Abstract
Intersectionality is a useful approach to understand the marginalization of ethnic minority (EM) sexual assault survivors. By using this approach, we are able to recognize the interplay and complexity between gender, class, and race that give rise to the inequality and oppression that experienced by EM women in Hong Kong. Findings of the study show that rape myths, gender-role perception, religion, kinship pressure, language barriers, citizenship, and immigration policy have constituted interlocking factors that shape the victim identity of EM sexual assault survivors.
Intersectionality offers an important framework for investigation of the discrimination and marginalization of ethnic minority (EM) women who have been sexually assaulted. This approach enables attention to be paid to the multiple intersecting inequalities resulting from the interplay of institutions, power relationships, culture, and interpersonal interaction (Choo & Ferree, 2010; Winker & Degele, 2011).
Sexual violence against women (VAW) seriously traumatizes victims, with adverse consequences for their mental health (Lewis et al., 2005; Ullman & Filipas, 2001). The effects of such violence may be particularly serious for EM women, due to their lack of access to resources and economic support. Chung, Thema Bryant-Davis, and Tillman (2009) pointed out that the interaction between racism, sexism, and classism structures the trauma experience of EM sexual assault survivors. EM women are less likely than ethnic majority women to receive social support after being sexually assaulted (Raj & Silverman, 2002; Sorenson, 1996). The cultural and legal status of EM women increases their vulnerability to gender-related violence; for example, language barriers and a lack of culturally tailored services may hinder their efforts to seek help (Decker, Raj, & Silverman, 2007; Orloff & Kelly, 1995; Raj, Silvermn, McClery-Sills, & Liu, 2005). Historical and personal experiences of racial discrimination also affect victims’ willingness to seek social support (Belknap, 2010; Kaukinen & DeMaris, 2009). A lack of citizenship rights further complicates the situation. In addition, immigration-related factors such as an uncertain legal status, immigration laws, and the fear of deportation make EM women less likely to file reports (Tonsing, 2010, 2014).
In this study, a qualitative research method was used to collect the views of EM women on their experiences of discrimination as sexual assault survivors. The study investigated the relationships between various levels of social structures and constructions of identity that shape the experiences of female EM domestic helpers after sexual assault. Social workers’ views of the marginalization of EM sexual assault survivors and the challenges they face when working with survivors were also considered. The issues addressed in this study have significant implications for social work practice. The discussion is based on the findings of research conducted between 2014 and 2015.
Intersectionality: Multilevel Analysis
Intersectionality provides an integrative framework for the analysis of social identities and inequalities, whose complex interrelationships with gender, class, and ethnicity produce discrimination and oppression on multiple levels (Jiwani, 2005; McDuie-Ra, 2012). The term “intersectionality” was first used by Crenshaw (1991), who found that the causes and experience of VAW are often shaped by other dimensions of identity, such as race and class. Winker and Degele (2011) defined intersectionality as a system of interactions between social structures, symbolic representations, and identity constructions in a context-specific situation.
Some scholars have identified distinct approaches to the use of intersectionality for practical analysis. For example, McCall (2005) distinguished between an anticategorical approach (no categories used, enabling narrative analysis of complex situations), an intracategorical approach (used to address the interaction between gender, race, and class), and an intercategorical approach (used to investigate connections between categories). Choo and Ferree (2010) identified three approaches to intersectionality analysis: a group-centered approach (emphasizing multiply marginalized groups and their perspectives), a process-centered approach (emphasizing the relational aspects of power; interaction between variables is assumed to amplify oppression at various points of intersection), and a system-centered approach (which redirects attention from the relationships between specific inequalities and unique institutions, such as class and economy or gender and family, toward the complex and often contradictory interaction of multiple forms of oppression). Yuval-Davis (2006) proposed a four-level analytical framework, comprising organizational analysis (relating to social, political, and economic institutions), intersubjective analysis (emphasizing the power relationships between institutional contexts), experiential analysis (which taps into individuals’ subjective experience), and representational analysis (emphasizing cultural representations of divisions in the society). These approaches to analysis differ in some respects, but all use intersectionality to address not only the multiplicity of categories but the interplay between these categories in the production and reproduction of social inequalities.
