Abstract
This article draws on a school-based case study carried out in Scotland with 11–12-year-olds reflecting on their views and experiences of school before transitioning from primary to secondary school. Drawing on Honneth’s recognition theory, and the dimensions of love, rights and solidarity, the findings show that school was seen by children as a place of dialogue, reciprocity and recognition; the learning and knowledge activities cannot be separated from the relational and emotional aspects. When misrecognition happens, subjects’ identity and sense of self-respect can be deeply violated.
Keywords
Introduction
Schools are important spaces in-between the intimacy of family life and the public sphere, where children begin to develop a sense of wider social structures and their place within them. There has been ongoing attention paid to children’s educational outcomes and the impact that dimensions such as pupil-teacher interactions, race, gender and social class can have on children’s school performance (Gorard and Huat See, 2013). Schools have increasingly become locations for interventions aimed at tackling a variety of social issues, from inequality and racism to well-being and environmentalism (e.g. Nieto and Bode, 2018) and institutions which influence and implement the norms of ‘civilised behaviours’ (Gilliam and Gulløv, 2019). The strong links between this body of research and policy and practice are evident. Schools are not only spaces which enable children’s personal and social development, they also represent a significant investment in the transmission of social values and the development of desirable citizens (James and James, 2012).
The aim of this article is to find out how children make sense of schools and schooling in a Western context and what can be learned theoretically and methodologically from this approach. In recent decades, there has been greater acknowledgement of the need to understand children’s lives in their own terms, respecting children’s ability to speak for themselves. More studies have sought to explore aspects of schooling through the diverse perspectives and understandings of children themselves. A primary focus of this body of literature has been on questions of power and the ways in which school communities can give children ‘voice’, to express their ideas and participate in decision-making processes (Bjerke, 2011; Robinson, 2014). Other studies have focused on children’s experiences of specific aspects of their school lives, such as learning (Sandberg et al., 2017) or children’s transitions within the school system (Booth et al., 2019). However, there are surprisingly few studies that have aimed to achieve a more general understanding of children’s perspectives on what
Children’s sense of school connectedness and belonging
Chung-Do et al. (2013) describe school connectedness as referring to ‘how involved students are at their school, how academically motivated they are, how positive they feel about school, and the quality of students’ relationships with their teachers and peers’ (p. 3). The concept of school connectedness, also referred to as ‘school belonging’, recognises the value of schools as communities which should make individuals feel emotionally involved. Research has consistently shown the direct benefits of school connectedness or belonging to aspects such as academic motivation and achievement (Gorard and Huat See, 2013), mental health (Lester & Cross, 2015) and prosocial behaviours (Loukas et al., 2016). Greater school connectedness was associated with better adjustment during the transition from primary to secondary school (Lester & Cross, 2015). However, Loukas et al. (2016) have also shown that a sense of school connectedness is in decline at transition to secondary school, with direct risks for individuals’ mental health, attainment and sense of purpose.
Children’s sense of what makes schools conducive to a sense of community and individual belonging has not been explored in great depth. Research however exists on what children see as central concerns in relation to their lives at school. School work, school rules and friendship and social interaction are central aspects in children’s accounts. Alderby’s work (2003) revealed that learning and developing knowledge were generally positive experiences for children. Children value opportunities to be challenged, stretched and rewarded for achievement in school. However, there are aspects of schooling that elicit feelings of boredom and a sense of being regulated and controlled by strict time structures and rules. Thus, unsurprisingly, research has shown that children value enjoyment, variety and flexibility in their experiences of school. Kostenius (2011), in her study of children’s views on improving their schools, emphasised the value of fun activities, the need for child-friendly spaces, suitable for different activities from learning, to physical activity, to socialising or being alone. Achieving a balance between work, fun and play seems a central concern for young children.
