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Abstract

Intimate partner violence (IPV) against women is a violation of human rights and one form of discrimination compounded by other discrimination factors as migration. The risk of violence can increase among immigrant women because of the legal and economic situation and the barriers they encounter to accessing information and support services. This qualitative study explores in-depth the perspective of experienced social workers about challenges faced by immigrant women suffering from IPV in Spain. This study may help professional social workers, others professionals, and public policy makers to design effective strategies for meeting the demands and needs of this population.

Keywords

intimate partner violence immigrant social work women social workers

The World Health Organization has long considered that the violence perpetrated worldwide against women is a cause for grave concern. Despite the efforts that have been made to combat this problem, this violence continues to be a violation of women’s human rights and a major public health problem of epidemic proportions worldwide. Urgent measures are required because violence against women is not inevitable and can be prevented (World Health Organization, 2013). Intimate partner violence (IPV) perpetrated against women is a form of discrimination that is compounded by a multitude of other forms based on factors such as migration, age, disability, or belonging to an ethnic minority (United Nations, 2013). The European Union and the Council of Europe are working on the specific challenges of migrant women and the incidence of gender violence. According to the European Commission (2011), the adoption of a migrant-centered approach reflects the need to ensure the protection of human rights of all migrants. The Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence (2011) states that parties shall adopt and implement necessary legislative and other measures.

The immigration process is complex and can increase women’s risk of abuse by their partners (Ayllon, Orjuela, & Román, 2011; Fergus, 2012). Immigrant women are vulnerable for a variety of reasons that may be related, for example, to cultural factors in their community, delicate legal and economic situations, greater susceptibility to abuse by native members of the host society, and the barriers they encounter to accessing information and support services (Mateo Pérez, 2002; Sokoloff & Dupont, 2005). Migration can lead to a reorganization of the family structure and a new allocation of roles. However, many of the problems attributed to migration may stem from deeper social and cultural issues (Essén, Östergren, Cantor-Graae, & Fernbrant, 2011; Lindhorst & Tajima, 2008). Mattsson (2014) argues that social workers combine critical reflection with intersectionality to change the relationship between power and oppression, focusing on the interplay between different categories of oppression. Thus, it is important to recognize intersecting social locations in IPV-lived realities, because women’s experiences are shaped by race, ethnicity, gender, sexuality, and class (Crenshaw, 1991; Vakalahi & Starks, 2010; Sewpaul, 2013) in addition to age, disability (Rich, 2014), poverty, migration (Mehrotra, 2010; Sokoloff, 2008), national origin and citizenship status (Erez, Adelman, & Gregory, 2009; Zadnik, Sabina, & Cuevas, 2016), living in a rural or urban environment (Sandberg, 2013), and other factors. Hankivsky and Cormier (2011, p. 218) noted that policy interventions have sought to reach all women without taking into account that violence does not have a single cause and that women experiencing violence are in different situations. In the case of immigrant women experiencing IPV, identification of these intersections allows for understanding the causes and consequences related to each individual situation of multidiscrimination, helping to adopt personalized and structural actions. Economic migration is usually the most visible form of migration among women. The patterns of immigration to Spain are changing. Immigration has been decreasing overall in recent years due to the economic crisis. According to the National Institute of Statistics (2014), in 2011 the immigration flow was 371,335, decreasing in 2014 to 305,454. For both years the main nationalities were Romanians, (50,747) in 2011 and (29,531) in 2014, followed but Moroccans, (28,000) in 2011 and (20,284) in 2014 and United Kingdom, (18,828) in 2011 and (17,746) in 2014. The number of women is higher in the case of Romania (26,985) in 2011 compared to (23,761) men; however, in 2014 the number of men was slightly higher (14,888) compared to (14,643) women. In the case of Romanians and Moroccans, immigration has economic motivations, while in the case of the United Kingdom, tourism, the weather, and the lifestyles are motivators, particularly for those at retirement age. According to a 2014 study of the Center of Sociological Research, 71.5% of people in Spain think that the number of immigrants is high or excessive. In response to the question of which nationality is more disliked, most people state Romanians and Moroccans, because of a link with delinquency and organized crime and because they are unreliable and bad people (Centre for Sociological Research, 2014).

