Sage Journals: Discover world-class research

Abstract

This article puts forth a culturally relevant practice framework that integrates components of intersectionality and strengths-based perspectives. This framework incorporates key factors of Black women’s social identities and builds on their strengths to provide a richer understanding of how depression is experienced in their lives. To arrive at this framework, we provide a brief summary of intersectionality; use a case study to examine the influence of race, class, and gender on Black women’s lived experiences with depression; and apply the framework—#BlackGirlMagic—to the case study. Lastly, future directions for practice, research, and policy are explored.

Keywords

Black women case study depression intersectionality practice framework

The extensive research on depression has provided evidence that shows depression to be the leading cause of mental illness in the United States (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention [CDCP], 2010; National Alliance on Mental Illness [NAMI], 2009a, 2009b; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2001). It is estimated that more than 15 million Americans per year will suffer from depression in their lifetime (CDCP, 2010; NAMI, 2009b). Additionally, one in eight women will contend with depression in their lifetime (CDCP, 2010; NAMI, 2009b). Studies have found depression to be the leading cause of disability in women and that women are 2 times more likely than men to experience and be diagnosed with depression (Kessler, 2003; Martin, Neighbors, & Griffith, 2013; Mazure, Keita, & Blehar, 2002; Murray & Lopez, 1996). In fact, in 1996, a World Health Organization report examining the global burden of disease found depression to be the greatest disease burden for women in comparison to other diseases (Murray & Lopez, 1996).

Despite advances in health care, an increase in the availability of mental health services, and great strides made in depression research, depression continues to be a burden for women today. Nolen-Hoeksema (2006) posited that women’s experiences with stress in relation to their social roles, sociocultural status, and adverse life experiences contribute to greater rates and burden of depression. Results from several studies support Nolen-Hoeksema’s assertion, as these studies largely indicate a positive relationship between women’s responses to stress and their exposure to stress and depression. Specifically, these various stressors are associated with traditional female roles (Mirowsky & Ross, 1989; Wilhelm, 2006), lack of social power (Nolen-Hoeksema, 2001), histories of trauma (i.e., physical and sexual abuse; Nolen-Hoeksema, 2006; Nolen-Hoeksema & Hilt, 2009; Waite & Killian, 2009), oppression (Jones & Ford, 2008), and discrimination based on race and gender (Moradi & Subich, 2003; Schulz et al., 2006; Warren, 1997; Williams, 2002). While progress has been made to address depression among women, the burden of depression remains heavy and uneven between women.

The most comprehensive and detailed study of mental disorders and mental health of Black Americans—the National Survey of American Life—found Black women (13.1%) to have a lower lifetime prevalence rate of depression than White women (19.5%; Kessler, Chiu, Demler, & Walters, 2005; Kessler et al., 1994; Robins & Reiger, 1981; Williams et al., 2007). Yet, investigations have found that Black women who suffer from depression are at increased risk for poorer health outcomes related to physical health morbidity and mortality and are more likely to have higher rates of mortality among diseases (i.e., breast cancer, heart disease, and low birth weight infants) than White women (Giscombé & Lobel, 2005; Hoyert, Heron, Murphy, & Kung, 2006; Taylor et al., 2007; Waite & Killian, 2009). Wang, Berglund, and Kessler (2000) used data from the National Survey of Midlife Development in the United States and found that Black women who suffered from depression were more likely to have a greater number of acute stressful life events (e.g., financial problems, familial relationship problems, emotional problems, and work or school problems) than women who did not suffer from depression.

Furthermore, although the bulk of depression research tends to focus on acute stressful life events as factors, more recent empirical literature suggests that Black women remain particularly vulnerable to depression due to racism, sexism, poverty, cultural socialization practices, and social health difficulties (Martin, Boadi, Fernandes, Watt, & Robinson-Wood, 2013). Williams et al. (2007) argue that once Black women have depression, they are more likely to be untreated and have more severe and disabling depression compared to White women. A. Martin et al. (2013) echo these sentiments purporting that Black women are “…often invisible, misdiagnosed, and ineptly treated” (p. 1), contributing to their more severe symptoms of depression. These assertions raise concern about the ways in which Black women function once they are depressed, as Beauboeuf-Lafontant (2005, 2007) notes that in many cases, Black women continue to function until they “break,” and as a consequence, their depression becomes more debilitating.

Over the years, social workers and other social scientists have started to affirm and integrate the effects social factors—race, class, gender, education, and discrimination—have on the mental health of Black women, specifically as it relates to their complicated positions in the United States (Copeland & Butler, 2007; Settles, 2006). The social determinants of health framework outline ways to address socially produced and systematically distributed mental health inequities and recognizes that disparities exist within the contexts of structural inequalities and limited health care for racial and ethnic minority populations (Carpenter-Song, Whitley, Lawson, Quimby, & Drake, 2011; Dahlgren & Whitehead, 2006). In fact, the social determinants of health framework provide context for understanding the ways in which social factors such as race, class, and gender influence mental health among Black women especially since they tend to fare worst on many health and mental health outcomes when compared to Whites and other minority groups (Baker, Buchanan, & Spencer, 2010; Bowen & Walton, 2015; Braveman, Egerter, & Williams, 2011; Carpenter-Song et al., 2011). Additionally, the social determinants of health framework recognize that for Black women, their race, class, gender, and their influences on identity and well-being cannot be separated (Jones & Ford, 2008; Thomas, 2004; Thomas, Witherspoon, & Speight, 2008). Exploring social factors in the context of the social determinants of health takes into account both the individual and the society in which Black women live in order to understand mental health (i.e., depression) as a unique social phenomenon among this population (Larsson, 2015). It views mental health, such as depression, as a burden and highlights how Black women’s mental health continues to lag behind that of majority populations and needs to be uniquely addressed.

