Abstract
The entertainment industry is driven to sell certain commodities transnationally, particularly in a world where borders are becoming increasingly diffused through the access afforded by the Internet. Media content is easily consumed, making cultural exporting fast and easy. Similar tropes and plot have been replicated in the East Asian film and TV industry, perhaps in hopes of replicating the success. This paper looks at the manufacture of ideal masculinities within East Asia, particularly China. From ex-members of K-pop group EXO to the successful TV series, cross-influence of East Asian popular culture is prominent. Through this paper, I look at the influence of K-dramas on the Chinese TV industry and particularly the manufacturing of a militarized masculinity on Chinese TV. Far from portraying brute and fearsome soldiers, ideal masculinity on TV is portrayed as “steely exterior but gentle internally” and thus desirable romantic partners to heterosexual women. By exploring the basic conception of Chinese masculinity, I then discuss representations of militarized masculinity on the silver screen (Wolf Warrior II) and C-dramas, with particular focus on the series, You Are My Hero (2021).
Keywords
The replication and duplication of images across the media is becoming increasingly homogenous, not only across any specific region such as East Asia, but across the globe through the borderless nature of online media. Goldsmith and Mander (2001: 100) describe the seamlessness of access to Western media through satellite television. This has been further accelerated by the mass export and distribution of culture through the internet. The propagation of Korean pop culture via YouTube and, in recent years, streaming platforms like Netflix. Ideals prescribed through the culture industry are homogenized in order to ensure that the desires of the consumers are made similar, if not the same. Goldsmith and Mander (2001: 104) use the term “global cultural cloning” to discuss about the replication of hegemonic ideals even in remote corners of the earth. Television is the medium through which representations of ideals are repetitively played out on screens everywhere, conveying the standards and ideologies as churned out to produce “a unified global consciousness” (Goldsmith and Mander, 2001: 105). It would be an oversimplification to assume that audiences are mere passive recipients of ideologies propagated through the media. However, cultural production that form soft power can be used “as a tool to hide ideology,” covertly propagating values and ideals. (Jang, 2019: 27) Boundaries between concepts of soft power, propaganda, and public/cultural diplomacy remain elusive, as is the function of films and serial dramas.
Within East and Southeast Asia, a form of masculinity has witnessed growing popularity and is currently enjoying an increasing presence in the global media. The circulation and propagation of certain images that is becoming increasingly hegemonic can also be attributed to its apparent “cultural odourlessness.” This claim has been made by Iwabuchi (2002) and Jung (2010) in their analyses of anime and K-pop idols respectively. The image of “soft masculinity,” or that which Sun Jung termed as “pretty flower boys” (kkonminam) to represent the gentle characteristics of soft masculinity, has become one of the dominant types of masculinity to grace the screens of film and television, particularly in the East Asian region (Jung, 2010). While most countries do not appear to deliberately stymie such production and onscreen representations of masculinity, the Chinese state has ostensibly moved toward a ban on the appearance of “soft” boys which has also been dubbed as a “culture war” (Gao, 2021). The recent changes that have swept through certain industries within China, particularly the entertainment industry, has also been compared to the cultural revolution. This cultural shift can be viewed critically through the concerted effort to shape ideal masculinity within Chinese society which is also heavily influenced by nationalism and politics. As noted in the literature of masculinity studies, also especially within the Chinese context, the construction and articulation of masculinities are intricately linked with nationalist discourse (Louie, 2012; Song, 2021; Song and Hird, 2013).
Through the process of globalization and capitalism, Chinese nationalism has become a hybridized one which can be seen weaved into its productions from their cultural industries (Song and Hird, 2013: 34). Likewise, the process of globalization and influences within the East Asian region has further allowed Chinese gender discourse to diversify. Although this does not indicate that masculinities across the East Asian region have become homogenized, there has been great influence from Korean popular culture in the region due to its growing popularity. China, as an example, had perceived this success as a threat to their local industry (including other influences of political issues) which led to the ban of Korean popular culture (Kim, 2017). Despite the awareness consumers may have of the unrealistic standards and ideals of masculinity perpetuated through Korean popular culture, it is undeniable that the popularity of Hallyu content has had an impact on the perception of masculinity and its performance (Maliangkay and Song, 2014: 170–172).