The economic perspective helps explain the motivation behind migration, workforce entry, transnational family relationships, the exercise of rights, impacts on health, and economic hardship, and so on, including women’s personal experience (Agrela Romero, Martín Palomo, & Langa Rosado, 2010; Campbell, 2002). Immigration and IPV are multidimensional problems that require a comprehensive and multidisciplinary response involving social workers (Expert Group on Gender Equality and Social Inclusion, 2010). Studies show that it is very important for social workers to receive adequate training that incorporates a gender perspective on the dynamics of forms of violence against women, the specific needs of immigrant women, and the best strategies for good practice (Keeling & Wormer, 2012; Kulkarni, Bell, & Rhodes, 2012).

The aim of this study was to conduct an in-depth exploration of the knowledge and experience of social workers, who represent a rich source of information about the challenges faced by immigrant women suffering from IPV in Spain. The research questions are what are the perspectives of social workers on the challenges faced by immigrant women suffering from IPV in Spain? How do social workers view public policies to support immigrant women who are victims of IPV? Are social workers helping to improve policies?

The Legal Context of Battered Women in Spain

Violence against women constitutes a major problem in Spain, despite being considered a crime according to Organic Law 1/2004 of December 28th on Comprehensive Protection Measures against Gender-based Violence. The law establishes comprehensive positive preventive, educational, social, economic, care, and assistance measures for victims as well as punitive measures. Undocumented immigrants find themselves in an irregular legal situation that restricts them from accessing basic services and publicly funded support programs. Some immigrant women experiencing IPV depend on their abuser for their residence status. In the case of immigrant women in an irregular situation, Law 1/2004 states that battered women may request a restraining order, which in turn entitles immigrant women to apply for and obtain a residence permit independently of their partner in cases where the original permit was for family reunification, which rendered them dependent on the aggressor for their right to residence. Organic Law 10/2011 of July 27, 2011, extends the rights of battered immigrant women in an irregular situation, establishing the possibility to request permission to reside (including their children) and work due to exceptional circumstances once a restraining order has been granted. Such permission is not definitively approved until criminal proceedings have concluded. They can also apply for provisional authorization to reside and work due to exceptional circumstances at the time of filing the complaint. There are now courts that specialize in gender-based violence, as well as gender-based violence observatories. These policies aimed at preventing and combating violence against women have slowly been changing the patriarchal mentality of Spanish society. However, if battered women do not report abuse, they are not entered into official records and do not appear in the statistics. As a result, many women experiencing IPV are invisible to both society and public policy, and even more so if they have not sought help from a public or private nonprofit organization.

Spain is divided into autonomous communities at the regional level and municipalities and provinces at the local level. Each of the autonomous communities has its own government and adopts its own policies, although it follow some common national policy guidelines. For example, the aforementioned Organic Law 1/2004 is applicable throughout the country, but each autonomous community may also have its own law on gender-based violence. There are 17 social services acts, one for each of the autonomous communities. These acts differ in terms of social rights, social services, and social expenditure. The emergence of this decentralized administration model has led to major differences in social rights by place of residence. In parallel, many social services are provided by nonprofit or for-profit organizations acting on behalf of the public authorities, for which they receive public financial resources (Martínez-Román, 2013).

In Spain, social workers working with battered immigrant women practice in various fields, such as the health and social services sectors; the legal system; and areas of employment, housing, education, and social exclusion. They are generally responsible for important tasks such as the initial reception of women in situations of IPV and act as the professional focal point that connects different types of services, including public services such as health centers, hospitals, local social services, emergency care services, subsidized housing, and the courts. In addition, some social workers work in nonprofit organizations providing services for women, immigrants, and people at risk of experiencing social exclusion, among others.

Method

This qualitative study formed part of a wider research project examining the determinants of access to health and the social resources available in Spain for tackling IPV in general and among immigrant women in particular (Briones-Vozmediano, Goicolea, Ortiz-Barreda, Gil-González, & Vives-Cases, 2014).

