Abstract
This systematic review examined how universal school-based social emotional learning (USB SEL) programs move across countries and how cultural humility appears when Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich, and Democratic (WEIRD)-developed programs are implemented elsewhere. We conducted a secondary review of 424 publications from Cipriano et al.'s meta-analysis of USB SEL with a control group and a minimum intervention dosage (published from 2008 to 2020). We identified 65 international implementation studies, and patterns were asymmetric: 48 were developed in WEIRD countries and implemented in WEIRD countries, 17 were WEIRD to non-WEIRD, and none originated in non-WEIRD countries. Five cultural-humility attributes across program planning, implementation, and evaluation were coded with a binary scheme for the 17 WEIRD to non-WEIRD studies. Programs were mainly teacher-led, concentrated in elementary/lower-secondary grades; most studies used mostly quasi-experimental designs and generally showed positive social-emotional and behavioral outcomes. Cultural humility was common in planning (openness through learning about local challenges) but limited during implementation and evaluation (rare power-sharing, reciprocal learning, community-facing dissemination, or discussion of how culture and measurement affect program delivery and evaluation). Directions for future research and practice based on study characteristics and cultural humility coding are outlined.
Keywords
Introduction
Social Emotional Learning
Universal school-based social emotional learning (USB SEL) refers to structured programs designed to enhance students’ emotional regulation, interpersonal skills, and positive behaviors across entire student populations (Collaborative for Academic, Social, and Emotional Learning, CASEL, 2012). Two large-scale meta-analyses covering 637 studies from 1970 to 2020 found that students who received SEL interventions demonstrated significantly greater improvements at posttest than control groups in emotional well-being (e.g., reduced emotional distress), behavior (e.g., fewer conduct problems), and academics (e.g., improved performance) (Cipriano et al., 2023; Durlak et al., 2011). According to these two meta-analyses, the number of countries implementing USB SEL programs almost doubled (from 28 to 53 countries represented across studies) in the past decade. More students from diverse backgrounds have benefited from SEL with its global flourish than ever.
Despite the increasing global implementation of USB SEL, most programs and evaluation studies originate from Western Educated, Industrialized, Rich, and Democratic (WEIRD) countries, especially the United States (US; Durlak et al., 2011). This dominance of WEIRD-origin SEL raises concerns about international transferability given differences in society, infrastructure, and cultural diversity across contexts (Raisch et al., 2024; Wigelsworth et al., 2016). Specifically, we proposed that the complexity of cross-national SEL implementation involves intersecting social and political diversity, in addition to an expanded understanding of cultural diversity (e.g., race, ethnicity, gender, religion). Further, the power imbalance between WEIRD and non-WEIRD countries suggests a cultural colonialism concern to impose WEIRD norms on non-WEIRD students, which is harmful (Li et al., 2025; Pham et al., 2022). Indeed, two meta-analyses found that SEL is more effective at addressing students’ externalizing behavior and emotional distress when developed and delivered in their original countries than in international settings (Cipriano et al., 2023; Wigelsworth et al., 2016).
Cultural adaptation of instructional materials and culturally responsive teaching approaches to existing USB SEL are responses to the potential harm of marginalized students whose cultural experiences and views are ignored (Castro-Olivo & Merrell, 2012). Adapted programs might include surface-level changes such as translation and name changes, or deeper-level changes such as cultural norms alignment by redefining SEL skills and adjusting program content (Li et al., 2025). Culturally responsive teaching is rooted in the understanding that there are diverse identities present in a classroom and centers student experiences, context, and heritage to promote engagement and learning (Gay, 2015; Redmond et al., 2025). However, culturally responsive instruction can be hampered by teacher beliefs or potential implicit biases (Gay, 2015). Further, research about culturally responsive approaches and adapted curricula is limited. A review of SEL in urban schools found that only 5 in 51 papers published between 2008 and 2018 described studies in which SEL interventions were adapted based on the need of racial/ethnic and linguistically diverse students, and four of the five studies were conducted in the US (McCallops et al., 2019). More recent syntheses of culturally adapted SEL suggested positive student outcomes while lacking agreed upon adaptation frameworks (Albritton et al., 2024; Lim et al., 2024). These reviews also found that most adaptations focus only on US samples or target a specific racial/ethnic group. The only USB SEL synthesis with an international transfer focus found that about 20% SEL programs were implemented outside their origin between 1997 and 2013, while not considering the potential power imbalance between origin and implementation countries (Wigelsworth et al., 2016). Hence, the flourishing of global USB SEL calls for a more thorough review of USB SEL implemented outside its WEIRD origin to non-WEIRD countries with a framework that focuses on the power differences and diversity in global contexts.