Some of the most popular and highest-earning celebrities in China happened to be part of the K-pop industry or had initiated their careers in K-pop. Among them are Luhan, Lay, Tao and Kris Wu who all began their careers as members of K-pop boy group, Exo. Having left the group and established themselves in the Chinese entertainment industry in the mid-2010s, they have enjoyed considerable success through frequent appearances on film, TV and variety shows. Wang Yibo, currently a rising actor, also belonged to a K-pop group. Elfving-Hwang (2011) described these kkotminam as “well-groomed and fashionably dressed, accessorized with the latest man-bag, and excessively concerned with their looks.” Signaled by Song’s analysis of sissyphobia and the representation of masculine images onscreen with reference to the lead actors of the Chinese TV/web series The Untamed, Xiao Zhan and Wang Yibo, the esthetic of the “little fresh meat” has become the dominant type of masculinity represented and most sought after on-screen (Song, 2021). Little fresh meat’ (xiaoxianrou) is an internet slang coined to describe good-looking young men. The inescapable connotation of “meat” signifies a consumption which typifies the construction and commodification of good-looking young men who are increasingly dominating the screens – from film to TV. Commodity can be stories that sell best, despite overused tropes and identical plot lines; they can also be images or representations of certain types of gender ideals, perhaps particularly types of masculinity that appeal to female audiences who are increasingly consumers with economic influence (Louie, 2012: 939; Song, 2021: 3). Many of these celebrities are also often labeled “traffic stars” (liuliang mingxing) for their ability to generate clicks and hit the top search ranking on the internet. They are “traffic stars” because their news generates traffic on cyberspace which, in our age, converts into monetary advantage.
This essay identifies the influences and development of masculinities in the Chinese media, particularly noting the influences of Korean popular culture, while considering the Chinese state’s ostensible pushback against this type of “soft” masculinity. The Chinese government ostensibly seeks to manufacture and promote another ideal masculinity via the media, that is, a militarized masculinity. However, it can be argued that this process of manufacture and sustenance of ideal masculinity is not a unilateral one. Audiences, especially the growing influence of female audiences and other positions within the production, also hold sway over the articulation of ideal masculinities. Through an analysis of the militarized masculinity performed in You Are My Hero (2021), I argue that the state (and its agencies) attempt to achieve a balance between portraying a desirable male character while promoting a type of masculinity as ideal, in line with certain state policies. This effectively allows the state to use TV dramas as a means through which an ideal masculinity is manufactured and represented on-screen.
The influence of K-drama
The Korean TV series, Descendants of the Sun (2016), was a runaway success during its first broadcast and had contributed greatly to the tourism sector. It has been said that the series was designed to be exported to China from the outset and had raked in 2.57 billion views after its 15th episode’s broadcast on iQiyi (Jang, 2019: 31). The screenwriters were criticized for promoting nationalism though both screenwriters have denied having any such intentions and clarified that scenes portraying patriotism were only intended to portray the lives of the two characters, the male lead being a soldier, and that the scenes were merely candid depictions of their routine as a military man (Jang, 2019: 31). The popularity of Descendants of the Sun is further testified by being the oft-referenced series when other TV series of similar plot or premise are produced. Both native and transnational audiences tend to debate whether any such productions are simply just another remake of Descendants. China and Taiwan have previously considered measures against the influx of Korean dramas during prime time as a form of protectionism for local producers. However, Lee (2008: 196) considered the greater collaborative and co-production efforts that were a result of such measures which allowed local production companies to capitalize on the popularity of Korean celebrities. A development toward producing similar productions or localized television adaptations have become increasingly popular. As an example, following the pan-Asian success of Boys Over Flowers, there have been at least two different Mainland Chinese adaptations of the same series. 1 It is therefore not surprising for the audience to first speculate a possible remake or adaptation (which are essentially localization of a Korean TV drama) when they come across similar plots.
