At times it has been like an abusive relationship . . . I stay because of my passion for our people.

The racism was reinforced by hierarchical structures that undervalue the expertise of kaimahi, reinforcing power imbalances:

They . . . believe they are right. Even though they are not the subject matter expert . . . because they are further up the food chain than I am, their belief is more valuable than mine.

Kaimahi could see positive opportunities within their agency. They were pleased with Te Tiriti policy and its six strategic priorities. They noted it was among the strongest they had seen within the public service. But Te Rōpū remained concerned by the pace of change:

And we’ll sit here and wait, cause we waited a hundred years you know? It’s like the image of someone on a diving board. Like ready to go . . . but their feet are stuck or something.

Sometimes senior leadership would organisationally sign something off that was quite visionary but by the time the official notes were circulated, “it’s been whittled down to a few points that don’t make sense”. Other times leadership are told amazing things are happening, and “there is a disconnect and on the ground nothing is happening, we are still waiting for sign-off”.

This changeable context makes it hard to dream, to have aspirations; not being at the strategic table, kaimahi were immersed in operational matters:

Because my toxic partner is telling me, there ain ’t no dreaming. I am the dream! So that’s the trauma, that’s the racism.

Te Rōpū agreed if harm came from the workplace, it was the responsibility of the Crown agency to alleviate it. Kaimahi welcomed external supervision, mentors and access to traditional therapies to heal. These experiences illustrate the ongoing struggle for tino rangatiratanga, as kaimahi work to reclaim their agency within institutions that have historically marginalised Indigenous worldviews.

Strategies for navigating power dynamics

Within the room there was a great depth of experience across the public service alongside newer colleagues. From the kōrero it was clear that experiences of working for the Crown had changed over time and were gendered. Newer female kaimahi spoke of following an intellectual and strategic pathway built by Māori within the public service. Over time, their collective toolbox had expanded.

Kaimahi saw pathways forward:

I can change the way I approach something. The way I see the world. And change how I energetically invest in me, in my time and space, and what is it that I can contribute collectively . . . I’m a mum that has four children. I’m going to start my masters, lots of different things are happening.

Because rangatiratanga is about self-leadership, self-advocacy, self-mastery, it’s about emotional intelligence, it’s about uniqueness and authenticity. Because for me, that’s the concept that allows me to navigate my uniqueness, even though I’m Māori and collective.

Te Tiriti was seen as a strong enabler for change within the Crown and was often included in the legislation that enabled Crown agencies and entities. Structural mechanisms to address kāwanatanga include dedicated 50 per cent Māori representation on governance bodies and advisory groups. The appointment of Māori senior leaders, capability programmes to build capacity and the magic of waiata and Te Rōpū changing the soundscape of a building. Kaimahi talked about the importance of transparency and monitoring progress:

Sunlight is the best disinfectant, but it also provides richness and clarity into organisations.

Kaimahi saw leverage points across the public service, such as procurement policy, doing culture change through normalising waiata, using the Māori name of the organisation. Wairuatanga (spirituality) was identified as a component that invites people to change behaviour. One kaimahi shared their learning from Matua Moana Jackson:

They might not know your name, they might not know what you look like, if I can feel you – that you’ve been there – that is wairua.

Reconfiguring office spaces to enable collaboration and introducing artwork and native plants could enable deeper connections and shift energies in the workspace, as many kaimahi struggled to see themselves and their culture reflected within their working environment. The Māori caucus was seen as an important place of trust and a source of information. Kaimahi believed the caucus could adopt formal terms of reference and be strategically positioned to articulate the collective voice of kaimahi within the organisation. By implementing these strategies, kaimahi are actively working towards tino rangatiratanga, ensuring that Māori worldviews are embedded within Crown agencies in ways that promote self-determination and systemic transformation.

Envisioning tino rangatiratanga

The concept of tino rangatiratanga was understood by Te Rōpū as a dynamic expression that varies based on place, time and context. It embodies Māori autonomy in decision-making processes, in terms of Māori asserting authority over matters that directly impact Māori communities. Examples cited included hapū issuing rāhui (a temporary ritual prohibition) notices and the proactive Māori response during the COVID-19 pandemic, which involved implementing roadblocks and redirecting campers back to urban centres (Fitzmaurice & Bargh, 2021). Tino rangatiratanga encompasses the creation of spaces where Māori can freely express their truths, recognising the coexistence of multiple perspectives.

In their aspirations for tino rangatiratanga within Crown agencies, kaimahi envisioned an environment where Māori values and people occupy a central position. This vision prioritises the protection of the taonga (treasure), mana and wairuatanga of all unique individuals within the agency. Adequate resources would be allocated to address both technical and holistic needs, encompassing emotional, mental and environmental well-being. In addition, kaimahi advocated for the implementation of a kaitiaki plan to ensure the manaaki (support) and protection of all Māori staff. They proposed the establishment of a tuākana-teina (older-younger; more expert-less expert) mentoring system to provide continuous support and refuge from experiences of racism and exclusion.