Participants and Sampling Procedures

For this study, 12 social workers were recruited using a purposive sampling strategy. Purposive sampling implies that the sample is selected to meet relevant characteristics for the subject of research in accordance with purposive parameters (Miles & Huberman, 1994). In the present research, the central parameter for sampling was having professionals represented in the sample who were working in different regions of Spain and who had broad experience in providing social, health, legal, and employment assistance to battered immigrant women in public and nonprofit services. The final sample of social workers represented the areas of Barcelona, Madrid, Valencia, and Alicante, with an average of 20 years of professional experience. All participants in the study were women.

The purpose and procedure of the study were explained, an opportunity to ask questions was provided, and written informed consent was obtained from each participant prior to data collection. Ethical approval was sought and obtained from the ethics committee.

Collection and Analysis of Data

We conducted in-depth semi-structured interviews with each social worker between September 2010 and December 2011. Interviews were conducted by a member of the research team at the professionals’ workplace, and lasted for approximately 35–90 min.

The interview guide included a series of topics to be discussed during the interview. There was no predetermined sequential order, and questions were open ended. The interview was divided into two sections, opening with a question concerning the professional competencies of the interviewees’ specialty areas in the provision of support to battered immigrant women and closing with a question about their general evaluation and the possibility of improving support to battered immigrant women. The first section dealt with their experience with battered immigrant women and the problems encountered, and the second with the interventions carried out and their perceptions regarding immigrant women’s satisfaction with these interventions and resources.

All of the interviews were conducted in Spanish, which was the mother tongue for both interviewers and participants (all Spanish born), until data saturation was achieved. The interviews were recorded and then transcribed verbatim to a word processor. All data were imported into qualitative analysis software (Atlas.ti-7). The analysis was carried out following the main strategies of a “conventional content analysis” (Hsieh & Shannon, 2005).

Through the texts, we identified meaning units from sentences or paragraphs with the same content. Then we prepared condensed meaning units, namely, summarized versions of the meaning units. The next step was to develop codes from the meaning units. These codes reflected a higher level of abstraction and were grouped together in order to formulate categories. Categories reflect the manifest content of the text, the statements the interviewed social workers explicitly expressed about IPV in immigrant women. Finally, a theme emerged that cut across all the categories and reflected the latent content of the text; namely, what was implicit in the content of the interviews.

We applied the criteria described by Lincoln and Guba (1985) to ensure trustworthiness in qualitative research. Transferability was enhanced by selecting participants’ profiles based on their ability to contribute to the research question. In order to enhance dependability, we used an emergent design and responded to constant change even when that implied modifications to the planned schedule or the interview guides. In addition, social desirability bias may have influenced the participants’ responses.

Findings and Discussion

Three categories emerged from our data analysis: (1) immigration as an additional factor of discrimination apart from being female and experiencing IPV, (2) “revolving door” related to migrant women’s use of support services for IPV, and (3) the interaction between social work and public policy. A crosscutting category also emerged: Spanish and immigrant women experiencing IPV in Spain also share common experiences of gendered violence. This means that battered immigrant women encounter social discrimination fundamentally because they are female (Gilfus, Trabold, O’Brien, & Fleck-Henderson, 2010). This primary form of discrimination is then compounded by other forms, those of experiencing IPV, being an immigrant, and other factors related to structural discrimination. (Mattson, 2014; Samuels & Ross-Sheriff, 2008; Sokoloff & Dupont, 2005).

Immigration as an Additional Factor of Discrimination Apart From Being Female and Experiencing IPV

The social workers interviewed said that battered immigrant women in Spain are at a high risk of experiencing multiple forms of discrimination: because they are women, because they are battered, and because they are immigrants. Fear of the aggressor is the biggest obstacle to actions aimed at prevention, intervention, and follow-up with battered immigrant women. Perpetrators use fear to control women, and they try to make women feel doubly inferior, to make them believe that they don’t have as many rights as someone living in or born in Spain.

Social workers indicated that most of those in IPV situations failed to access social, health, or legal services because (a) the women see violence as a normal part of life and do not consider themselves victims, (b) they want to hide the abuse from their families and social environment, (c) they have no information about the legal framework or specialist social resources, (d) they fear retaliation from the aggressor, and (e) they lack support networks and economic resources. Other reasons the social workers gave included shortcomings in the legislation and its implementation and insufficient and sometimes ineffective resources.