Similar to Descendants which was supported by the South Korean state, the production of You Are My Hero (2021) was supported by the film and television cultural platform of the Ministry of Public Security in China (公安部金盾影视文化中心). The lead actors had also trained with the actual special police force in preparation for the filming of the series. Through such collaborative efforts in producing cultural content that is intended for entertainment purposes, which also gained considerable popularity, I analyze the construction of ideal masculinity within the Chinese context, via direct participation of a government agency, through the means of a romance drama that can also be categorized as “main melody.” The influence of Descendants is evident as seen in frequent onscreen comments mentioning Descendants (Guduodata). Although the influence of Descendants is recognizable, the producers had to ensure that their production meets the criteria of both the Chinese state and market requirements by assembling elements that create the ideal “main melody” narrative that is at the same time accessible, palatable to the masses yet “ideologically correct” (Hu et al., 2022: 989).
The manufacture of militarized masculinity on TV
Representations of militarized masculinity can be seen as one the most potent and virile form of masculinity images onscreen. The image of the Western hero in the wild west, living on the frontier fighting and triumphing against overwhelming odds was one of the iconic images of masculinity in the West, one which boys and young men dreamed of but no longer had the chance of experiencing (Donald, 1992: 125). Donald (1992: 124) also pointed out that these mediated representations of men on TV were primary references for boys learning to become men, especially given that they likely spend more time accessing these models of masculinity than they do modeling after father-figures in their lives. Likewise, in Chinese media, martial arts heroes, revolutionary heroes from period dramas, or police-gangster films from Hong Kong made up the predominant images of masculinity on TV and the silver screen. Song and Hird (2013: 33–35) analyzed various popular subgenres and its representations of masculinity and found that the hybridized construction of masculinity discourse was a result from the synthesization of both traditional Chinese and Western notions of masculinity. However, it should be noted that definitive masculine traits or characteristics in Chinese culture are not necessarily limited to esthetics. Instead, emphasis is placed on intrinsic values exhibited or performed. 2 Masculinity within Chinese culture is more nuanced and requires a balance between physically observable esthetics and innate qualities. To borrow from Judith Butler’s concept of gender performance, there is a performative aspect to masculinity which can be typified, generated and even mass produced onscreen as a form of prescription (see Butler, 2011). Indeed, values that are ingrained within traditional Chinese society as emblematic of Chinese masculinity such as courage, loyalty, integrity, and righteousness, can also be performed. The wen and wu masculinity – conceptualized by Edwards and Louie (1994) – each signifying cultural attainment and martial prowess, are also equally performable.
The representation of militarized masculinity in Chinese media is deeply intertwined with patriotism and nationalistic sentiments. Among the top 10 highest grossing domestic films in China (Endata, 2023), five of them were heavily centered on war with heavy themes of patriotism 3 . Blockbuster Chinese action-military film Wolf Warrior has been made for a Chinese audience. Hu and Guan (2021: 2) analyzed the film Wolf Warrior II for its “integration of martial arts and special effects (. . .) to investigate the cinematic representation of active masculinity in relation to nationalism.” They posited that the film reveals “how the male body is used as a site for the projection of national power, and how patriotism is revived through a contemporary signification of the nation in cross-genre action-military films.” (Hu and Guan, 2021: 2) The blockbuster military Chinese film Wolf Warrior II has been a commercial success albeit predominantly attributed to native and overseas Chinese national filmgoers. It features the male protagonist, Leng Feng, who is an ex-soldier commissioned by the Chinese government to carry out missions beyond Chinese territory. Teo (2019) described Wolf Warrior II as “a Rambo-style, macho, action-adventure film,” one which bears the game-changing potential in changing the tides of the Chinese film industry. Its “main melody” categorical label is one which Teo explains as “inconsistent, subject to time and circumstance, but may be simply defined here as films extolling the virtues of the state, the military and the Communist Party of China.” (Teo, 2019: 323) In simpler words, the “main melody” category can be understood as a category which carries approved messages and ideals of the state. The films have also prompted the concept of “wolf warrior diplomacy” to describe China’s diplomatic approach (Zhu, 2020).