Central to this vision is the call for leadership characterised by humility and accountability. Leaders are expected to acknowledge mistakes, engage in reflective practices and consistently uphold the values of the organisation. Drawing inspiration from the robust debates witnessed at marae (a Māori cultural complex) during whaikōrero (formal speech), kaimahi emphasised the importance of fostering environments where diverse perspectives can be openly discussed and respected:

One of the great things about being Māori – that you see at the marae all the time when whaikōrero is happening. It’s the robust debate . . . We don’t have to agree, but we can still speak our truth and put that on the table.

Practical steps towards realising tino rangatiratanga within Crown agencies include increasing the representation of Māori colleagues to better reflect community demographics. This entails implementing sound recruitment processes with checks and balances to ensure equitable representation. Kaimahi aspire to see more Māori in leadership roles and advocate for meaningful engagement with mana whenua (authority over land), such as establishing a dedicated annual paid day for Crown officials to give back to mana whenua.

Discussion

Government agencies are traditionally hierarchical and in the context of Aotearoa have a history of monoculturalism and institutional racism (Ministerial Advisory Committee on a Māori Perspective for the Department of Social Welfare, 1988). The existence of this racism is a breach of Te Tiriti. We know exposure to racism damages the health and well-being of those targeted (R. Harris et al., 2012). Since the formation of the settler government Māori have chosen to work for the Crown to serve whānau, hapū and iwi. The Crown, though often dominated by Pākehā, is a place for all citizens.

The data in this study was collected in January 2023 at the time of a Labour-led government. Labour presents itself as a centre-left party founded on the principles of democratic socialism and has a long-standing relationship with Māori, enabled through the Ratana Church (Smale, 2009). As we write up this study we are now under a conservative National-led coalition that has promised to down-size the public service, develop new treaty principles, stamp out co-governance within the public service and reduce government engagement with te reo Māori (Duff, 2023). Co-ordinated protests and other Māori-led resistance are occurring against these anti-Māori, anti-Tiriti policy developments.

The narratives shared by kaimahi during the hui-a-kaupapa have provided valuable insights into the intricate dynamics and challenges faced by Indigenous public servants working within Crown agencies worldwide (Conway et al., 2024; Faulkner & Lahn, 2019; Head, 2022). Their experiences shed light on the complexities surrounding identity, responsibilities, trauma and the aspirations for pursuing tino rangatiratanga within the bureaucratic context.

The metaphor of working for the man resonated deeply with kaimahi, encapsulating the tension between serving the Crown and fulfilling obligations to Māori communities. Despite being expected to adhere to job descriptions that emphasise Māori-specific competencies, such as te reo proficiency and engagement with whānau, hapū and iwi, the lack of corresponding recognition in terms of salary and the perpetual expectation to educate non-Māori colleagues on Māori culture highlight the imbalance inherent within the system (Milne, 2017).

The experiences of turmoil and trauma recounted by kaimahi are deeply rooted in both external perceptions and internal challenges within the Crown environment. Negative narratives surrounding the historical injustices perpetrated by the Crown against Māori communities contribute to a sense of personal responsibility among Māori public servants, often resulting in feelings of alienation and blame upon their return to their whānau (Fitzmaurice & Bargh, 2021).

Despite these challenges, kaimahi demonstrate resilience and a commitment to effecting change within Crown agencies. Kaimahi articulated a vision where mana, wairuatanga and the unique contributions of each individual are protected and nurtured (Milne, 2017). Key components of this vision include the provision of adequate resources, support structures and leadership committed to humility, reflection and genuine engagement with Māori communities (Fitzmaurice & Bargh, 2021).

This study confirmed that although protective organisational policies may be in place, racism continues to occur and is unmonitored and inappropriately addressed. Furthermore, the impact of racism negatively affected employees’ performance and thus their ability to advance professionally.

Conclusion

The journey of Māori within Aotearoa’s public sector is complex, shaped by Te Tiriti breaches, systemic inequities and ongoing resistance to colonial oppression. From the 1835 He Whakaputanga o te Rangatiratanga o Nū Tīreni to the present, Māori have navigated Crown institutions while striving to uphold cultural identities and tino rangatiratanga. Despite policy rhetoric affirming Te Tiriti and increased Indigenous representation, systemic barriers and institutional racism continue to hinder Māori self-determination.

This article highlights the experiences of kaimahi Crown officials, honouring their perspectives through qualitative research. Their insights underscore the urgent need for transformative leadership that truly upholds tino rangatiratanga. Achieving systemic change requires a sustained commitment to cultural competence, privileging Māori voices in decision-making and creating accountability structures that reflect Māori aspirations for equity and self-determination. Further exploration of these actions is essential to ensuring the public sector genuinely honours Te Tiriti and fosters meaningful change for Māori.