Immigration is an additional factor of discrimination that is added to discrimination due to being female and discrimination due to experiencing IPV (Bowie & Dopwell, 2013).

“It’s much more difficult for an immigrant woman experiencing violence to get out of the situation. They have fewer social networks and resources, some don’t have a job, or any training.” (E 7, nongovernmental organization [NGO] for people experiencing social exclusion)

In addition to obstacles, these women also have the capacity for resilience (Pernas Riano, 2013):

[…] they’re like survivors because having to leave your country, your roots, your family, I think they have the strength to move on, I think that when you don’t have any resources or when you don’t get the support you need, this can help you to get out of the situation. (E 10, specialist IPV court)

The social workers interviewed said that policies and services should take the migratory phenomenon into account, but in the context of IPV services for women in general, without making distinctions based on the country of origin (Sokoloff & Dupont, 2005).

It would be a personalized service but not specializing in services for immigrant women…just, this is Ana, this is Luisa, and this is Fatima, and each of them have their own particular circumstances. (E 4, specialist public IPV service)

According to social workers, immigrant women experiencing IPV feel defenseless in a strange country, and this fact is used by the perpetrators (Messing, Becerra, Ward-Lasher, & Androff, 2015). They do not know their rights in Spain (Nawal, Orloff, Dutton, & Hass, 2012; Erez et al., 2009) or the resources available to them, and they do not know where to turn for help:

If they haven’t got any documentation, they assume that they have no rights. You explain to them their rights, and they start to calm down a little and they start to understand. (E 8, NGO for people experiencing social exclusion)

Social workers comment on the need to identify cultural factors (Berg, 2014) such as when women come from societies with a deeply rooted tradition of patriarchal ideology. According to the International Organization of Migration (2012), one factor that pushes women to migrate—in addition to the economic factor—is gender inequality in the countries of origin. In agreement with the results of other studies in Spain, the interviewed social workers consider that Latin American women’s vision of IPV changes after they arrive in Spain and become aware of gender violence policies in the host country. They learn that it is mistreatment and that they do have rights in Spain (Aguirre Hidalgo, 2009; Arias Astray, 2008; Arnoso, Arnoso, Mazkiaran, & Irazu, 2012; Edefundazioa, 2012; Gracia, Herrero, Lila, & Fuente, 2010; Vidales, 2010).

Over there (Latin America), they wouldn’t have dreamt of reporting it, but when they file a complaint here they admit that they received far more abuse in their own country than they do here, but that it was seen as normal over there, and it’s only once they’re here that they begin to think about it, and not only think about it, but also go about seeking help, or getting out of the situation, something which was unthinkable over there. (E 10, specialist IPV court)

Their lack of an income or sufficient economic resources is one of the main barriers faced by all battered women, including immigrant women (Adams, Tolman, Bybee, Sullivan, & Kennedy, 2012; Foro para la integración social de los inmigrantes, 2011). If the household income is provided solely by the man, the woman is economically dependent, she is trapped. This situation has been exacerbated by the current economic crisis and rising unemployment.

Another obstacle reported was communication in a language other than the majority language, and different cultural contexts that reinforce mutual ignorance and structural inequalities (Mattsson, 2014; Postmust et al., 2014). The need for translation complicates the professional relationship and can lead to increased vulnerability:

Among the Moroccans, certain populations that need an interpreter in court, I’ve lost count of the times I’ve been told that what the interpreters have often tried to do is mediate, ‘How can you leave your husband?’ or that they haven’t understood things very well […]. (E 6, specialist public IPV service)

Women’s Use of a Revolving Door in Support Services

Professional intervention can be provided by a variety of services, whether they specialize in women experiencing IPV or not. Specialist services for battered women do not make a distinction between Spanish women and immigrant women. There are also services for women that do not specialize in IPV but nevertheless also work with situations of violence against women, and these do not make a distinction according to the country of origin, either. In many cases, battered immigrant women do not mention their situation when they seek help from services, usually when applying for economic support, employment, housing, and other forms of assistance.