However, unlike the hypermasculine representation of the Chinese male lead characters in action-military films that are solely focused on constructing the image of the nation, TV dramas appear to portray and represent masculinity slightly differently; particularly in the romance genre where action sequences are typically lesser. In 2021, there were two Chinese dramas which featured male lead characters who represent militarized masculinity. For the first half of 2021, You Are My Hero (Nishiwodechengchiyinglei, literally “You are my city fortress”) ranked second while My Dear Guardian (Aishang tezhongbing, literally “Falling in love with a special force solider”) ranked 11th. The methodology 4 for calculating the viewership considers only effective clicks and total hours viewed, thus excluding abnormal click counts and view counts of Behind-The-Scene clips, teaser clips or other edited clips in order to reflect the market’s response more accurately. YAMH had better audience ratings and was also nominated in the 50th Emmy awards.
Both series were frequently compared to Descendants given the similar character backgrounds and premise, particularly the occupation of male and female leads of each series. Much like Descendants, the actor casted for the male lead role in You are my Hero (Bai Jing Ting) also has a boyish face. However, both the actor and the character are not an exact replication of the former and through analysis of the character portrayal as well as the narrative, I attempt to provide an observation of a hybridized type of militarized masculinity that is different from that of a failproof macho, “wolf warrior” soldier who represents the nation. Through You are my Hero, a more benign type of militarized masculinity is hybridized to present itself as desirable to audiences as a romantic partner, as well as male audiences who look to him as a holistic role model.
Convergence of manufactured East Asian masculinity and the new militarized masculinity in You are my Hero (YAMH)’s Xing Kelei
By examining his physical appearance and his interactions with the female lead, Mi Ka, a hybridized form of militarized masculinity is constructed to merge qualities of different types of masculinities that have been represented on Chinese TV. Arguably, the Chinese state’s involvement in the production of a romance series also supports the argument that by portraying this hybridized form of militarized masculinity, military men or police officers are represented as romantically desirable. This is also in line with the trend which has severely criticized the dominant presence of “effeminate” or “sissy” male idols on TV.
The term “soft masculinity” has often been used to describe the K-pop male idol image, which also extends to Chinese popular culture given its many adaptations, adoption of esthetics and cross-influences. The term “soft masculinity” is similar to the wen masculinity (or seonbi masculinity) which is the opposite of militaristic masculinity (or martial/wu masculinity). Sun Jung also posited that the “manufactured versatile masculinity” (Jung, 2010: 163) of male idols in the K-pop industry is designed to be hybridized and captures a balance of soft and hard masculinity. The manufactured nature of this masculinity aptly conceptualizes the construction of masculinities that vary but are designed to be replicated. As an example, different groups may assign “roles” to each member which typically boils down to catchphrases or memorable characteristics such as members who are athletic, cutesy, or charismatic, etc. They are also often expected to perform their gender in “subversive” ways, which usually uses the term “plot-twist charm” (banjeon maeryeok 반전매력) in order to appeal as a multi-faceted persona. By blending elements of the kkotminam with “soft” or hybridized masculinity, the culture industry manufactures a commodity which is both visually attractive but also presented to appear as innately appealing. The ideological force driving the mass manufacture of this commodity is the visual attraction and its apparently innate qualities which are promoted as appealing to the masses. And this manufacture of ideal masculinit(ies) is targeted at the growing consumers market of the culture industry. The sites at which such masculinities are manufactured can be role models for shaping ideal and desirable masculinities among men but they are also appealing and desirable to heterosexual female and homosexual male consumers of the culture industry.