Cultural Humility as an Approach to Advance SEL Internationally
Cultural humility represents a promising perspective that may improve the culturally responsive teaching and curricular adaptation of international SEL implementation. Originally conceptualized as an alternative to cultural competence, cultural humility emphasizes an open mindset and equal interaction with others through lifelong learning and reflection (Fisher, 2020; Foronda et al., 2016). Unlike cultural competence, which implies mastery of cultural knowledge, cultural humility promotes continuous learning, reflection, and acknowledgment of one's own biases. Foronda et al. (2016) identified five cultural humility attributes. Openness is a foundation that entails a willingness to learn from new cultures. Self-awareness involves recognizing and understanding one's own biases, cultural background, and power dynamics that influence interactions. Egolessness highlights the importance of minimizing hierarchical distinctions and valuing equality and collaboration. Supportive interactions emphasize building respectful and mutually beneficial relationships with diverse partners. Lastly, self-reflection & critique stress the importance of continuous personal and professional development by regularly examining one's attitudes, assumptions, and practices. In summary, cultural humility encourages a lifelong “humble way of being” (Fisher, 2020) that transcends the cultural adaptation of a specific intervention.
In school psychology, cultural humility is increasingly recognized as essential for anti-racism and anti-colonialism social justice goals in global contexts (Fisher, 2020; Pham et al., 2022). Fisher (2020) positioned cultural humility as the connection between cultural diversity and social justice goals through global school psychology training. Similarly, Pham et al. (2022) expanded cultural humility to include critical reflexivity combined with active engagement in transforming oppressive power dynamics and promoting social justice in research, practice and policy. When applied to international USB SEL, especially the export of programs from WEIRD to non-WEIRD countries, cultural humility provides a fresh perspective for critically examining power difference, racism and colonialism. Cultural humility can serve as a buffer when misunderstanding is inevitable given the complexities of global diversity. Integration of cultural humility as “a humble way of being” (Fisher, 2020) will allow for more organic culturally responsive teaching and adaptation of curriculum developed in WEIRD countries and implemented in non-WEIRD countries.
Current Study
Although the effectiveness of SEL is widely recognized, significant gaps remain regarding the cultural adaptation and sustainability of SEL programs outside their original contexts. To date, no synthesis has examined the integration of cultural humility evident in global SEL practices, especially with a focus on WEIRD to non-WEIRD country transfers, creating an important knowledge gap. To address this gap, the present study included a systematic review of international USB SEL transfer patterns, study characteristics, and the integration of cultural humility tenets. This review examined the set of peer-reviewed, English-language studies published between 2008 and 2020 that met Cipriano et al.'s (2023) meta-analysis inclusion criteria for rigorous controlled designs and adequate intervention dosage.
This review aims to address the following research questions:
Given such controlled evaluation of USB SEL, what is the direction and frequency of school-based SEL program transfer between WEIRD and non-WEIRD countries: (a) WEIRD to WEIRD, (b) WEIRD to non-WEIRD, (c) non-WEIRD to non-WEIRD, and (d) non-WEIRD to WEIRD? What are the characteristics of WEIRD to non-WEIRD international transfer USB SEL studies, including countries and programs involved, student populations, implementors, student outcomes, and authorship assignments? To what extent and in what ways are the five cultural humility attributes summarized by Foronda et al. (2016) reflected in these WEIRD to non-WEIRD USB SEL programs transfer studies?