According to social workers, immigrant women who begin to receive help to deal with their IPV situation are not always aware of their abusive situation. Along the lines of Messing, Becerra, Ward-Lasher, and Androff (2015), they believe that they must withstand the pressures of the perpetrator, so they are at greater risk of abandoning services to continue or resume living with their aggressor (Gilfus et al., 2010). This exit from services, with a concomitant abandonment of the empowerment process, does not preclude a new entrance at a later stage. The social workers interviewed described an open-door policy (Campbell, 2002), so that battered women could come and go repeatedly.

[…] the cycle of violence […] So they come here in the remorse phase, but when he quote unquote repents, they go back, they can go through this cycle over and over again and leave the relationship after having been through it several times, that’s when they leave, and so they go back time and time again” (E 11, specialist IPV court).

Children are a key factor for women in seeking help, but children are also the main reason for continuing to live with the aggressor:

[…] they always have an over-inflated sense of guilt “Maybe it’s been me who hasn’t been able to understand, or it’s my fault that my children have been separated from their father”, they feel very guilty, and this guilt is magnified in immigrant women. Why? Because if I file a complaint about this man, and he has a criminal or police record, his residence or work permit won’t be renewed, so it’s my responsibility whether this man’s permit is renewed or not, if he’s allowed to return to Spain, “what are my children going to think?”. (E 6, specialist public IPV service)

Another argument is fear of the consequences for the children if the woman does not find sufficient support after leaving the abusive father:

That’s what one woman said to me recently, “I don’t want him to go to jail because he’s the one with the job and I don’t have any means of supporting the children” and it’s true, this woman is barely subsisting…. (E 10, specialist IPV court)

Studies have also shown the risk to children and the need to consider them as victims of the abuse perpetrated against their mother for all purposes of protection and support (Ayllon et al., 2011; Kim, 2012; Øverlien, 2010; Weisz & Wiersma, 2011). Organic Law 8/2015, of July 22, modifies the system of protection of children and adolescents and the Spanish National Strategy for the Elimination of Violence against Women 2013–2016. It currently includes children as a target population (Ministerio de Sanidad, Servicios Sociales e Igualdad, 2013).

Many immigrant women in situations of IPV continue living with the aggressor or decide to go back to him because they encounter structural, economic, and personal barriers to separation and leading an independent life.

They go back because what’s outside is worse than what they had inside…they have nothing, they can’t find work. No money, no house, and two children, what chances have you got with two children? If they don’t get any support, that’s worse for them than returning to the aggressor. The same applies in the case of Spanish women. (E 7, NGO for people experiencing social exclusion)

There are cases of battered women who, having left one abusive relationship, find themselves in the same situation of IPV again with a new partner.

Social workers tell about the need to understand the limitations of the work and the individual’s capacity to carry it out (Shier & Graham, 2011). When a woman goes back to her aggressor, some social workers said they considered it a professional failure and a policy failure. This produces dissatisfaction that can lead to professional burnout (Agllias, 2012; Goldblatt et al., 2009). Others social workers reported believing that women are free to choose and that this situation should not be seen as a professional failure, because the woman now has the information that she previously lacked and is better able to recognize abuse.

These social workers said they accepted the decision of a woman to go back home and prepared the ground for the possibility of her leaving the aggressor again, making it clear that they accepted her decision and that the doors would be open for her, should she need to seek help again:

[…] We tell them not to feel guilty and that our door is always open. It’ll be open for them as often as they want. We never close it, we’re not going to close it because they’ve gone back to the abuser, no way, the door will be open and when she wants to, she can come back. (E 2, public service for women)

The characteristics identified by social workers as good practice are consistent with those reported in other studies: multicultural competence and the ability to establish a rapport, provide personalized attention, and empower women (Williamson & Abrahams, 2014). It is important that services adopt a gender perspective and provide personalized support to women in order to empower them, bearing in mind the specificity of an IPV situation, which is exacerbated by immigration (Danis, 2003; Pivorienė & Ūselytė, 2013) and other processes of oppression and identity (Mehrotra, 2010).

The Interaction Between Social Work and Public Policy

Social workers reported positive and negative reactions to policies and their implementation. They said it was good that male violence against women is considered a crime and that woman have rights. The existence of special IPV courts was assessed as being very positive.