There are very few culturally relevant practice frameworks that have been developed and have specifically targeted the needs of Black women (Copeland & Butler, 2007). Scholars have called for the formulation of practice frameworks that are congruent with the experiences of Black women suffering from depression and that critically address the ways in which Black women can be supported in treatment when they do seek it (Baker et al., 2010; James, 1994; Thomas, 2004; Walton, 2016). For instance, Copeland and Butler (2007) recommended the use of sociocultural frameworks that take into account Black women’s cultural backgrounds, values, and informal support systems. Similarly, Jones and Ford (2008) argued for the use of social work interventions that draw upon culturally relevant and strengths-based perspectives to treat depression in Black women. In these investigators’ study, they applied a psychosocial competence practice framework to examine the intersection and influence of oppression among depressed Black women. Jones and Ford (2008) advocate for interventions that “…identify accurately and intervene with factors that uniquely affect the women’s lives” (p. 140). Practice frameworks that take into account the sociocultural context of Black women could begin to address the inaccessibility, unavailability, and lack of effectiveness of mental health services delivered to Black women (Miranda et al., 2005; Sue, Zane, Nagayama Hall, & Berger, 2009; Walton, 2016). As a way to engage Black women in treatment, it is important to develop practice frameworks for them that legitimizes the use of their cultural values and views them as experts of their own experiences.

We posit a framework that integrates the lived experiences of Black women with depression, specifically acknowledging the reality of intersectionality. This framework includes social factors such as race, class, and gender, acknowledges the cultural context of Black women that affect their depression, and echoes the social determinants of health framework by highlighting the significance of the history and experience of racism within the United States as contributing factors in the production of mental health disparities in Black women (Williams & Williams-Morris, 2000). Furthermore, we provide a broader and culturally relevant perspective that includes the voices of Black women, allows them to redefine themselves in a positive way, encourages them to take control of how they are defined, and recognizes that they exist in a world where the complexity of their social identities is celebrated.

In presenting our framework, we first provide a brief summary of intersectionality. Second, we use a case study from our research to examine the influence race, class, and gender has on Black women’s lived experiences with depression. Third, we apply the framework—#BlackGirlMagic—to a case study, illustrating ways in which Black women are affirmed by attending to the ways that they unapologetically celebrate who they are in the midst of their struggle with depression. Lastly, suggestions for practice, research, and policy are explored.

From Intersectionality to #BlackGirlMagic

Intersectionality is a predominant framework in feminist scholarship that examines how aspects of social identity, such as race and gender, intersect at the individual level to mirror macro-level systems of oppression (Bowleg, 2012; Mehrotra, 2010). Intersectionality was introduced by Black women, and one of the earliest accounts of Black women speaking on the complexities of the intersection of race and gender is of Sojourner Truth’s 19th-century speech, “Ain’t I A Woman.” In 1977, the Combahee River Collective, a group of Black lesbian feminists, also called for the examination of the intersectional nature of Black women’s social identities and their experiences with oppression (Combahee River Collective, 1977; Mehrotra, 2010). Subsequently, Crenshaw (1991) coined the term intersectionality, presenting it as a framework for examining women of color’s experiences of domestic violence. Crenshaw identified that women of color are caught in between both antiracist and feminist movements, and this tension between identity politics marginalizes women of color by positioning them to choose a side. Further, this essentialism discounts the diversity among women. An intersectional framework views identity as whole, recognizing that one is neither Black or a woman, nor is one Black plus woman, but rather a Black woman. Thus, race is gendered and gender is raced, and Black women’s experiences of oppression are both racialized and gendered.

Scholars have applied an intersectional framework to studies of mental health and depression (Baldwin-Clark, Ofahengaue Vakalahi, & Anderson, 2016; Banks & Kohn-Wood, 2002; Seng, Lopez, Sperlich, Hamama, & Meldrum, 2012; Rosenfield, 2012), and there is evidence to support the notion that race and gender shape Black women’s attitudes, motivations, behaviors, and mental health outcomes. For example, Buchanan and Ormerod (2002) found in their qualitative study on sexual and racial harassment among a sample of 37 Black women that Black women could not easily separate issues of race and gender when considering personal accounts of sexual victimization, supporting the reality that identity is not additive nor piecemeal. As Settles (2006) purports, Black women “…often see themselves not as black people or as women, but in terms of the intersected identity of ‘Black woman’” (p. 599). Therefore, there is a need to create frameworks and interventions that affirm and address the intersectional realities of Black women’s lives (Copeland & Butler, 2007; Hall, Everett, & Hamilton-Mason, 2011; Jones & Ford, 2008). We examine the emergence of #BlackGirlMagic as an intersectional, strengths-based practice framework for Black women experiencing depression.

#BlackGirlMagic

Origins and reasons

#BlackGirlMagic is a Twitter hashtag created by CaShawn Thompson in 2013, to celebrate the strength and perseverance of Black women (Thomas, 2015). Aptly defined, “Black Girl Magic is a term used to illustrate the universal awesomeness of Black women. It’s about celebrating anything we deem particularly dope, inspiring, or mind-blowing about ourselves” (Wilson, 2016, p. 1). Since its emergence and as noted below, Black women and girls have used the hashtag to highlight everyday accomplishments of fellow Black women:

@PRINTtEXT: Amazing night with @FAFCollective as they launched their reading series and presented pieces of #blackgirlmagic.

@_labrandon: Meet @valeisha—Google’s Head of Black Community Engagement! https://goo.gl/pkhDjb#blackgirlmagic#career http://fb.me/23S8mUFoG.

@rarooms: Check out my girl Radiah on Huffington post today—doing BIG things! http://huff.to/2irdvLi @evoklife #BlackGirlMagic #BE!!

@keliesha_xOXo: Wow my mom graduate today GO NURSE EBONEY!! #BlackGirlMagic go mama go.

As the definition implies and a Twitter search of the hashtag reveals, key themes of #BlackGirlMagic are sisterhood, self-love, and positive affirmation from the voices of and about Black women and girls.