Method
This systematic review followed the guidelines recommended by the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses extension for Systematic Reviews (PRISMA; Page et al., 2021). Because the primary source was an existing dataset (Cipriano et al., 2023), the selection process and reasons for exclusion at each stage are documented in a modified PRISMA flow diagram in Figure 1 (Page et al., 2021).
Modified PRISMA Flow Chart of the Combined Study Selection Process.
Information Sources and Eligibility Criteria
The dataset from Cipriano et al.'s (2023) global meta-analysis of USB SEL in K-12 settings was used as a primary source. Cipriano et al. systematically searched five major databases (APA PsycInfo, MEDLINE, ERIC, ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Global, Web of Science), yielding 41,002 initial records published in English between 2008 and 2020. Their review focused on randomized or quasi-experimental evaluations with a control condition and minimum dosage (≥6 sessions in classroom or ≥4 months for whole-school), with data sufficient for effect-size estimation. Their aim was to assess program effectiveness and moderators using randomized or quasi-experimental designs. Although their focus differs from this study, the dataset's breadth, methodological rigor, and global scope make it a suitable foundation for our analysis.
We included studies that (a) were published in peer-reviewed English journals; (b) examined international implementation, defined as evaluations of USB SEL programs implemented in countries different from the country in which the program originated; and (c) reported sufficient information to identify both the program's origin country and the implementation country. We used Krys et al.'s (2025) taxonomy to classify countries as WEIRD or non-WEIRD.
We then applied additional criteria to this subset of studies to focus on WEIRD-developed USB SEL programs implemented in non-WEIRD countries. Specifically, we excluded studies (a) that were delivered domestically, (b) that analyzed pre-existing data only, and (c) in which the original and delivered countries represented either WEIRD to WEIRD, non-WEIRD to WEIRD, or non-WEIRD to non-WEIRD implementations.
Selection of Sources of Evidence
Using a three-step screening process, one reviewer screened the 424 studies from the Cipriano et al. (2023) dataset against the inclusion and exclusion criteria, with verification by a second reviewer. First, one duplicate record was excluded, and title and abstract screening yielded 355 unique peer reviewed journal articles. Second, full text review excluded studies that did not meet the “international implementation” definition, including one article with no clear information about the program's original country. Among the 68 papers meeting the criteria of international implementation, three were excluded for analyzing pre-existing data, resulting in 65 intervention papers. Third, after excluding 48 WEIRD to WEIRD papers, 17 papers with 18 WEIRD to non-WEIRD international implementation SEL studies were identified for cultural humility coding, including Nguyen et al. (2020), who reported implementing “The guide” in two countries using different study designs and implementation processes.
Coding Manual
We developed the codebook in three stages. Stage 1 drew on implementation science in schools and cultural-humility scholarship (Cook et al., 2019; Foronda et al., 2016; Pham et al., 2022). We mapped the five cultural-humility attributes to the three phases of SEL program planning, implementation, and evaluation, and scored each attribute per phase on a 0–2 scale (0 = not evident; 1 = partially or implicitly addressed; 2 = clearly or fully addressed). One reviewer piloted this manual on 10 studies to test practicality. The SEL steps and the cultural-humility–inspired items stayed the same, but several definitions were clarified. For example, “Some adaptation of key terms” was revised to “Translation with some adaptation of key terms.” Stage 2 applied the refined manual to international papers, while the team reflected on any uncertainty about how some items were linked to specific attributes and quality appraisal, and the distinction between cultural adaptation as a standard process, while culture humility is a “way of being” broadly.