Immigrant women also have established rights:

The man who’s in jail right now for beating the partner he had here, well by the time he gets out of jail he knows that something’s changed, it’s not like before, and the partner he was abusing has also learned something, […] now she knows that she doesn’t have to put up with abuse, obviously that we have rights […] I the immigrants who live here have also learned a lot. (E 11, specialist IPV court)

Participants noticed that despite the legislation and affirmative action for women, structural violence or social abuse still exist (Crepaldi, Samek, & Corsi, 2010; Mukherjee et al., 2011). The implementation of the law was less successful due to barriers to employment, housing, education of children, social resources, and economic benefits. This situation is worse in the case of immigrant women who face greater barriers to exercising their rights than Spanish women do (González-Méndez & Santana-Hernández, 2012).

When women go back to their partner and he continues to abuse them, in many cases this is because they haven’t received sufficient resources and support to cope with living alone. (E 12, non-profit for IPV women)

The obligation to file a formal complaint in order to access services and benefits is a major obstacle for many women. The legal system attempts to protect women, but it can be a major obstacle for many women (more for the immigrant women; Zadnik et al., 2016). There is a link between gender violence and the legal status of undocumented migrant women (Pérez, 2012). Those social workers with more experience coincided in considering that filing a complaint is not always the first option, because it does not guarantee the issue of a restraining order and is the beginning of a legal process that can lead to a situation of double victimization for battered women (Albertín Carbo, 2009). The president of the observatory against domestic violence, which reports to the Spanish General Council of the Judiciary, has urged the need to extend comprehensive assistance services to victims who are too scared to file a complaint and to stop linking access to a complaint (Consejo General del Poder Judicial, 2012), which may indicate a change in policy.

Often, when women seek help, they receive information and are encouraged to file a complaint because this is a prerequisite for access to support from the public sector (Ammar, Orloff, Dutton, & Hass, 2012). However, the more experienced social workers said that encouraging women to file a complaint should not constitute the first professional intervention and that women were given false expectations about filing complaints.

A woman who wants to leave the violent cycle, that’s when she’s in danger. So we try to make sure that the woman is psychologically strong, that she’s doing what she wants to do, and then we offer her all the protection measures available, the police, and everything that’s required. (E 2, public service for woman)

Filing a complaint does not guarantee the award of a restraining order. The order is difficult to obtain because IPV must be proven. Thus, these social workers said that filing a complaint should not be viewed as the first step, and that it was more important to work with women first. The beginning of legal proceedings can become a source of double victimization for battered women:

They have to be prepared because the change, the break which occurs, the destabilization and restructuring, means that the woman will have to face what comes next and she has to be prepared. And I can tell you now that there are times that legal action is not the priority, sometimes it’s better not to go down that road […] getting involved in court proceeding sometimes leads to further victimization, when perhaps a separation and knowing how to tackle it would be much simpler. (E 10, specialist IPV court)

They stated that it was first necessary to weigh up the advantages and disadvantages of filing a complaint, and that this had to be a voluntary decision on the part of the woman which would only be adopted when she was ready to face the situation.

There are emotional ties, expectations about life, these are difficult situations, it’s not easy to file a complaint against the father of your children, the person you’ve been living with for years […] we explain their options, we tell them, we give them information, especially about the reality of the situation, because, with the proof they have […] a complaint will be filed but they probably won’t get a restraining order because there isn’t enough evidence. (E 3, specialist IPV service)

Regarding decentralization of public administration, there is unequal access to services in the autonomous communities, because not all regions are governed by the same rules. In general, access to services and benefits is dependent on having a restraining order. Some autonomous communities or municipalities, however, have flexible policy guidelines on the interpretation of the legislation. They give priority to the woman’s needs and provide for access to economic benefits and other basic support measures without requiring a restraining order.

Social workers try to influence policy by pushing for improvements. For example, pressure has been exerted to eliminate the obligation of filing a complaint in order to be entitled to access emergency services.