School offers children opportunities to form and manage friendships, build social networks and develop social skills. Children place high value on social relations at school and these relationships are key to their positive views on their time in school. Studies have highlighted the significance of positive relationships with both peers and adults (Kostenius, 2011; Robinson, 2014). Similarly, pupil-teacher relationships built on care, mutual respect and trust are vital for promoting a positive learning environment. The significance of positive relationships in producing a school environment conducive to personal growth has led to research which highlights the inclusionary or exclusionary processes within the classroom and playground dynamics (Sandberg et al., 2017; Warming, 2019). School is thus a space which clearly locates children in a process of social and personal development, a process of
Research into children’s views on their school experiences highlights the value they place on opportunities for learning and development in an environment in which they feel cared for and respected. According to Kostenius (2011), a child’s dream school is a place of ‘friendship, freedom and fun’ – where children can enjoy themselves, feel involved and able to influence aspects which concern them. One’s feeling of belonging in the school has direct implications for their ability to engage in learning, but also to develop as human beings and be willing to engage in education later in life. In examining children’s understandings of what makes schools positive and supportive places, it is therefore important to explore what opportunities exist to enhance children’s school experience.
Concepts and theoretical aspects
In theorising children’s views of schools and schooling, we draw on Honneth’s theory of recognition and its application to research with children. According to Honneth (1995), the possibility of identity formation (or self-realisation) depends on an individual’s development of three modes of relating practically to oneself – self-confidence, self-respect and self-esteem. As identities are socially acquired, identity formation becomes a matter of social justice, as developing individual self-esteem and self-respect are at the foundation of individual agency. Honneth (1995) argues that these three modes of relating to oneself can only be acquired and maintained relationally, through a process of mutual recognition. This is an intersubjective process, in which one’s attitude towards oneself emerges in their encounters with another and modes of relating to self are dependent on Self-Other relationships.
In addition to the three modes of relating to one’s self, Honneth (1995) proposed a threefold conceptualisation of how intersubjective recognition works, based on the pillars of
By drawing on Honneth’s principles, we aim to contribute to the ongoing work on the value of recognition theory in analysing children’s everyday lives, as this is both a theory of individual development and a theory of social change, which can be used to interrogate any social setting (Thomas, 2012). For Honneth, human flourishing is a matter of justice, which is achieved through intersubjective recognition (Rossiter, 2014). Given the mission of schools as places of inclusion, rights and identity formation, we find the application of his work particularly relevant. While we recognise that not all schools are positive and inclusive of all children, we focus on one case where children’s inclusion and rights were seen as central to the school ethos. Others have drawn on recognition theory to examine children’s experiences in schools (Graham et al., 2017; Thomas et al., 2016) or care settings (Warming, 2016), particularly in relation to children’s well-being. With an emphasis on empowering relationships and a holistic view of becoming and development (Hakli et al., 2018), we aim to add to the evidence on children’s own accounts of schools as institutions designed to enable their social and personal development and as places of meaningful belonging.
Research methodology
This qualitative study aimed to explore children’s understandings of schools as places of learning, self-development and becoming, drawing on their memories of primary school. Sunny Hill Primary (a pseudonym) is a primary school in a deprived urban area in Scotland. At the time of the study (June 2017), children at the school were predominantly White Scottish, although the school also had some newly arrived children from migrant background, predominantly White Europeans. The school ethos was one of inclusion, equal participation and ambition, and the school staff were explicitly working towards developing a ‘rights respecting ethos’ (Robinson, 2014), by considering not just curricular expectations, but also children’s own expectations. While improving attainment was a key priority in line with the Scottish Government’s ambition to reduce the so-called ‘attainment gap’ between the lowest and highest achievers, the staff believed that providing a supportive school culture was an essential requirement for children’s successful learning and development. The school was thus consciously cultivating an environment of recognition, where children’s achievements were encouraged and celebrated.