In the following section, I argue that the male lead characters in You Are My Hero embodies similarly manufactured masculinity which performs this plot-twist charm, whereby they possess characteristics that are in stark contrast to their physical appearance or how they initially appear onscreen. However, unlike Sun Jung’s conception of non-nationality and trans-nationality (mugukjeok and chogukjeok) or “cultural odorlessness” which she argues establishes its appeal in such manifestations of masculinities through its unidentifiable nationality, the manifestations of masculinity in Chinese dramas tend to be marked with certain characteristics; exceedingly so in a Chinese drama portraying patriotic and brave Chinese young men who serve the country as special force police officers. Major shifts within the Korean cultural industry and the influence Hallyu has made on the global stage is significantly different from the time Sun Jung first wrote her book and would benefit from further investigations of recent trends. As seen in Descendants, the male characters are evidently patriotic and does not conform to the idea of cultural odorlessness. The male characters in the YAMH embodies a hybridized masculinity but only by virtue of the inherently hybrid nature of masculinity and nationalism in Chinese society today. Nevertheless, the male characters manifest certain characteristics representing state ideologies and are designed to portray a specific type of characteristic which is intended to make Chinese masculinity appealing, perhaps to both its native and transnational audiences. Their patriotism is performed as a desirable virtue to be admired, unlike the “wolf warrior” aggressiveness portrayed in blockbuster action or military films.
With perfectly chiseled jawline, a small boyish face with fair, smooth skin, Xing Kelei in You Are My Hero (YAMH) appears to be a striking contrast to Leng Feng of Wolf Warrior who is tan skinned, with big, strong jaws and muscular arms. Xing is also tall but very lean, although still in possession of a well-trained, muscular body. In episode 4, the female lead points out that Xing does not look the part of a special force police precisely because of his appearance. She candidly says: “Look at your baby face. Also, your skin is so fair! No one in the special police team looks like this.” This appearance of Xing more closely resembles the young male idols of the K-pop and C-pop (Chinese pop) industry who often have fair and smooth skin and are well-groomed. Much like Song Joong-ki in Descendants whose boyish face gives him an almost child-like innocence, the contrasting appeal he demonstrates as a strong military man who possesses impressive leadership skills creates an ideal masculinity of a holistic attractiveness. Reference to Wolf Warrior serves as a juxtaposition of the militarized masculinity which has been predominantly represented on the silver screen. The portrayal of the hypermasculine militarized image is crucial to China’s construction of a strong nation image and constitutes a site at which both China’s hard power and soft power blend seamlessly onscreen, distributed around the world (Hu and Guan, 2021). Leng is a portrayal of a righteous Chinese soldier and his ability to fight the strong foreign (white) villain. He is a man who insists on things being done his way. When the female doctor, Rachel, refuses to leave as she was treating injured victims on-site, he simply throws her over his shoulder and puts her on the helicopter despite her protests. Portrayal of militarized masculinity in YAMH takes a dissimilar approach to the performance of masculinity.
Despite his pretty boy looks, Xing is portrayed as one who possesses great leadership, superior athletic skills and martial prowess as demonstrated during his missions. His desirability is one which would appeal to women and to men who aspire to become like him. Audience members of the series have expressed on the community forum, Douban, that “any man would have had dreams of becoming a military man like [Xing Kelei],” indicating his character’s desirability as a masculine role model but also a romantic interest. He is confident in his looks and his desirability as a romantic interest. Nevertheless, he is not narcissistic or disloyal to his girlfriend in the series. Similarly in Descendants, Yoo Shi-jin (portrayed by Song Joong-ki) is commented on by another female character as having a feminine face. In episode 3 she says, “He’s not my type at all. He looks like a girl.” The second female lead’s father disapproves of the second male lead and urges his daughter to date Yoo. He says: “I’ve told you; I like Yoo Shi-jin. He has the potential to become a general and thus, he is son-in-law material.” Both Yoo and Xing are characterized as possessing dual charm – that of admirable leadership but also boyish charms as seen in their physical appearance. Their combat skills represent the martial (or wu) masculinity which may be more akin to the macho-military type but is complemented by their gentler side as a loveable romantic.