One strategy for overcoming immigrant women’s reluctance to attend public IPV services would be to promote non-IPV-specific programs for women such as the social integration and workforce entry interventions implemented by the CepAim Foundation (Arias Astray, 2008). The role of nonprofit social organizations is very important in the prevention and detection of IPV (European Commission, 2011), as they can give Spanish-language learning support, establish peer support networks (Sokoloff, 2008) and provide information about the nature of IPV, women’s rights in Spain, and how to access services and benefits.

The current global crisis increases stress and exacerbates violence in general and gender-based violence in particular. Austerity measures and cuts in public services such as education, health, social services, social protection, and minimum income benefits are steadily worsening the situation and have a serious impact on the quality of services.

Limitations

It is possible that the fact that all of the interviewed professionals were Spanish (born in Spain) may have had an influence on the perspectives on the topics addressed. Had some of the professionals been born outside of Spain, their experiences certainly would have reflected aspects of the “immigrant experience” in Spain. This dimension will be taken into account in future studies.

Conclusions

The violence perpetrated against women is a violation of women’s human rights, and migration can be an added form of discrimination. Social work aims to support human rights. For that reason, research about the professional practice of social workers with battered immigrant women is of great interest.

This qualitative study provides valuable information about the access to social services of immigrant women in Spain experiencing IPV, and professional social workers practice in this context. Social workers participating in this study show extensive experience and knowledge in this field, but they do not publish the results of their professional practice. This article makes visible the richness of their professional practice and contributes to a deeper understanding of social work and public social policies in Spain.

The concept of violence against women is not homogeneous among immigrant women experiencing IPV. The results indicate the multiple and multidimensional discrimination toward immigrant women experiencing IPV, although the principal source of discrimination is because they are women. The direct cultural and structural violence (Galtung, 1969) they and their children face are the main reasons why these women alternate between seeking help from services and returning to the aggressor (revolving door). Immigrant women experiencing IPV face greater barriers to exercising their rights than Spanish women, but immigrant women also have a capacity for resilience. Social workers also need capacity for resilience, not considering revolving doors as a professional failure, but identifying existing gaps in social policies.

In their professional practice, social workers are often assigned the role of professional focal point, establishing bridges between services. This indicates that their professional skills and expertise are well recognized. Social workers consider as good practice including a gender perspective, multicultural competence, empathy, personalized attention and empowering women.

Expert opinion on professional performance reveals the interaction of social work with public policy and suggests elements for reflection on professional practice. First, the decentralization of social policies in Spain produces discrepancies in benefits and services between different autonomous communities. Second, the national legal system to protect battered women can be an obstacle for Spanish woman, and more so for immigrant women in an irregular situation, if a formal complaint order is compulsory to access services and benefits. The majority of social workers reported that the first step is to work with women because legal proceedings can be a source of double victimization for battered women. Third, the austerity policies are resulting cuts that affect health, social services, education, housing, and social benefits. The practice of social work is in part conditioned by these policies but the possibility exists to influence policy (policy practice).

The multiple causes of violence require a multidimensional policy approach that should place great emphasis on prevention and include training of social workers and other professionals working in the field. A gender perspective is crucial, taking the specificity of immigration into account. It is important to identify the intersections within multidiscrimination in order to understand the causes and consequences of each individual’s situation and adopt personalized and structural actions. It is also noteworthy that the organization, information sharing, and coordination between the legal system and health, social, and other services are crucial for serving immigrant women experiencing IPV. One strategy for overcoming immigrant women’s reluctance to attend public services would be to promote non-IPV-specific programs. The role of nonprofit social organizations is very important in the prevention and detection of IPV.

The results of this study may help professional social workers, other professionals, and public policy makers to design effective strategies for meeting the demands and needs of this population.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This study was supported by the Ministry of Science and Innovation of Spain with a grant for Health Research provided through the Carlos III Health Institute [PI10/00151].

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Immigrant Women Suffering From IPV in Spain

Abstract

Keywords

The Legal Context of Battered Women in Spain

Method

Participants and Sampling Procedures

Collection and Analysis of Data

Findings and Discussion

Immigration as an Additional Factor of Discrimination Apart From Being Female and Experiencing IPV

Women’s Use of a Revolving Door in Support Services

The Interaction Between Social Work and Public Policy

Limitations

Conclusions

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

Funding

References