To identify participants, we visited both Primary 7 classes to explain the project and distributed written materials about the project for children to take home to discuss with their families. From over 40 children in two Primary 7 classes, a sample of 24 volunteered to take part, with their parents’/carers’ permission. We have no way of knowing if children who did not volunteer were perhaps the ones most likely to experience misrecognition; however, we ensured children knew all were welcome to join in and could withdraw at any time and the project was presented in open terms, as being about their views of primary school. Children were interviewed in self-selected friendship pairs or groups of threes, mainly gender-based. In total, 10 girls and 14 boys took part, all aged 11–12. They were invited to talk about their first memories of school, their best and worst time at school, spaces they liked/disliked, significant people and how they thought the school had changed during their time there. We also asked them to reflect on their transition to secondary school and their feelings about this transition. The research approach was informed by ethical guidelines for researching with children (Alderson and Morrow, 2011) and followed ethical procedures at the first author’s university. We used an informal conversation-like style and aimed to let children lead the discussions. To prompt them to think of significant spaces, we used photographs of spaces in the school, such as the canteen, sports hall, a classroom, the main entrance etc. The use of visual methods recognises the multi-modal nature of children’s everyday lives and helped engage children in vivid discussions about meaningful spaces.
Once collected, the data were analysed thematically (Braun and Clarke, 2006). Initially, an overview thematic grid was produced, mapping out descriptive summaries of the issues emerging. Relevant sections of the transcripts were then assigned appropriate thematic codes and refined sub-categories emerged. We used this grid to then systematically code all transcripts. We looked for meaning in children’s accounts, then organised and mapped these meanings thematically. Our thematic analysis of the interviews revealed four main themes emerging. Since this study is based on an interpretivist paradigm, transferability of the thematic findings to other schools or cultural contexts is neither possible nor the aim of the study, although we aim to conclude with some principles on school connectedness and what helps children belong. All names used are pseudonyms.
Findings
School as a community fostering connectedness
Children spoke about the sense of belonging they felt at school, a community they were part of and which they thought they were going to miss in secondary school. A sense of emotional connection with teachers and classmates came through very strongly in interviews:
The familiarity of being classmates for years was important to children’s sense of belonging.
Children described staff members as kind and approachable and this also added to their sense of belonging. Teachers were seen as helpful and caring, from the head teacher who offered a child a cup of tea when the child was upset to playroom monitors and canteen staff they could chat to and laugh with together. They spoke of times when teachers had helped them out in mundane, but challenging situations, like understanding a Maths problem or solving a sticky friendship situation. Others remembered how teachers had made them feel ‘special’ and valued, something they might miss later on:
The school had a number of initiatives that facilitated a sense of community, such as the Playground Squad, which was about
Children valued the school because of the friendships formed, as well as the learning opportunities it provided. For some respondents, their friendships were what they thought they would remember most fondly in the years to come. Many felt this school was ‘different’ or ‘special’, because of the friendships which flourished:
These friendships continued outside the school. Children described visiting each other,
Children’s accounts of the emotional connection they felt with adults and other children in the school and how these relationships fostered a sense of belonging resonate with Honneth’s first form of recognition,
School as a social space of (mis)recognition
Children’s sense of connectedness and belonging to the school was also facilitated by the perception of the school as a social space, which welcomed them and generated feelings of inclusiveness for all. The social spaces in school were among the most valued – a special corner was
Moments like break time, lunchtime, reward time were opportunities when
Other favourite locations in the school were places where
School was spoken of as a place of recognition, being acknowledged, supported and understood by others, where you could find your friendship group and socialise with others with shared interests
However, social relationships at school did not always go smoothly. As the following excerpt from one of the interviews highlights, encountering others involves the risk of being ill-treated or ignored. In Honneth’s terms, misrecognition of one’s personal attributes and needs and the struggle for recognition have a direct impact on individuals’ self-esteem and well-being:
The risks of misrecognition became reality in certain social encounters and several children shared stories about times when they felt isolated, excluded or bullied by their peers. One of the girls, who had moved to the school from Poland, talked about being misrecognised and excluded for years from friendship groups. Similarly, relationships with teachers could also give rise to a sense of misrecognition. Children spoke about occasions in which they felt they had been unfairly disciplined, misunderstood or ignored:
School spaces can be spaces of rejection, victimisation and exclusion, where children struggle at times to get recognition. Children’s interviews showed that their past interactions had given them valuable lessons in how to relate to others and an understanding that misrecognition can happen on occasions for most or for some, on a more regular basis.