However, as Anthias (2012a) pointed out, a number of pitfalls and quandaries are associated with the concept of intersectionality, such as (1) the danger of taking race, class, and gender for granted as categories for social analysis; (2) the danger of creating an endless list of crosscutting categories; and (3) competing claims for the most important social differences. Despite these potential pitfalls, however, intersectionality was considered a suitable framework for analysis in this study because the sexual assault experiences of EM survivors are affected by race, class, and gender, which intersect to produce forms of inequality that would be missed if the three categories were analyzed separately (West & Fenstermaker, 1995). In this article, intercategorical analysis (McCall, 2005) was used to explore the connections between categories that produce discrimination against and oppression of EM sexual assault survivors.
Marginalization of EM Women in Hong Kong
In 2011, 451,183 people in Hong Kong were from EM backgrounds, constituting 6.4% of the total population. The main ethnic groups represented were non-Chinese Asian, comprising Indonesians (29.6%), Filipinos (29.5%), Indians (6.3%), Pakistanis (4.0%), Nepalese (3.7%), Japanese (2.8%), Thais (2.5%), Koreans (1.2%), and other Asians (1.6%; Census and Statistics Department, 2011a). The median ages of the EM males and females were 35.6 and 33.4, respectively. The sex ratio was 295 males per 1,000 females. The overwhelming majority of EM residents (86.7%) were born outside Hong Kong, whereas 13.3% were born in Hong Kong (Census and Statistics Department, 2011b). The EM working population comprised 349,700 people, of whom 254,161 were migrant workers. Females accounted for 98.5% and males for 1.5% of foreign domestic workers (FDWs) in Hong Kong. More than half of the migrant workers were aged between 25 and 34, and most had resided in Hong Kong for 1–4 years (Census and Statistics Department, 2011a).
Previous findings have shown that EM women are likely to experience discrimination and marginalization in the workplace and daily life (Asian Migrant Centre, 2001). EM women are vulnerable for several reasons, ranging from personal problems such as language barriers and a lack of awareness of services (Anthias, 2012a) to structural problems such as official restrictions on immigration, discrimination in employment, and inadequate welfare provision (Belliveau, 2011; Burman, 2003). In the following, the socioeconomic factors that marginalize EM women are discussed to provide a backdrop for contextual analysis of the respondents’ experiences of sexual assault.
Unequal opportunities and treatment by employers
Ku, Chan, Chan, and Lee (2003) found that EM people in Hong Kong—even those who have lived in the region for a longtime—encounter great difficulties in finding employment, not only due to language problems but also due to the prevalence of racial discrimination in Hong Kong society. The labor force participation rate of EM women is very low, especially compared with that of their male counterparts: In 2011, the ratio of EM males to females in employment, excluding domestic services, was 1,722–1,000 (Census and Statistics Department, 2011b). Due to traditional cultural beliefs, EM women have fewer employment opportunities than either EM men or ethnic majority women and are more likely to become full-time homemakers (Kapai, 2015).
The employment of migrant women from economically less developed countries as domestic helpers in more advanced countries reflects the gendered sociocultural conditions of these countries (Piper, 2003). Domestic helpers working overseas have low wages, despite earning more than they could earn in their own countries. The average monthly salary received by FDWs in 2015 was HK$4,210 per month (Labour Department, 2015), much lower than the median monthly income (HK$11,000) of local female employees in 2014 (Census and Statistics Department, 2015). Most FDWs are deceived by their employers and experience poor working conditions and unfair treatment in the workplace (Asian Migrant Centre, 2001). As these workers are often positioned by their employers as stupid and dirty, they may self-identify as inferior and thus lack the psychological strength to defend their own rights following assault (Ladegaard, 2012).
Vulnerability to domestic and sexual violence
There is a conspicuous lack of research on the experiences of sexual violence and domestic violence among Hong Kong’s EM population. According to official data, 29 cases of sexual violence involving EM women were reported in 2013 and 69 cases were reported in 2014 (Social Welfare Department, 2015). However, these instances are believed to be only the tip of the iceberg, as many cases of sexual violence go unreported. Only 180 cases of domestic violence involving EM women were recorded by the Social Welfare Department in 2013 (LegCo, Financial Committee, 2014). Ting, Liu, Chan, and Chak (2007) found that many cases of domestic violence in EM families go unreported (Ting, Liu, Chan, & Chak, 2007). In Hong Kong, EM women are particularly vulnerable to violence when they are suspected of disloyalty or of violating societal, cultural, or religious codes (Kapai, 2015).