Interestingly, the hashtag has generated some contention, particularly because of its reflection of a similarly contentious term, Strong Black Woman. The Strong Black Woman concept came from a desire to show the strength of Black women despite experiences of adversity, racism, and sexism and to counter other problematic conceptualizations that sexualized and derided Black women (i.e., Mammie, Jezebel, Sapphire, etc.; Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2007; Harrington, Crowther, & Shipherd, 2010). The Strong Black Woman frame provides a strength-based conceptualization of Black women, as hooks (1982) calls this ideology “…the badge of Black female glory” (p. 6). However, the Strong Black Woman motif has been criticized, and some have argued that it assumes that Black women are superhuman and thus can and should take on all the burdens of the world. This belief hinders women when internalized. For example, in their study to test a model of binge eating among a sample of African American women trauma survivors, Harrington, Crowther, and Shipherd (2010) found that identification with the Strong Black Woman ideology mediated the relationship between trauma exposure and emotional inhibition and regulation. Their findings support literature that suggests, “extreme [Strong Black Woman] ideology prescribes a narrow range of acceptable responses to adversity, and denies African American women the right to experience and express certain emotions or vulnerabilities” (p. 476).

In a recent Elle (2016) magazine article, Dr. Linda Chavers identified that #BlackGirlMagic has the same potential to overemphasize the strengths of Black women and preach an unreachable—albeit expected—level of womanhood that denies Black women the permission to be human. In response, Ford (2016) contended that this is in fact not the case and suggested that #BlackGirlMagic rather transcends the Strong Black Woman ideology by offering a conceptualization of Black womanhood that is multidimensional. It celebrates Black women in all their glory—through pain, strength, vulnerability, and triumph. Simply put:

Being magical has never been about being in possession of superhuman mental or emotional strength. In fact, every magical being we read about has moments of weakness, powerlessness, and obstacles outside their control. What makes black girls magic is not an inherent access to some form of super strength. Magic is about knowing something that others don’t know or refuse to see. When a black woman is successful, and the world refuses to see her blood, sweat, and tears behind the win, what does it look like? Magic. It’s not for them. It’s for us. (Ford, 2016)

Additionally, Black women on Twitter responded in opposition to Chavers’s argument and clarified the meaning of #BlackGirlMagic. Women shared the following Tweets to show support:

@seren_sensei: I’m still Black Girl Magic even with my failures and problems and shortcomings. I’m Black Girl Magic BECAUSE of them.

@Nettaaaaaaaa: The saying is “#BlackGirlMagic” not BlackGirlsAreMagicalMythicalBeingsOnly or w/w phrase was imagined to get us here @ELLEmagazine.

@kiaspeaks: There are no superwomen. We all struggle somewhere at some time. I’ve said this before myself. But saying this misses the point of #BlackGirlMagic, which is really just about creating a space to celebrate us in a world that marginalizes & ignores us.

Thus, we prescribe to the predominant view that #BlackGirlMagic is an affirming phenomenon that transcends, not extends, Strong Black Woman. Using this as the basis for our framework, #BlackGirlMagic is a strengths-based representation of Black womanhood that both examines their intersectional realities and gives Black women permission to express emotion, to struggle, and to overcome.

Objectives

The objectives of the #BlackGirlMagic framework are fourfold and build upon intersectionality. The #BlackGirlMagic framework (1) gives Black women the space and authority to assert their greatness; (2) allows Black women to move beyond the limitations imposed on them by systems of oppression, namely, racism, sexism, and misogyny; (3) acknowledges a more just understanding about the lived reality of Black women from a strengths-based perspective; and (4) recognizes the aspects of Black women’s social identities as inextricable from one another (McClaurin-Allen, 1990). The creation and application of such a framework answers social work’s call for strengths-based perspectives that are culturally relevant; uses narratives, fosters community; and focuses on wellness without ignoring the reality of adversity, inequality, and oppression (Jones, 2015; Jones & Ford, 2008; Saleebey, 1996; Schiele, 1996, 1997).

#BlackGirlMagic Methods

The methods for how to use this framework are nonlinear in nature and are derived from the various ways in which Black women and girls have used the hashtag #BlackGirlMagic and scholarship that examines the experiences of Black women. These methods are (1) inclusion of positive affirmation, (2) fostering and nurturing sisterhood, and (3) self-love as practice.

Inclusion of positive affirmation

Black women need to be recognized for their accomplishments, no matter how small. #BlackGirlMagic gives women permission to hope and reach for their dreams in spite of the systemic barriers that try to keep Black women from achieving. When we say, “I see you,” we see this as a form of radical love as it acknowledges, recognizes, and celebrates Black women even when they are invisible to others.

Jones (2015) identified that one essential element to Black feminist therapeutic approaches is recognizing the multiple oppressions Black women face while also acknowledging and valuing Black women’s experiences. Women on Twitter have also identified positive affirmation and acknowledgment as being an essential definitional aspect of #BlackGirlMagic. For example, women have tweeted:

@DrChaeEd: #BlackGirlMagic is finding cures to diseases, founding businesses, or waking up & smiling every day when the world tells you you’re nothing.

@ZerlinaMaxwell: Our resilience given our history is magical. #fin #blackgirlmagic

@BienSur_JeTaime: Despite not being “the ideal,” we find beauty in ourselves. Despite oppression, we thrive. That’s #blackgirlmagic.

Fostering and nurturing sisterhood

Connected to positive affirmation is the notion of sisterhood and community. #BlackGirlMagic both acknowledges Black women and connects Black women. In our framework for practice, we recognize the importance of Black women building relationships and receiving and giving support to other Black women. The #BlackGirlMagic framework encourages women to be their sister’s keeper; Black women should be supported to reach their full potential through sisterhood and community while simultaneously protecting each other from the world that oftentimes sees them as “other.”

The importance of sisterhood and community for Black women with depression has been supported by empirical literature. In a qualitative study examining African American women’s perceptions of depression and suicide risk, Borum (2012) found that having a sense of community served as a protective factor against suicide. On Twitter, Black women have used the #BlackGirlMagic hashtag to encourage and aid one another in both difficulty and accomplishment, highlighting the importance of community. They have tweeted:

@DevotedEnergy: When you[r] friends combat your negative comments with uplifting truths. Get you a #GirlSquad #BlackGirlMagic.

@Mboothcole: Congrats to my friend Ramona Thomas for living in faith & chasing down her dreams! @mychocsoul = sweet perfection! #BlackGirlMagic.