Stage 3 produced the current manual. To resolve the overlap and make the link to cultural humility explicit, we re-centered the codebook on the five cultural humility attributes and specified their operationalization by SEL phase, informed by our own analysis of each concept and its extension to school psychology as well as consultation with a SEL expert (Foronda et al., 2016; Pham et al., 2022). We decided to include openness and self-awareness only in planning, because they represent the starting stance and reflective step that guide design choices. Self-reflection and critique appear only in evaluation, where data analysis, interpretation, and dissemination plans, reflection on limitations, and plans for improvements are documented. Egoless and supportive interaction, which represent mutual respect and collaboration that yield positive human exchange are observable across the three phases. Because the 0-2 score was found subjective in Stage 2, we adopted a binary system (1 = the text contained enough evidence to meet the operational definition, 0 = insufficient evidence). The manual uses explicit AND/OR logic; “OR” means any listed standard is sufficient, and “AND” means all listed standards must be met. The final coding manual is listed in Table 1. Study-level examples supporting each score are provided in the supplementary documents.
Coding Manual.
Data Charting Process
For each study we extracted descriptive information and coded cultural-humility attributes by phase using the binary manual. Descriptive variables included program name, program origin and implementation country, student population (grade/age), student outcomes reported, implementers, authorship assignments (including authors from non-WEIRD implementation countries), and an indicator of whether the article was published in a journal whose title contained the word “International.” Two reviewers independently coded all studies, entering a verbatim quote (or brief paraphrase when quoting was not feasible) for each coding. The intercoder agreement was 96.9%. Discrepancies were discussed to reach consensus, and a reconciled dataset was used for analysis.
Results
Patterns of USB SEL International Transfer
Within the Cipriano et al. (2023) 424 controlled USB SEL publications, 65 papers describing international implementation of SEL were published during 2008 to 2020. This represents 18.3% of 355 peer-reviewed papers identified by Cipriano et al. (2023). After introducing WEIRD and non-WEIRD categories, transfers clustered strongly within WEIRD contexts: WEIRD to WEIRD (n = 48; 73.8%), and WEIRD to non-WEIRD (n = 17; 26.2%). We found no cases of non-WEIRD to non-WEIRD, or non-WEIRD to WEIRD. In other words, the published record during this period reflects a highly asymmetric pattern, predominantly intra-WEIRD diffusion (e.g., eight studies from the US to the Netherlands), some WEIRD-to-non-WEIRD movement, and no documented exports originating in non-WEIRD settings. A table of WEIRD/non-WEIRD categorization of 65 implementation papers and a reference list are provided in the supplementary material.
Descriptive Characteristics of WEIRD to Non-WEIRD SEL Programs
Drawing on the 17 papers (18 programs) that involved SEL originated in WEIRD countries and SEL programs implemented in non-WEIRD countries, most studies targeted elementary/primary or lower-secondary grades, with samples ranging from 80 to 822. The US was the top home country of transfers (50%), and Turkey was the top implementation country (22.2%). The programs transferred varied, representing 17 different programs; only the ViSC program was published twice by the same research team in Turkey (Doğan et al., 2017, 2020). Study designs skewed toward quasi-experiments (55.6%), with 7 of 18 randomized controlled trials (RCTs) and one mixed-methods study. Implementation was usually school-led: teachers, school staff, locally trained coaches, or intervention agents delivered about 78% of programs; three were researcher-delivered and one did not report the implementer. Authorship commonly included partners from the implementation country (83.3%), and about 47% of articles were published in journals with “International” in the title. Outcomes were generally positive, spanning behavior (fewer conduct problems/aggression), social skills and school climate, internalizing symptoms and executive functioning, and mental-health literacy.
All study characteristics are reported in Table 2, and all coded papers are listed in a supplementary document.
Study Characteristics of WEIRD to non-WEIRD SEL Programs.
Cultural Humility in WEIRD to Non-WEIRD Transfer SEL Programs
Table 3 summarizes the percentage of each cultural humility attribute presented across three SEL phases. Rates are summarized here with brief study examples, and complete examples are available in the supplementary file.
Culture Humility Integration.
Note. x = Reported by authors; – = Not reported by authors.