When the lead characters began dating each other, Xing’s older sister calls Xing out for his change of personality when he is with his girlfriend. She says: “You particularly like to sajiao 5 in front of her (Mi Ka). You’re always so stern with everyone else but for an ‘iron straight man’ like yourself, how could you shamelessly sajiao in front of Mi Ka? Asking her to feed you, button your shirt, don’t you think it’s too cheesy?” While recovering from surgery, he insists that he cannot feed himself and must be fed by Mi. He also complains of body aches which was a signal for Mi to give him shoulder massages. When they were to meet after spending time apart, Xing complains that even when Mi has returned, he still has to wait 3 days to see her. “To get through a day is like enduring a year.” Though his tone and voice remain usual, Mi tells him endearingly not to sajiao, indicating that the performance of sajiao is possible despite his voice and tone. The performance of sajiao is often labeled as feminine or a display of weakness. However, this is subverted in a portrayal of militarized masculinity as represented through Xing which is a demonstration of his devotion and love for his girlfriend.
Yueh explains sajiao as an embodiment of “a set of communicative acts that express the vulnerability and helplessness of the actor through imitating a child’s immature behavior. [. . .] Metaphorically, sajiao should be also understood as a practice performed by the weak within an imbalance power relation in hopes of tactically turning adversity into advantage.” (2016: 2) It should be noted that Yueh’s research is grounded in the performative function of sajiao in daily life and within the Taiwanese context, including that of male politicians when addressing the public. Her explanation also points out another fundamental element which essentially relies on the affection of others (Yueh, 2016: 6). Feminine performance of sajiao is more well-received or at least, normalized, as compared to the negative perception of masculine performance of sajiao. However, as demonstrated or performed through these male characters onscreen, there appears to be nuanced variations of sajiao. It can thus be observed that sajiao is also a willingness to assume a seemingly weak position in order to receive more care from their romantic partner, an endearing performance to get attention and express his longing for the other (as seen in the male lead, Xing). To a lesser extent, Yoo also performs sajiao (or aegyo) when he asks his girlfriend to choose him or the delivery parcel.
The second male lead in YAMH, Shu Wenbo, is also characterized as an “iron straight man” (gangtiezhinan) who is an ex-special force soldier turned special force police. He is extremely awkward in expressing his feelings but as the series nears the end, he realizes his full potential as the desirable romantic partner. After being courted by the second female lead, he eventually opens up and proposes to the second female lead. Both first and second male leads are special force police officers who are quintessential visual representations of militarized masculinity who are also desirable as romantic partners who possess a hidden charm that is opposite to their strong appearance.
Affected by forces from various levels of production and reception, these characteristics may no longer be perceived as weak or feminine. As an example, the portrayal of the male lead as the one who cooks and does the chores is perceived as a “warm man” (nuan nan); that is, his ability to care for others and perform tasks that is conventionally expected of women. This is a desirable trait sought after by female audience members. Nuan nan has been translated as “sunshine boy” to better depict the essence of such masculinity: one who is empathetic and caring in various, often practical, ways and is able to provide warmth like the sunbeams. 6 Xing’s ability to perform sajiao and his willingness to display his own weakness are also perceived positively. He is the one who often prepares meals for his girlfriend who does not know how to cook. In episode 37 Shu also confesses to the second female lead, gets down on one knee and is in tears when he proposes to her, acknowledging that he lacked the courage to confess his feelings. Shu also cooks soup and porridge to attend to other characters who were injured or sick. Both male leads progressively demonstrate that in spite of their militarized appearance, their masculinity is a versatile one which include caring, empathetic traits and an attentiveness which may not have been expected of a macho man who is skilled in combat.
At the refugee camp for survivors of an earthquake, the second female lead also voices about her intention to make a documentary showing the new recruits of the special police force who should be recognized as “the true idol of this era” (Ep.16). The underlying message in this scene reinforces the prescribed ideal masculinity which is a militarized one, in contrast to the (male) idol celebrity culture which often feature fair and smooth skinned young men who perform on stage. In the series, despite the young age of the new recruits, they are reliable and capable of surviving extreme conditions as they dedicate themselves to helping survivors.