EM women who work overseas as live-in domestic helpers face a high risk of sexual assault by their employers (Welsh, Carr, Macquarrie, & Huntley, 2006). Research has shown that a number of female migrant workers in Hong Kong have experienced sexual abuse, whereas male migrant workers have reported no cases of sexual abuse (Asian Migrant Centre, 2001; Mission for Migrant Workers, 2013). These findings are consistent with the results of a study conducted by the Equal Opportunities Commission (EOC). Of the 981 FDWs surveyed, 6.5% (mainly Filipino and Indonesian) reported experiencing sexual harassment in their workplaces or at work-related events during the preceding 12 months. The main alleged harassers were male employers (33%) and female employers (29%), followed by persons living in the same household (20%), friends/relatives of employers (6%), and others (12%) such as “grandfather” and “employer’s staff” (EOC, 2014).
Restrictive immigration policy
Of the 60 individuals surveyed by the EOC who had encountered sexual harassment, 77% had taken action by reporting incidents to the police or seeking help from the consulate general or workers’/religious groups/associations. However, 23% of the respondents had done nothing (EOC, 2014). Amnesty International (2013) conducted a survey to determine the reasons for FDWs’ unwillingness to report sexual harassment to the police. First, the majority of Indonesian migrant workers reported that their documents were kept either by their employers or by placement agencies in Hong Kong, and approximately 30% of the 50 respondents were not allowed to leave their employers’ homes. As a result, the migrant workers were neither at liberty to obtain information on sexual abuse from external sources nor able to seek help if incidents occurred. Second, the respondents explained that if they left their jobs or their contracts were terminated, they normally incurred the full fee for placement in new jobs. If they complained about poor treatment, they risked being accused of being bad workers and having their contracts terminated, leading placement agencies to manipulate the situation to collect a second recruitment fee. The fear of contract termination has compelled many FDWs in Hong Kong to suffer in silence in abusive and exploitative jobs. Third, the official “2-week rule” deters migrant workers from reporting abuse. As every FDW who leaves an abusive situation and is not reemployed within 2 weeks is deported from Hong Kong, pursuing action against an abusive employer is a difficult and costly task. The only option is to pay HK$160 (US$20) for a 14-day visa extension, which is unlikely to provide sufficient time to find work. In addition, filing a case with the Labor Tribunal takes nearly 2 months. During this time, a victim must pay to renew her or his visa every 14 days and meet accommodation, food, and other expenses with no income (Amnesty International, 2013).
The findings of another study showed that under the current immigration policy, many locally born EM residents of Hong Kong are unlikely to be granted Chinese nationality or Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR) passports (Ku, Chan, Chan, & Lee, 2003). Fulfilling the obligation to provide evidence of Chinese descent or close Chinese relatives is particularly difficult for EM people. Without Hong Kong SAR passports, they have fewer opportunities to work and travel.
Inaccessibility of social support
In Hong Kong, EM women are less likely than local women to seek help after being sexually abused. For example, the Association Concerning Sexual Violence Against Women reported that of 18 EM women who sought help between 2012 and 2014, only 30% were willing to call the police (Hong Kong Council of Social Services, 2015). Another study revealed that of 60 local respondents who underwent sexual assault, only 48.3% sought help from the police (Leung & Tung Wah Group of Hospitals CEASE Crisis Centre, 2011). EM women who experience domestic violence usually choose to tolerate their situation and avoid seeking external help partly due to their lack of knowledge of available social services and partly due to language and cultural barriers (Ting et al., 2007).
Racial and ethnic stereotypes affect social service provision in Hong Kong. The services available for EM sexual assault survivors are far from adequate. The CEASE Crisis Center was established to support all victims of sexual assault and domestic violence. However, the services it provides are not tailored to the needs of EM women. RainLily is the only agency to have launched a pilot project for EM sexual assault survivors, which has been in operation since 2012. Therefore, in addition to language barriers, inadequate information on available resources, social services, and legal rights deters EM women from seeking social support (Kapai, 2015).
Method
This study investigated the intersectionality of the experiences of sexual assault of EM women in Hong Kong. I conducted in-depth interviews with eight female sexual assault survivors from ethnic minorities, comprising FDWs and EM women with the right of abode. These two groups of women had similar cultural backgrounds and similar language problems but different levels of citizenship. The aim of the study was to explore their experiences of reporting abuse to the police and seeking help from social service providers. The respondents were encouraged to narrate their experiences in their own words, enabling the researcher to pinpoint the intersections between social structures that shaped their identities as victims.