@chocolate_naj: So proud of the accomplishments we have made! Seriously #blackgirlmagic.

@markedlife: keep glowing, little one. Spread that brilliant magic as far as you can @thehill #blackgirlmagic.

@ITGrlLisaSimone: These two--Best friends. Cheerleaders. Ambassadors. 4.0 students. Scholarship recipients. College bound. Future stars. #BlackGirlMagic.

Thus, community and sisterhood, as opposed to individualism, is an essential component to the #BlackGirlMagic framework.

Self-love as practice

The third method of the #BlackGirlMagic framework is developing a self-love practice. Self-love does not only imply praising oneself but also self-care. One is magical even when she allows herself to be vulnerable and ask for help. Given the realities of being a Black woman in present day, self-love needs to be an ongoing reminder; hence, we talk about self-love not as an achieved state but as an ongoing practice.

Self-love, particularly through knowing one’s self, was also supported by Borum’s (2012) study of the experiences of African American women’s perceptions of depression and suicide. Notably, women found that being able to know themselves through past history, culture, community, and struggle facilitated a positive image of self and served as protection from depression and suicide. Most notable was one participant’s comment that, “Black love is a revolutionary act; it gives you strength to push. It’s more than a feeling, or say, almost an action. It’s just kind of steeped in history” (p. 323).

Black women have also used #BlackGirlMagic to show self-love in diverse ways, including encouraging others to practice self-care, showing admiration for the Black female body and sharing reminders of Black women’s worth. Women have tweeted:

@BeautyisKI_92: #BlackGirlMagic. WE are worthy. WE are educated. WE are beautiful.

@shypeacetree: Hair Shrinkage is #BlackGirlMagic at work.

@sunnmove: Rest well…allow your #mind to slow down…#blackgirlmagic #blackhealth #healthy #love #blacktwitter.

@ayocharlietango: Smiling looks great on you! Wear it often #BlackGirlMagic.

@jenbhamm: I used to get picked on for how big my butt & lips were but now they paying for it #BlackGirlMagic.

@HerCocoaKiss: I am…Beautifully Flawed #blackbeauty #sunkissed #dreadlocks #blackgirlmagic #melanin….

Such acknowledgment of self is the radical practice of self-love, which, as Borum (2012) identified, has the potential to buffer the effects of mental health.

#BlackGirlMagic assumptions

The methods of the #BlackGirlMagic framework are underscored by the following assumptions: diversity, power in narratives, and intentionality.

Diversity

Black women are not a monolithic group. Our #BlackGirlMagic framework is for all women of the African diaspora, including diversity in ethnicity, class, education status, religion, and so on. Further, this diversity implies the intersectionality of identity. Intersectionality is exemplified in the use of #BlackGirlMagic on Twitter, as Black women have tweeted,

@CorinaRey: #whyIMarch For them because #BlackLivesMatter #blm #CivilRights #BlackGirlMagic #NeverTrump #WomensRightsAreHumanRights.

@heatherdeyoo: Writing an essay on black feminism and it’s so incredibly interesting. Fighting for racial AND gender equality? #BlackGirlMagic is so import.

@BrichibiTweets: I FINISHED WRITING #magnifiqueNOIR! It’s over 96K words of #queer #BlackGirlMagic! #indieauthor #magicalgirls #bookseries #LGBTQ.

Additionally, what is considered “magical” is diverse. We take this from the diversity of #BlackGirlMagic Twitter posts: There can be magic in one Black woman’s promotion on the job and in another’s success in earning her degree or even in one Black woman’s newly permed hair and in another’s Afro. Thus, our framework is neither elitist nor exclusionary and makes no assumptions as to who and what is magical, as magic is self-defined by the sheer diversity of Black women.

There is power in narrative

#BlackGirlMagic arose from women telling their own stories. Stories of the accomplishments of Black women and girls are frequently posted and reposted on Twitter using the hashtag #BlackGirlMagic. Black women have tweeted about Black women in the following manner:

@Sabrinaxhassan: Kadra Mohamed: The first police officer to wear a hijab while on duty in Minnesota #blackgirlmagic.

@SistaNaturally: Meet the 22-year-old woman running for mayor of Detroit #BlackGirlMagic http://ln.is/tufhE by #blackgalmagic via @c0nvey.

@lme_mktg: No matter what tarnish others try to cast on it, ALL #Americans should be proud of her legacy. #MichelleLegacy #FLOTUS #BlackGirlMagic.

@NARAL: Daliyah, 4, has read 1,000+ books & got a tour of the Library of Congress as “Librarian For the Day” http://wapo.st/2j9cEvU #BlackGirlMagic.

@germonique: Me & @kwameulmer just saw @HiddenFigures #movie. Epic #blackgirlmagic in that film. Our history must be told.

In our framework, we assume it is imperative to give space to allow Black women to tell their narratives. Through sharing their own stories and experiences, women grow, learn, and are empowered.

Intentionality

What makes our framework distinct from a strictly strengths-based model is that we are intentional and adamant about it being made for and by Black women. This is derived from the creation of the hashtag itself; #BlackGirlMagic was initiated and is sustained by Black women. We are also clear in our intent to challenge the effects of systemic oppression on Black women’s lives in the micro realm. In light of aforementioned research, we are clear in our belief that to address mental health or any other social issue affecting Black women, we cannot ignore the effects of oppression as a factor in their experiences, their seeking help, and their staying well. Accordingly, our framework is intentional about speaking about and to oppression in the client setting. In the following section, we present a case study and then show the necessity and applicability of the #BlackGirlMagic framework.

Kendra: A Case Study

Kendra is a 35-year-old single mother of two sons. She has a master’s degree and has been teaching at a local college in Illinois for several years. The classes she teaches, according to the dean, “are some of the best classes that I’ve seen here.” Kendra identifies as a middle-class Black woman and has dealt with depression since her early 20s. While in her 20s, Kendra went away to graduate school in order to pursue a PhD at a large, predominantly White, public research institution on the East Coast of the United States. In the midst of Kendra’s move to the East Coast from the Midwest, her family, including her mother and extended relatives, was suffering from alcohol and/or drug addictions. She said, “When I left here [home], everybody in my family was on drugs, including my mother. So, this was a place to leave from.”