The school, its ethos and environment, play a central role in teaching pupils that all members of their community are worthy of recognition. Children articulated clearly their rights to care and respect and their responsibilities to recognise others. Unsurprisingly, many children spoke of how their experiences of being respected increased as they got older, becoming more
School as a place for learning and becoming
Learning was discussed at length, in terms of the range of topics children covered over the years and the knowledge and skills they had acquired. Children remembered stumbling blocks and how they had overcome these, like learning the times table, a long poem or scientific concepts:
In addition to learning challenges and the type of learning activities they liked (cooperative learning, learning by discovery, learning through technology use etc.), children talked about school as a place for personal growth and becoming. Many children spoke a great deal about how learning new things helps one develop:
They mentioned favourite activities in school, like podcasting or sports activities, and how these had enhanced their personal qualities:
Some reflected upon the changes they experienced over the course of their time at Sunny Hill. These changes included ways in which their personalities had developed and how teachers treated them now that they were older- the idea of respect featured highly:
Some respondents spoke about how, by building on increased self-esteem, they challenged themselves by taking on responsibilities and becoming a
The third form of recognition in Honneth’s social theory is
The sequential nature of different forms of recognition is clearest at this level. The sense of self-confidence that stems from feeling cared for and the sense of self-respect that comes from a right to human autonomy and dignity clearly underpin a person’s sense of being a valued contributor to a community. Not only this, but children also highlighted how the support they received from teachers and other staff had helped them gain confidence in their abilities. Children’s accounts showed their appreciation for the kindness, support and concern they received from particular teachers who are
As this example suggests, the risk of misrecognition at this level of school life is high. Other examples included children experiencing a sense of pressure and anxiety about their self-worth or strong personalities closing down spaces to participate for others. It is clear that some groups of children may be more likely to experience misrecognition, either because they do not conform with the school norms of a ‘good pupil’ or because of other contextual and societal structures. The important role of supportive adults and peers to be in tune with individuals’ well-being was highlighted here, as a teacher’s kindness and perseverance or a friend’s moral support could make a significant difference to an individual’s sense of recognition, hopes for future and becoming.
School as a springboard for life
Given the project involved interviewing children in the last few weeks of their primary school, it was timely to ask them to look back on their journey and reflect on the meaning of primary school. Many spoke with a sense of nostalgia over leaving Sunny Hill Primary. We asked what they’ll miss most, and answers ranged from mentioning everyday routines, like
We asked children what words they would use to describe Sunny Hill and they said:
Looking to the future, children’s feelings on moving to secondary school ranged from positive excitement:
Finally, on the meaning of school, children spoke about school as preparation for life. Many explicitly linked learning in school with achieving later on in life –
Discussion and theoretical conclusions
This ‘lookback’ study asked a group of children to reflect on their overall experience of their time in primary school. The children seemed broadly, but not uncritically, positive about their time in school. While they may not have used such terms explicitly, the ideas underlying Honneth’s concepts of ‘recognition’ and ‘misrecognition’ resonated with their experiences. Their accounts illustrated how the concepts of
Our findings also suggest the school contains many physical and social spaces beyond the classroom which are meaningful to children in deep ways. In these spaces, children encounter the satisfactions and the challenges of life beyond the gaze of adults. Children here seem broadly to endorse the ‘agenda’ of parents and teachers about school, but they also reveal a broader vision of how they see the wider purpose of school. While adults may be aware of the social nature of the school community, this aspect emerges much more centrally in children’s responses. School is an environment potentially rich in relationship opportunities with peers and sympathetic adults. However, the vein of ambiguity in children’s accounts reminds us that the world of relationships is not always uncomplicated territory. There may be harmful or hurtful experiences, misrecognition, as well as recognition. There may also be ambiguities in the formal school world, as relations with teachers and peers are not always positive.