At the planning stage, most WEIRD to non-WEIRD transfers showed basic attention to local context, but few papers named the WEIRD assumptions built into the exported model. Across the 18 programs reported in 17 papers, openness was coded in 83.3% of programs, typically identified in literature reviews (e.g., adapting prosocial content to the Colombian context; Luengo Kanacri et al., 2020). Egoless, defined as engaging local voices in adaptation preparation, was coded in 66.7% of programs, such as through a public hearing to review the program's alignment with local culture and policy (Guo et al., 2020). Supportive interaction during planning through mutual learning/co-creation that resulted in adapted programs was present in 38.9%. By contrast, self-awareness, explicit acknowledgment of WEIRD origins or cultural assumptions and how this shaped development, was rarer (11.1%). This profile matches recent reviews that find procedural steps (program review, language alignment, implementer training) are common, while deeper cultural reflection is less frequent (Albritton et al., 2024; Lim et al., 2024). During implementation, evidence of shared decision-making and reciprocal learning was limited. Egoless, represented by power sharing with community partners from implementation countries rather than delivering programs with “top-down” instructions (Ahmed et al., 2020), was coded in 22.2% of programs. Supportive interaction, documented by two-way learning that reduced reliance on the external team to sustain the program, appeared in 11.1%. A small number of studies described teachers customizing lessons or taking lead roles after joint workshops (e.g., Berger et al., 2018), but most reports emphasized one-time or one-way training. This pattern aligns with prior syntheses showing that delivery-level adaptations are less common than planning procedures (Albritton et al., 2024) and is consistent with broader findings that “away” implementations often underperform when supports remain superficial (Wigelsworth et al., 2016).
In evaluation, most WEIRD to non-WEIRD programs reported little evidence of shared authority or community-facing dissemination. Egoless in evaluation required that community members contribute to the evaluation and that their feedback be used for future program improvement. No program met this standard. Many studies gathered satisfaction or social-validity data, but they did not state how that feedback would change conclusions or the next implementation cycle, so they did not qualify. Only one program (5.6%) described supportive interaction, meaning sharing findings back to the local community and/or translating reports into the local language to reach a wider audience. Self-reflection and critique involved not only using locally validated measurement but also explicit reflection on the impact of WEIRD-origin assumptions, local education systems, or measurement validity on analysis and interpretation. This was coded in 44.4% programs, where present, authors named contextual constraints on measures and bounded claims or proposed changes (e.g., reports from Georgia and Colombia noted how local norms and histories shaped what their tools captured and how results should be read; Nguyen et al., 2020).
Discussion
International Transfers of SEL Need Cultural Humility
Based on this review, 18.3% of peer-reviewed SEL papers involved international transfer during 2008 to 2020, indicating more cross-national movement than earlier snapshots that highlighted U.S. dominance (Durlak et al., 2011), and consistent with the broader global growth of SEL (Cipriano et al., 2023). This pattern supports the need to study how transfer happens and how cultural humility is built into that process so SEL can serve diverse students (Pham et al., 2022).
International transfers were highly asymmetric: mostly WEIRD to WEIRD (73.8%), and WEIRD to non-WEIRD (26.2%), and none from non-WEIRD to WEIRD or non-WEIRD to non-WEIRD. Resource concentration in WEIRD systems and shared language/norms likely ease WEIRD to WEIRD transfers. By contrast, cultural–social–economic–political differences complicate WEIRD to non-WEIRD transfers, raising concerns about cultural responsiveness, and the risk of “cultural colonialism” if local knowledge and goals are not centered (Pham et al., 2022; Raisch et al., 2024). A cultural humility stance with openness, self-awareness about WEIRD assumptions, shared authority with local partners, and explicit reflection on measurement and interpretation, offers a practical way to address these risks (Pham et al., 2022).
WEIRD to Non-WEIRD SEL Transfers and Cultural Humility
Across the 17 papers (18 programs), WEIRD to non-WEIRD transfers generally reported positive student outcomes in behavior, social-emotional skills, and mental-health literacy, for example, reductions in conduct problems/aggression (Baker-Henningham et al., 2009) and gains in executive functioning and internalizing symptoms (Maalouf et al., 2020). These findings align with meta-analytic evidence that universal, school-based SEL benefits students overall (Cipriano et al., 2023; Durlak et al., 2011) and suggest that careful transfer to non-WEIRD settings is promising. Most studies, however, focused on elementary and lower-secondary grades, with few in preschool or upper-secondary contexts, echoing gaps noted for preschool work in the U.S. literature (Albritton et al., 2024).