In addition to family stressors, Kendra had to contend with several other factors when she arrived at school and settled into her PhD program—this included sexual harassment, a lack of social and academic support, being stereotyped, the pressures of “just having to be poor where at the same time be getting a PhD,” and the stress of being in a new place.

Kendra went to the department of social services (DSS) regularly for food stamps and medical insurance for her young sons. Sometimes Kendra would go to DSS before class where “I had to stand in line at the free store to get some free, picked over, half-rotten vegetables, and then go back to my program and try to have a conversation, but then have to drive to the food stamp office and call my caseworker, Miss So and So, and Miss So and So, and—all while feeling powerless because I was in this situation and this very White institution.” During classes, Kendra thought about the struggles her family were facing in Illinois and the challenges she was facing while in her PhD program. During these times, Kendra stopped doing the work for her classes and reported feeling like concrete blocks were weighing her down to the point where she could not move her body. Kendra had difficulty falling asleep, felt the pressure to present as OK, and denied any need for help. Kendra relied on her creative writing skills to help her cope. And although Kendra felt so heavy, she made a point to always present well-dressed and polished.

During Kendra’s most recent episode with depression, she talked about recognizing her mother and grandmother’s experiences with depression and the many changes that were taking place in her life. Kendra reported being at a crossroad because she just walked away from a marriage engagement and was leaving her job. Kendra reported feelings of uncertainty because she was not sure what she was going to do once she left her job. Kendra stated, “My boss is worried about me leaving my job.” Yet, Kendra described this crossroad as her lowest point and said, “I think probably because the edge feels like that lowest point. And so, when you enter a way like this, I have to leave my job. Because if I don’t leave my job, I feel like I’m going to implode in some way.”

In the midst of these stressors, Kendra recognized that racism and sexism were common in her life as a Black woman but struggled with how to deal with these issues. Additionally, Kendra recognized that there were days when she felt like, “I can’t do this. I just can’t do this.” She constantly reviewed in her mind the differences between her first bout with depression and her current episode with depression. Kendra expressed “Everything is happening at once and I was at a place in my world where I had to figure out how to go about things even if I was not clear about how to proceed.” During this episode of depression, Kendra relied on connecting with her friends through social media. She called their online meetings “Sunday Service.”

Application of the #BlackGirlMagic Framework

Kendra has experienced many stressors in relation to her depression: lack of support from her family, moving to a new environment, having to rely on food stamps, receiving poor treatment when meeting her caseworker, feeling powerless, being sexually harassed, leaving her job, ending an engagement, and feeling stereotyped because of her race, class, and gender. In an attempt to constantly find balance in her 20s and 30s between the stressors she experienced at home, work, and school in relation to her race, class, and gender, Kendra experienced multiple episodes with depression. Kendra’s experience reflects current literature that identifies Black women’s attempts to find balance among these ongoing stressors in relation to their social identities and experiencing depression.

In all areas of Kendra’s life, she constantly contends with having to choose among her multiple social identities in order to feel included. Being forced to choose between social identities, such as race, class, gender, is difficult, as these social identities “…assert themselves to varying degrees in complex and contradictory ways” (McClaurin-Allen, 1990, pp. 316–317).

A social worker employing the #BlackGirlMagic framework would help Kendra explore her use of positive affirmations as a strategy to help her understand how the utilization of this strategy could lead to positive change. For instance, a social work practitioner would highlight Kendra’s accomplishments, no matter how small. Particularly, when Kendra had to receive food stamps while she was in school, a social worker would highlight the fact that Kendra took the initiative to find adequate resources for her and her sons while simultaneously recognizing the work she has completed to earn her doctoral degree. In the same manner, a social worker would intentionally acknowledge the systemic barriers that keep Black women from achieving, give Kendra permission to hope, and continue to support her as she achieves her goals.

Kendra’s ability to foster and nurture sisterhood occurs through the Sunday Service she has with her girlfriends. A social worker using the #BlackGirlMagic framework in practice would encourage Kendra to continue to engage in activities that acknowledge and keep her connected to Black women. Additionally, a social worker using the #BlackGirlMagic framework would consistently explore with Kendra the ways in which she practices self-love. Kendra notes that for self-love she writes creatively. Creative writing could be an intentional activity the social worker uses with Kendra to express herself and process her feelings in relation to her depression and her identity as a Black woman.

#BlackGirlMagic framework allows Black women to work toward curating their own stories as a way of healing. Kendra reported not seeking mental health treatment during her episodes with depression; she relied on creative writing and social media to gain relief from her symptoms and feelings with depression as a way to help her build a community and understand “a larger framework for spirit.” Kendra stated:

But I think that now I feel more community. And it’s probably because of social media, I think. Because I can have access to a lot of my sister friends. And they call it [laughs] like a Sunday service, or somebody will post something, and they aren’t necessarily all Christians, either. So, we’re kind of bringing in just a larger framework of understanding spirit. And so, somebody will post something, and so then one of the other friends will say, “Oh, guess we setting up the tent now [laughter].” And somebody else will say, “Oh, pulling up a chair.”

Although Kendra loosely applied the key methods of #BlackGirlMagic on her own, a social worker could support Kendra by being intentional about what she needs, supporting her as she practices positive affirmations, and encouraging her to find support with other Black women (Settles, 2006).

Ultimately, Kendra’s experience with depression illustrates how Black women have historically created arenas for themselves in order to heal outside traditional treatment modalities. What her story also highlights for use is that as social work practitioners we have to move beyond a bifurcated view of Black women and their pain. Likewise, Kendra’s case points to the need for a broader, intersectional, and strengths-based practice framework that incorporates Black women’s voices to help practitioners understand what it means to be a Black woman who has “…contradictory elements that emerge as a result of the complex interactions of race, class, and gender and positioning of the individual in the construction of social reality” (McClaurin-Allen, 1990, p. 315).