All of the respondents were referred by a rape crisis center and selected using availability sampling. The rape crisis center started a support service for EM women and FDWs in 2012. A total of 18 EM women and 37 FDWs were serviced between 2012 and 2015. As numerous FDWs had left Hong Kong after termination of employment while new cases continued to suffer from the trauma of sexual assault, the caseworkers of the rape crisis center could only identify eight active cases recorded by the center for an interview. All eight service users—five of whom were FDWs and three of whom were EM women residing in Hong Kong—were willing to take part in the interviews. Three of the respondents were Indonesian, two were Filipino, two were Pakistani, and one was Vietnamese. Their ages ranged from 19 to 54. Three of the respondents were Muslim, another three were Christian, and one was Catholic. Their education ranged from primary school to university level. Two of the respondents had been born in Hong Kong, and the others had been born overseas but resided in Hong Kong for 2–20 years. The purpose of the interviews was to explore the needs and problems of EM survivors and their experiences in seeking help after sexual assault. The purpose of interview was explained to all of the respondents and consent forms were signed before the interviews.
A semi-structured interview guide was prepared. Several research questions guided the study as follows: (1) How did the respondents perceive their experiences of sexual assault? (2) What meanings did they attach to their experiences? (3) What resources were available to meet their needs after sexual assault? And (4) how did their self-perceived EM identity affect their motivation to obtain resources? Each interview lasted for 1–1.5 hr. Half of the interviewees required interpretation services due to their limited English- or Cantonese-language ability. The interpretation was provided by an interpreting company with a long-term working relationship with the rape crisis center. After the interviews, caseworkers held brief meetings with the respondents to determine whether they had experienced emotional distress while disclosing their experiences.
To gain a comprehensive understanding of the issue, I also conducted a focus group interview with five registered social workers who had worked at the same rape crisis center for between 1.5 and 8 years. All of the social workers were local Chinese. The interview lasted for about 3 hr. A semi-structured interview guide was prepared. The research questions were as follows: (1) How do service providers view the needs and problems of sexually assaulted EM women? (2) What do they consider to be the causes of these problems? And (3) what difficulties do service providers face when attempting to assist sexually assaulted EM women?
All of the interviews were taped and transcribed for systematic analysis. The transcripts were analyzed using open or thematic coding in line with a grounded theory framework. The basic idea of the grounded theory approach is to read and reread textual data to discover the initial concepts, identify interrelationships of categories, and link these concepts in a theoretical framework (Strauss & Corbin, 1998). Using thematic analysis, I identified five major themes among the traumatic events as recalled by respondents: (1) sexual assault experience, (2) perceived victim identity, (3) help-seeking behavior, (4) reporting experience, and (5) social service support in the text. I then sought the interrelationships of these five themes using categories such as gender, race, class, and the manners in which they produce discrimination and oppression. In the discussion of the findings, the names of the interviewees have been changed to preserve their anonymity. Ethical approval was obtained from the agency funding the research.
Multiple Intersections of Inequalities
As previously mentioned, the marginalization of EM women in Hong Kong is compounded by social and institutional oppression. The use of intersectionality as a framework for analysis yields insights into the ways in which social settings shape the experiences of EM women and the connections between structural oppression and the individual experiences of racially and culturally diverse EM women who have experienced sexual assault.