School is widely understood as a space enacted by adults – but in reality, as this study suggests, it is arguably better seen as a set of interacting spaces co-enacted by children and adults. Our study suggests that in those parts of the school world where children may lead in enacting the social space, they bring at least some elements from the more shared and co-enacted spaces. They may be aware of values and expectations from the wider school agenda, aware of the importance of ‘boundaries’ imposed by teachers (see also Gilliam and Gulløv, 2014), even if they make clear that they are not always able to implement the ‘official’ norms and values that promote a ‘recognition-friendly’ environment. The importance of ‘fun’ is a recurring theme in children’s responses, reported as a treasured part of the daily life of school. But there is also a sense that such fun is more accessible to those children for whom recognition in its various forms is a familiar and routine experience. Our data hints at the potency of inequalities of recognition in children’s lives, and the important role of adults in efforts to reduce such inequalities.
These findings point to some clear theoretical implications in relation to the value of recognition theory in framing children’s development and learning. In recent years, researchers have started to acknowledge that recognition theory provides a valuable lens for the deeper examination of the social conditions necessary for young people’s personal development, well-being and engagement with learning (Graham et al., 2017; Rossiter, 2014; Thomas et al., 2016). Our study contributes to this body of evidence by demonstrating that self-confidence built through positive experiences of oneself as a respected and morally responsible agent and valued contributor to a community is foundational to a positive educational experience and positive identity. Our findings revealed the significant value children placed on feeling supported and cared for in school and on the sense of belonging and participation in a community. They also show the emotional labour involved in the processes of constructing belonging and achieving a sense of ontological security (see Sime, 2018) and the everyday challenges, especially for some children who might experience misrecognition more regularly, such as those who might be perceived as ‘different’ or non-conforming. The value that children placed on the forms of recognition identified by Honneth (love, rights and solidarity) undoubtedly has practical and ethical implications.
Opportunities for recognition of personal abilities, contributions and accomplishments within the school community have an important impact on children’s positive sense of self. School is where such skills and abilities can be explored, developed and nurtured. Time spent in school forms an important part of children’s biographies, providing an inter-relational space in which to discover and explore personal traits, develop skills and capacities and gain a sense of esteem that are at the heart of successful agency and self-realisation. As Dum and Guay (2017: 294) argue: ‘[s]chools teach individuals to reconcile the various kinds of normative demands that they are subject to, to assert their own identities and find those identities confirmed by others, to make their own demands on the social world’. In this sense, Honneth’s theoretical tools provide useful pillars in analysing the interplay of school-based activities and interactions and children’s identity development.
However, the use of Honneth’s theory as an all-encompassing, normative framework for securing positive outcomes in people’s lives is not without its limitations. As our study makes clear, attempts to secure norms and practices that would ensure young people’s recognition, equality and their contributions are open to contestation and will on occasions fall short. Misrecognition, non-recognition, misunderstandings and conflict are inherent features of social life. Educational institutions need to engage in thoughtful consideration of what an ethical, fair, heterogeneous approach to individual flourishing and personal well-being might look like and Honneth’s theory offers relevant concepts and a holistic framework which resonates with the interests and concerns of children. Nevertheless, it is also undeniable that children need to be given the resources, perspectives and support they need to mitigate the impact of misrecognition on individual identity formation. This requires economic and social resources from beyond the sphere of educational institutions and the development of a way of relating to oneself that is not only rooted in recognition from others.
Methodologically, the ‘lookback’ perspective provided a useful lens to see how children recall vividly incidents or moments that stand out in their school journey. In part, their accounts showed the influence of the everyday and the mundane, but there were also decisive one-off or uncommon experiences which anchored their perceptions and framed their sense of connectedness. Due to its timing, at transition from primary to secondary school, the study also revealed children’s apprehension and anticipation in relation to their future status and engagement in the new world of secondary school. It underlined the value of the two lenses used in understanding the reality of school worlds. The first is children’s retrospective reflections on their long-term school experience and anticipation of an imaginary future. The second is Honneth’s theory of recognition. We suggest that our study merits replication in other school settings and cultural contexts.
Footnotes
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank the children who shared their views and experiences, the school management team and class teachers, Dr Christina McMellon who helped with the interviews and the two anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments.
Declaration of conflicting interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.