Practice frameworks that have been implemented when working with Black women must be strengths-based and capture the intersectional realities of their lives. Likewise, practice frameworks must move beyond the continued victimization of Black women’s identities to acknowledge that their experiences and multiple social identities cannot adequately be explained within an isolated prism and authentically situate “theory and research in relation to Black women’s own context and background experiences” (Thomas, 2004, p. 290). Thus, as noted above, the #BlackGirlMagic framework does just that—authentically situate Black women’s lives and identities at the center of their lives and by using their voices.

Future Directions for Practice, Research, and Policy

In light of the need for practice frameworks that are congruent with the experiences of Black women suffering from depression as well as the need for frameworks that draw upon strengths-based and intersectional perspectives, we believe that having frameworks that include the voices of diverse populations are essential for the field of social work. Extending of framework will require intentional effort encompassing social work practice, research, and policy.

The National Association of Social Workers [NASW] Code of Ethics (2008) calls for social workers to be “…sensitive to cultural and ethnic diversity and strive to end discrimination oppression, poverty and other forms of social injustice” (p. 1). As such, social workers must employ a culturally relevant approach to addressing depression among Black women. An essential starting point, in addition to understanding Black women with depression and their strengths, is to recognize and truly understand the ways in which Black women’s social identities intersect and operate in their lives. Additionally, clinicians should recognize Black women’s humanity and vulnerability as aspects of their resiliency and power. Ultimately, to make mental health services accessible, available, and effective for Black women with depression, practitioners need to stand with this group of women as they take a stand to combat the pressures (e.g., racism, sexism, classism, microaggressions, etc.) in their daily lives that oftentimes lead to depression.

The application for #BlackGirlMagic in practice presents opportunities for intersectional research—research that examines how race, class, gender and other aspects of identity shape experiences (Erez, Adelman, & Gregory, 2008; Oyewuwo-Gassikia, 2016; Thiara, Hague, & Mullender, 2011; Winker & Degele, 2011). Future research should examine the effects of #BlackGirlMagic framework utilization and, given the diversity of Black women, the practicalities of its implementation. Additionally, it is necessary to know if this framework is efficacious in both individual and group settings. Lastly, it is necessary to know if the #BlackGirlMagic framework can be utilized with other types of interventions (i.e., cognitive behavioral therapy, psychodynamic, etc.).

The #BlackGirlMagic framework can serve as an important tool for policy, as it focuses on addressing the important issues central to Black women on multiple levels. At the microlevel, practitioners can advocate with and on behalf of this group of women to promote sensitivity to and knowledge about the ways oppression and discrimination impact Black women’s mental well-being (NASW, 2008). At the macrolevel, connections between problems and environmental factors can be explored (Jones & Ford, 2008). Such exploration could assist with deeply understanding the barriers that contribute to Black women’s help-seeking behaviors as well as the factors that are associated with them having more severe, disabling, and untreated depression. Together, the micro and macro contexts provide a useful frame for conceptualizing and implementing policies and research that are targeted and evidence based for treating Black women suffering from depression.

Conclusion

The strengths-based perspective and cultural competence framework are cornerstones of social work practice. Thus, the application of strengths-based, culturally relevant practice frameworks provides a pathway to delivering services that are grounded in the lived experiences of Black women and ultimately extend critical historical frameworks to contemporary frameworks like the one put forth: #BlackGirlMagic. Likewise, frameworks that incorporate strengths-based and intersectional perspectives serve as starting points for engaging Black women with depression. Application of this framework draws upon Black women’s strengths in a manner that acknowledges their social identities, cultural values, and expertise regarding their lived experiences to ultimately recognize their humanity, humility, and vulnerability. Working alongside clients and bearing witness to their lived experiences positions social workers to be effective and intentional, each of which are at the crux of clinical practice as a social worker.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

References

Baker

T. A.

Buchanan

N. T.

Spencer

T. R.

, (2010). Commentary: Disparities and social inequities: Is the health of African American women still in peril? Ethnicity & Disease, 20, 304–309.

Baldwin-Clark

Ofahengaue Vakalahi

H. F.

Anderson

(2016). What about African American older women and depressive symptoms? Educational Gerontology, 42, 310–320.

Banks

K. H.

Kohn-Wood

L. P.

(2002). Gender, ethnicity and depression: Intersectionality in mental health research with African American women. African American Research Perspectives, 8, 174–184.

Beauboeuf-Lafontant

(2005). Keeping up appearances, getting fed up: The embodiment of strength among African American women. Meridians: Feminims, Races, Transnationalism, 5, 104–123.

Beauboeuf-Lafontant

(2007). You have to show strength: An exploration of gender, race, and depression. Gender & Society, 21, 28–51. doi:10.1177/0891243206294108

Borum

(2012). African American women’s perceptions of depression and suicide risk and protection: A womanist exploration. Affilia, 27, 316–327. doi:10.1177/0886109912452401

Bowen

Walton

Q. L.

(2015). Disparities and the social determinants of mental health and addictions: Opportunities for a multifaceted social work response. Health & Social Work, 40, e59–e65. doi:10.1093/hsw/hlv034

Bowleg

(2012). The problem with the phrase women and minorities: Intersectionality—an important theoretical framework for public health. American Journal of Public Health, 102, 1267–1273.

Braveman

Egerter

Williams

D. R.

(2011). The social determinants of health: Coming of age. Annual Review of Public Health, 32, 381–398. doi:10.1146/annurev-publhealth-031210-101218

10.

Buchanan

N. T.

Ormerod

A. J.

(2002). Racialized sexual harassment in the lives of African American women. Women & Therapy, 25, 107–124.

11.

Carpenter-Song

Whitley

Lawson

Quimby

Drake

R. E.

(2011). Reducing disparities in mental health care: Suggestions from the Dartmouth-Howard collaboration Community Mental Health Journal 47 1–13. doi:10.1007/s10597-009-9233-4

12.

Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. (2010). Current depression among adults—United States, 2006–2008. Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report, 59, 1229–1235.

13.

Combahee River Collective. (1977). A Black Feminist statement from the Combahee River Collective. Retrieved from http://circuitous.org/scraps/combahee.html

14.