Self-blaming
The findings of this study show that victims are likely to blame themselves after sexual assault incidents. Brenda and Candy’s responses, as follows, were typical. I was very sad and disappointed at the time. I was angry with myself. I blamed myself. I thought it was my fault. (Brenda, EM) I was partially responsible. If I hadn’t been stupid, I wouldn’t have trusted that guy, and I would not have had that experience [of sexual assault]. (Candy, EM) I would like to maintain my positive image at church; I have worked hard on this…I really don’t want other people to talk about me behind my back. I don’t know how to cope with this. (Alice, FDW)
In the focus group interview, social work practitioners also reported the self-worth of EM women is strongly influenced by their cultural and religious beliefs. If survivors regard themselves as hopeless and underserved victims, it is difficult for them to pursue high-level recovery behavior, such as reframing and self-acceptance. Bella described the difficulties encountered during social work as follows. Their Bible [religious text] teaches the subordination of women to men…The survivor felt hopeless…She was a virgin, but after the incident, she felt that she no longer deserved to marry and have a family…it is hard to change their minds. (Bella)
Second victimization
Victim blaming is a common experience encountered by sexual assault survivors, particularly for women of ethnic minorities. As Lee, Pomeroy, Yoo, and Rheinboldt (2005) suggested, in Asian cultures, female purity and virginity prior to marriage have been extremely emphasized. Rape victims are often blamed because they fail to protect their virginity or chastity. Findings of the current study show that EM and FDW survivors were blamed upon disclosing their sexual assault experiences to friends and relatives. One example is Candy’s case. Candy reported that male Pakistani friends in Hong Kong had forced her to participate in nude photography several years prior. Unfortunately, she was then accused of violating cultural and religious codes and thus underwent ongoing harassment rather than receiving empathy and understanding from her community. The harassment continued several years following the incident and her life was endangered when she returned to her hometown. That [sexual abuse] happened here [Hong Kong] a long time ago. They [the perpetrators] threatened me…. They took the [nude] photos back to my home town…. They annoy me from time to time…. My situation has become very tricky in both places…. They [friends of the abusers] tried to knock me down in their car, and threw stuff at me…I felt that I needed some kind of weapon in such a threatening situation…this may continue for the rest of my life. (Candy, EM)
Even if EM women are willing to report their experiences of assault to the police, they may not receive adequate assistance due to racist attitudes among the police. Some of the EM sexual assault survivors interviewed in this study reported that they felt helpless during the processes of report making and legal consultation. More than half of the respondents experienced second victimization and retraumatization during the reporting process. The respondents reported that their voices were not heard by the police due to their ethnicity. Candy and Helen recounted the following experiences. Maybe they [the police] were racist. I felt unheard. (Candy, EM) At first I wanted to sue him [the perpetrator]. However, the attitude of the police made me feel that this was impossible, so I gave up. (Helen, FDW) The police didn’t seem to trust me; they said, “Indonesians do that for money.” They didn’t believe my report [of sexual assault]. (Helen, FDW) Many myths are prevalent among the police. For example, they readily assume that foreign domestic helpers who accuse their employers of rape are doing so for money or other [dishonest] reasons…I have heard more than one police officer say that Indonesian maids always lie. (Tammy) The interpreter had a very poor attitude…. She shouted at me. She also distrusted me, just like the police. (Helen, FDW) The interpreter was very rude. She did whatever she wanted to me. (Gina, FDW) It’s not my language; it’s a different language. [I] went to the police station [but] understood nothing, so I didn’t always know what was happening to me. (Eva, FDW) Sometimes an interpreter is necessary because we can’t understand the client’s language or the client cannot express herself. Interpreters are important, but they are not professionally trained [to deal with sexual-violence cases]. They may add their own comments and judgments. (Mary) There are discrepancies in the interpretation due to interpreters’ own judgment…. My real concern is that interpreters may leak clients’ information. They may not do so maliciously, simply by sharing cases with their families. (Alison)
Barriers to help seeking
The barriers to EM and FDW survivors gaining access to social services are mainly related to their lack of knowledge of social services and the structural constraints from current immigration policy. As outsiders, most EM individuals in Hong Kong find it difficult to access social support and resources when in need. Almost all of the respondents involved in this study reported that they did not understand the roles and functions of social workers and had no idea what social services or resources were available to them. I think that it is because I am not a local. We do not have such information. (Doris, EM) We provide not only tangible services but counseling, with an emphasis on empowerment…it takes time to work on that. (Rita) I stayed in a shelter before…[it] was free and provided food…everything was free…. And now it’s different: I buy everything, such as food, for myself, because I’m living in the church, which is different from the shelter…I don’t have the money to return [home]. [Today] I came here and then picked up some soap, such as powdered soap and baby soap…. (Eva, FDW)
Powerlessness: The intersection of gender, race, and class
The findings of this study cast light on the connections between multiple categories, such as gender, race, and class, which together shape EM sexual assault survivors’ perceived identity as powerless victims. Garran and Werkmeister Rozas (2013) suggested that “social identity describes how we see ourselves in relation to others, as well as the very ways that we position, align, differentiate, and categorize” (pp. 99–100). The findings of the latter study indicated that gender bias and other oppressive cultural values and practices in Asian countries, such as the belief that sex is a male right, encourage EM sexual assault survivors to self-identify as “bad women,” to blame themselves, and to believe that they deserve to be punished for losing their sexual “purity.” Candy’s case is one example. The majority of the EM sexual assault survivors involved in this study blamed themselves, as their strong religious and cultural beliefs convinced them that they were partially responsible for their abuse. Survivors’ self-blame and shame reflect their deep sense of powerlessness, which is constructed by dominant discourses surrounding rape.