Although greater similarities can be found in the physical appearance of Xing and Yoo, unlike the two male leads in Descendants, the two male leads in YAMH are portrayed as men who have been wholly committed to their military career and have had barely any interest in women. The male lead meets his first love, Mi, who also has had no experience in romantic relationships. The two are set up as fated lovers. While the two male leads in Descendants were “caught red-handed” for having previously met with other women while off-duty, the male leads of YAMH have only ever had interest in the two female leads which can also be interpreted as a performance of their masculinity. There is a strong notion of selling the dream of the chaste, iron-straight military man who are also warm(-hearted) men in YAMH: they are everything a woman should want. Both series also promote their own brand of nationalism. However, YAMH can be seen as harking back to representations of masculinities in Qing-era novels that was mentioned by Huang (2003) in his article which traces the move toward an “image of a wenwu shuangquan 文武雙全 (distinguished in both literary and military arts) male protagonist.” (p. 60) The chaste male characters in YAMH also greatly resemble the heroic characters in classical Chinese literary tradition in which the yingxiong (hero) must not be concerned with romance. However, finding their first and true love within the narrative mirrors the heroic lover which Huang identifies in A Tale of Heroic Lovers, a mid-19th-century novel that proclaims the ultimate true hero as one who is “capable of the tender feelings of a lover (ernü xinchang 兒女心腸); only after people have experienced the genuine sentiments of a lover (ernü zhenqing 兒女真情) could they achieve great successes as a hero (yingxiong shiye 英雄事業).” (Huang, 2003: 63) The chaste hero metamorphoses into the loveable romantic who stays fully committed to his (monogamous) relationship with the heroine, which is, uncoincidentally, also an ideal portrayal of heterosexuality promoted by the Chinese state.
In episode 2, Yoo was rejected by his love interest who learned of his occupation which involves protecting the nation by killing. Although it is intended as a plot device for creating melodrama, it is also a gross oversimplification of a soldier’s duty in Descendants. Conversely, YAMH takes a more vigilant approach in meticulously shaping the benevolent police character as one that is far from a cold-blooded killing machine caricatured in Descendants or Wolf Warrior. In episode 11, Xing explains to Mi that, just like doctors, the police must treat every life prudently regardless of their crimes. This subverts the stereotypical characterization of militarized masculinity as one that is dictated by violence and brute force.
Ultimately, the pinnacle of the ideal man prescribed by YAMH as desirable to women and thus, admirable to men, should be one who is like the two male characters. To attain wenwu shuangquan is, in essence, to have military prowess, leadership but also the ability to be the sensitive and romantic “heroic lover.” Although the image of certain types of masculinity across East Asia appear to be similar on the surface, a deeper dive into its details revealed that the essence of militarized masculinity is culturally specific, conceptualized within the boundaries of cultural sentiments.
Conclusion
There is a section of society deeply concerned about a perceived masculinity crisis within China as expressions of gender, especially masculinity, become more diverse and hybridized. This is evidenced by the responses in the media through a vocalized worry about the lack of “manly” role models in China and the state’s response via policy to “strengthen” boys by “teaching masculinity” (Song, 2021; Wang et al., 2021). Official discourse promoting militarized masculinity appears to coincide with the state’s strategies in projecting itself as a strong nation. The collective fear of this perceived “decline of masculinity” in society, however, is not one shared by all as the younger generation are more welcoming of diverse gender expressions and that China’s official policy to have more male teachers in the education system will not fix this apparent, collectively imagined “masculinity crisis.”
While the series YAMH appears to construct a site at which both militarized and versatile masculinities blend into one, it should also be noted that there is a boundary within which such masculinity is constructed. Indeed, the complexity of performing masculinity cannot be fully represented within fictional narratives on TV. Xing’s (and Yoo’s) physical appearance of boyish facial features and fair skin is coupled with his impressive capabilities as a leader of his team in the special force which inevitably promotes an ideal that should express masculinity as “physically tough” first before all else. It does also embody the concept of “being tough on the outside but soft at heart” (neirouwaigang) which can be positively interpreted as someone who has a tough exterior but is caring and sensitive at heart. The characterization of the two male leads are precise manifestations of this masculinity which appears to be what the state seeks to promote as popular ideal masculinity.