Copeland

V. C.

Butler

(2007). Reconceptualizing access: A cultural competence approach to improving the mental health of African American women. Social Work in Public Health, 23, 35–58. doi:10.1080/19371910802148263

15.

Crenshaw

(1991). Mapping the margins: Intersectionality, identity politics, and violence against women of color. Stanford Law Review, 43, 1241–1299.

16.

Dahlgren

Whitehead

(2006). European strategies for tackling social inequities in health: Levelling up part 2. Retrieved from http://www.euro.who.int/__data/assets/pdf_file/0018/103824/E89384.pdf

17.

Erez

Adelman

Gregory

(2008). Intersections of immigration and domestic violence: Voices of battered immigrant women. Feminist Criminology, 4, 32–56.

18.

Ford

(2016). There is nothing wrong with Black Girl Magic: It’s not about tapping into something supernatural, it’s about claiming or reclaiming what others have refused to see. Retrieved from http://www.elle.com/life-love/a33251/there-is-nothing-wrong-with-black-girl-magic/

19.

Giscombé

C. L.

Lobel

(2005). Exploring disproportionately high rates of adverse birth outcomes among African Americans: The impact of stress, racism, and related factors of pregnancy. Psychological Bulletin, 131, 662–683.

20.

Hall

J. C.

Everett

J. E.

Hamilton-Mason

(2011). Black women talk about workplace stress and how they cope. Journal of Black Studies, XX, 1–20. doi:10.1177/002/1934711413272

21.

Harrington

E. F.

Crowther

J. H.

Shipherd

J. C.

(2010). Trauma, binge eating, and the “strong Black woman.” Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 78, 469–479. doi:10.1037/a0019174

22.

Hooks

(1982). Ain’t I a woman: Black women and feminism. Winchester, MA: Pluto Press.

23.

Hoyert

D. L.

Heron

M. P.

Murphy

S. L.

Kung

H. C.

(2006). National Vital Statistics Reports, 54, 1–120. Retrieved from https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/nvsr/nvsr54/nvsr54_13.pdf

24.

James

S. A.

(1994). John Henryism and the health of African-Americans. Culture, Medicine, and Psychiatry, 18, 163–182

25.

Jones

L. V.

(2015). Black feminisms: Renewing sacred healing spaces. Affilia, 30, 246–252. doi:10.1177/0886109914551356

26.

Jones

L. V.

Ford

(2008). Depression in African American women: Application of a psychosocial competence practice framework. Affilia, 23, 134–143. doi:10.1177/0886109908314324

27.

Kessler

R. C.

(2003). Epidemiology of women and depression. Journal of Affective Disorders, 74, 5–13.

28.

Kessler

R. C.

Chiu

W. T.

Demler

Walters

E. E.

(2005). Prevalence, severity, and comorbidity of 12-month DSM-IV disorders in the national comorbidity survey replication. Archives of General Psychiatry, 62, 617–627.

29.

Kessler

R. C.

McGonagle

K. A.

Zhao

Nelson

C. B.

Hughes

Eshleman

… Kendler

K. S.

(1994). Lifetime and 12-month prevalence of DSM-III-R psychiatric disorders in the United States: Results from the National Comorbidity Survey (NCS). Archives of General Psychiatry, 51, 8–19.

30.

Larsson

(2015). What can be done about the social determinants of mental health? Perspectives in Public Health, 135, 16–17. doi:10.1177/1757913914561713

31.

Martin

Boadi

Fernandes

Watt

Robinson-Wood

(2013). Applying resistance theory to depression in Black women. Journal of Systemic Therapies, 32, 1–13.

32.

Martin

L. A.

Neighbors

H. W.

Griffith

D. M.

(2013). The experience of symptoms of depression in men vs women: Analysis of the national comorbidity survey replication. JAMA Psychiatry, 70, 1100–1106. doi:10.1001/jamapsychiatry.2013.1985

33.

Mazure

C. M.

Keita

G. P.

Blehar

M. C.

(2002). Summit on women and depression: Proceedings and recommendations. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Retrieved from www.apa.org/pi/wpo/women&depression.pdf

34.

McClaurin-Allen

(1990). Incongruities: Dissonance and contradiction in the life a Black middle-class woman. In Ginsburg

Lowenhaupt Tsing

(Eds.), Uncertain terms: Negotiating gender in American culture (pp. 315–333). Boston, MA: Beacon Press.

35.

Mehrotra

(2010). Toward a continuum of intersectionality theorizing for feminist social work scholarship. Affilia, 25, 417–430. doi:10.1177/0886109910384190

36.

Miranda

Bernal

Lau

Kohn

Hwang

LaFromboise

(2005). State of the science on psychosocial interventions for ethnic minorities. Annual Review of Clinical Psychology, 1, 113–142. doi:10.1146/annurev.clinpsy.1.102803.143822

37.

Mirowsky

Ross

C. E.

(1989). Social causes of psychological distress. New York, NY: Aldine De Gruyter Press.

38.

Moradi

Subich

L. M.

(2003). A concomitant examination of the relations of perceived racist and sexist events to psychological distress for African American women. The Counseling Psychologist, 31, 451–469. doi:10.1177/0011000003254767

39.

Murray

C. J. L.

Lopez

A. D.

(1996). The global burden of disease. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

40.

National Alliance on Mental Illness. (2009a). African American women and depression: Fact sheet. Retrieved from http://www2.nami.org/PrinterTemplate.cfm?Section=Women_and_Depression&Template=/ContentManagement/ContentDisplay.cfm&ContentID=88884

41.

National Alliance on Mental Illness. (2009b). Women and depression: Fact sheet. Retrieved from http://www.nami.org/Template.cfm?Section=Women_and_Depression&Template=/ContentManagement/ContentDisplay.cfm&ContentID=89194

42.

National Association of Social Workers. (2008). Code of ethics. Retrieved from https://www.socialworkers.org/pubs/code/code.asp

43.

Nolen-Hoeksema

(2001). Gender differences in depression. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 10, 173–176.

44.