The study also revealed that EM sexual assault survivors are likely to experience second victimization during the reporting process. The police were found to be racist, unhelpful, and distrustful, as described by Alice, Eva, and Gina. Language is not politically neutral: it reflects the interests of dominant groups. Inadequate interpretation services affect the judgment of the police, exacerbating discrimination against EM sexual assault survivors. The current immigration policy has also marginalized FDW assault survivors, as the 2-week rule gives them insufficient time to go through the counseling process or pursue full legal action against the perpetrators of abuse. This marginalization is connected with their social identities as “unskilled” laborers from EM backgrounds. When gender and racial bias intersect with the class oppression from restrictive immigration policies, complex legal systems, and inadequate social services, EM sexual assault survivors tend to self-identify as powerless victims and experience inequality and marginalization. Therefore, it is unrepresentative to single out any of the above three social categories—gender, race, or class—for analysis.
Implications for Social Work Practice
The EM abuse survivors involved in the study experienced discrimination and marginalization after being sexually assaulted. Their experiences were shaped by the interplay of multiple social categories, especially gender, race, and class. As Anthias (2012b) has argued, it is difficult to address such multifaceted discrimination using fixed social categories, which offer insufficient insight into the full complexity of problems.
Garran and Werkmeister Rozas (2013) suggested that intersectionality weaves together two basic goals of social work: to respect individuals’ dignity and worth and to advocate for social justice. As reported by the social work practitioners in this study, empowerment should be emphasized during interventions to discourage victims of sexual assault from blaming themselves. Survivors should be treated not as passive clients but as active agents with the strength to control their own lives. For example, in counseling processes, social workers should help EM sexual assault survivors reconstruct and reframe their personal experiences to help them understand the unequal power relations between men and women that may lead to sexual violence. Sexual assault is both a matter of individual misfortune and a structural problem embedded in gendered societies. It is also important to address the needs and problems of immigrants and provide problem-solving skills and community resources to EM survivors that they may take action for change. Social workers should be mindful of cultural and ethnic diversity. Regular in-service training, such as providing knowledge of the culture and religion of EM and migrant worker (MW) service users, will help practitioners develop culturally sensitive practices and learn to use resources effectively and efficiently.
Advocating for social change is an intrinsic part of an intersectional approach. The findings of this study revealed that Hong Kong’s existing immigration policy deters FDW sexual assault survivors from seeking help. Jiwani (2005) argued that the best strategies for service provision are grounded in the lived realities of immigrant communities, “with an awareness of the ways in which national policies around immigration and refugee status impose constraints that further render them vulnerable to victimization through poverty, isolation, othering, and exclusion” (p. 869). Social workers also play a vital role in campaigning for rights-based migration policies to combat gendered violence against female migrant workers (Piper, 2003).
As reported by the respondents in this study, cultural and language problems create two key barriers to the provision of effective services for EM women in Hong Kong. The coordinated community response (CCR) approach increases the cultural competence of services provided for EM populations (Whitaker, Baker, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, & Pratt, 2015). The CCR approach involves various community organizations, promoting a community-wide response to VAW and fostering cooperation between service agencies. However, as the instigators of the CCR approach are significantly involved with criminal–justice agencies such as the police, prosecutors, and courts, EM individuals may be unwilling to use CCR services due to the fear of deportation and discrimination (Raj & Silverman, 2002).
In conclusion, the findings of the intersectionality analysis conducted in this study indicated the need for culturally responsive social work practice. This approach is not only a means of elucidating complex identities and power relations, it also allows social workers to critically reflect on their cultural competence and commitment to diversity and social justice, which in turn contribute to social change. There were several limitations in this study. First, the study adopted availability sampling method; the sample size was insufficient to generalize our findings to the situations of EM women and FDWs in Hong Kong. Second, English was not the native language of all respondents, hence, it must be considered that the data collected only represent what could be understood and expressed by the respondents according to their English-language ability. Third, for interpreted interviews, the accuracy of data may be affected by the perception and understanding of the interpreter. However, the findings of the study provided qualitative evidence for a better understanding of the experiences of EM sexual assault survivors and shed light on how to enhance cultural sensitivity practices.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This study was supported by a grant from the Association Concerning Sexual Violence Against Women.