Nolen-Hoeksema

(2006). The etiology of gender differences in depression. In Mazure

C. M.

Keita

G. P.

(Eds.), Understanding depression in women: Applying empirical research to practice and policy (pp. 9–43). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.

45.

Nolen-Hoeksema

Hilt

L. M.

(2009). Gender differences in depression. In Gotlib

I. H.

Hammen

C. L.

(Eds.), Handbook of depression (2nd ed., pp. 386–404). New York, NY: The Gilford Press.

46.

Oyewuwo-Gassikia

O. B.

(2016). American Muslim women and domestic violence service seeking: A literature review. Affilia, 31, 450–462.

47.

Robins

L. E.

Reiger

D. A.

(1981). Psychiatric disorders in America: The epidemiologic catachment area study. New York, NY: Free Press.

48.

Rosenfield

(2012). Triple jeopardy? Mental health at the intersection of gender, race, and class. Social Science & Medicine, 74, 1791–1801.

49.

Saleebey

(1996). The strengths perspective in social work practice: Extensions and cautions. Social Work, 41, 296–305.

50.

Schiele

J. H.

(1996). Afrocentricity: An emerging paradigm in social work practice. Social Work, 41, 284–294.

51.

Schiele

J. H.

(1997). The contour and meaning of Afrocentric social work. Journal of Black Studies, 27, 800–819.

52.

Schulz

A. J.

Gravlee

C. C.

Williams

D. R.

Israel

B. A.

Mentz

Rowe

(2006). Discrimination, symptoms of depression, and self-rated health among African American women in Detroit: Results from a longitudinal analysis. American Journal of Public Health, 96, 1265–1270.

53.

Seng

J. S.

Lopez

W. D.

Sperlich

Hamama

Meldrum

C. D. R.

(2012). Marginalized identities, discrimination burden, and mental health: Empirical exploration of an interpersonal-level approach to modeling intersectionality. Social Science & Medicine, 75, 2437–2445.

54.

Settles

I. H.

(2006). Use of an intersectional framework to understand Black women’s racial and gender identities. Sex Roles, 54, 589–601. doi:10.1007/s11199-006-9029-8

55.

Sue

Zane

Nagayama Hall

G. C.

Berger

L. K.

(2009). The case for cultural competency in psychotherapeutic interventions. Annual Review Psychology, 60, 525–548. doi:10.1146/annurev.psych.60.110707.163651

56.

Taylor

T. R.

Williams

C. D.

Makambi

K. H.

Mouton

Harrell

J. P.

Cozier

… Adams-Campbell

L. L.

(2007). Racial discrimination and breast cancer incidence in US Black women: The Black women’s health study. American Journal of Epidemiology 166, 46–54. doi:10.1093/aje/kwm056

57.

Thiara

R. K.

Hague

Mullender

(2011). Losing out on both counts: Disabled women and domestic violence. Disability & Society, 26, 757–771.

58.

Thomas

V. G.

(2004). The psychology of Black women: Studying women’s lives in context. Journal of Black Psychology, 30, 286–306. doi:10.1177/0095798404266044

59.

Thomas

(2015). Why everyone’s saying “Black Girls are Magic.” Retrieved from http://www.latimes.com/nation/nationnow/la-na-nn-everyones-saying-black-girls-are-magic-20150909-htmlstory.html

60.

Thomas

A. J.

Witherspoon

K. M.

Speight

S. L.

(2008). Gendered racism, psychological distress, and coping styles of African American women Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology. 14, 307–314. doi:10.1037/1099-9809.14.4.307

61.

U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. (2001). Mental health: Culture, race, and ethnicity: A supplement to mental health: A report of the Surgeon General. Rockville, MD: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.

62.

Waite

Killian

(2009). Perspectives about depression: Explanatory models among African-American women. Archives of Psychiatric Nursing, 23, 323–333.

63.

Walton

Q. L.

(2016). The expereinces of depression among middle-class African American women: A mixed model study (Unpublished Doctoral dissertation). University of Illinois at Chicago, Chicago, IL.

64.

Wang

P. S.

Berglund

Kessler

R. C.

(2000). Recent care of common mental disorders in the United States: Prevalence and conformance with evidence-based recommendations. Journal of General Internal Medicine, 15, 284–292.

65.

Warren

B. J.

(1997). Depression, stressful life events, social support, and self-esteem in middle class African American women. Archives of Psychiatric Nursing, 11, 107–117.

66.

Wilhelm

(2006). Depression: From nosology to global burden. In Keyes

C. L. M.

Goodman

S. H.

(Eds.), A handbook for the social, behavioral, and biomedical sciences: Women and depression (pp. 3–21). New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.

67.

Williams

D. R.

(2002). Racial/ethnic variations in women’s health: The social embeddedness of health. American Journal of Public Health, 92, 588–597.

68.

Williams

D. R.

González

H. M.

Neighbors

Nesse

Abelson

J. M.

Sweetman

Jackson

J. S.

(2007). Prevalence and distribution of major depressive disorder in African Americans, Caribbean Blacks, and non-Hispanic Whites. Archives of General Psychiatry, 64, 305–315.

69.

Williams

D. R.

Williams-Morris

(2000). Racism and mental health: The African American experience. Ethnicity & Health, 5, 243–268. doi:10.1080/135578500200009356

70.

Wilson

(2016). The meaning of #BlackGirlMagic, and how you can get some of it. Retrieved from http://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/what-is-black-girl-magic-video_us_5694dad4e4b086bc1cd517f4

71.

Winker

Degele

(2011). Intersectionality as multi-level analysis: Dealing with social inequality. European Journal of Women’s Studies, 18, 51–66.

The Case for #BlackGirlMagic

Abstract

Keywords

From Intersectionality to #BlackGirlMagic

#BlackGirlMagic

Origins and reasons

Objectives

#BlackGirlMagic Methods

Inclusion of positive affirmation

Fostering and nurturing sisterhood

Self-love as practice

#BlackGirlMagic assumptions

Diversity

There is power in narrative

Intentionality

Kendra: A Case Study

Application of the #BlackGirlMagic Framework

Future Directions for Practice, Research, and Policy

Conclusion

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

Funding

References