The power context also warrants note. In line with cultural humility's emphasis on sharing expertise and credit (Pham et al., 2022), this review found 83.3% of papers including at least one coauthor from the implementation country demonstrate the power-sharing in dissemination. However, about half were published in journals labeled “International.” Indeed, they are a great fit, but this may limit visibility to large audiences and reduce room for journals across the field to highlight global scholarship. While authorship and journal choices are not direct measures of humility, together they indicate who is centered when WEIRD-origin programs are studied in non-WEIRD schools and where that work is visible.
Methodologically, most studies used quasi-experimental designs, with 7 of 18 that were RCTs, and only one mixed-methods study. All studies involved a control group which shows the awareness of evidence-based SEL while balancing cultural humility (Lim et al., 2024). Meanwhile, more RCTs would strengthen causal claims, and more mixed-methods work would clarify how local meanings and routines shape implementation and effects, complementing quantitative findings.
Integration of Culture Humility in WEIRD to Non-WEIRD Countries SEL Transfers
Most projects showed openness by studying local conditions, while only a few made cultural assumptions explicit or drew deeply on local knowledge systems. The high rate of openness in our coding often reflected literature-based needs scans and brief consultations to align topics and examples with the receiving context (e.g., aligning prosocial lessons with Colombia's historical and school realities; Luengo Kanacri et al., 2020). Several studies documented egoless design moves where local voices shaped materials or procedures before launch, such as a public hearing in rural China that brought scholars, officials, and teachers together to review cultural and policy alignment (Guo et al., 2020). Yet self-awareness, naming the WEIRD origins and stating cultural assumptions, was rare. This profile mirrors other SEL syntheses that report frequent procedural steps (translation, cultural norm alignment), but fewer instances of explicit reflection or engaging members from local communities (Albritton et al., 2024; Lim et al., 2024). Without explicit reflection on WEIRD assumptions and careful cultural norm alignment, students in non-WEIRD countries may experience conflicting social-emotional norms between school and home, creating confusion and placing the burden of code-switching on students.
Indeed, SEL might be new in non-WEIRD countries, but the idea of healing mental health has a long tradition in local communities (Berger et al., 2018). It is important to explore (openness) and leverage (egoless and supportive interaction) those ideas in the adaptation of SEL programs. For example, Berger et al. (2018) engaged a traditional healer and integrated culturally meaningful metaphors (e.g., “wrath of evil spirits”) to support prosocial behavior change. In short, planning commonly explored context and sometimes shared design choices with local partners, but explicit reflection on WEIRD assumptions and systematic use of local knowledge systems remained the exception (Fisher, 2020; Pham et al., 2022).
Implementation was where cultural humility thinned in our coding scheme. Our manual separates training from supportive interaction: cultural humility requires reciprocal learning and shared decision-making, not one-way instruction. Many papers described researcher-led workshops followed by manualized lessons; teachers were passive recipients of one-way training as implementers rather than co-leaders (e.g., “top-down” sessions or brief teacher workshops with limited mutual learning; Ahmed et al., 2020). Only a small subset documented egoless in implementation, with a consortium made up of researchers and local community members that met routinely to take charge of implementation (Doğan et al., 2017), and even fewer described supportive interaction that built local capacity to lead and sustain delivery after the study (e.g., Tanzanian teachers assuming leading roles following joint workshops; Berger et al., 2018). These findings address the concern that “ongoing training” can remain top-down: in our coding, supportive interaction in implementation required intentional empowerment of local staff and two-way skill exchange. The pattern also helps explain prior “home vs. away” effects—when programs are transported without deeper alignment or mutual adaptation, impacts tend to be weaker (Wigelsworth et al., 2016); conversely, meta-analytic work suggests stronger outcomes when programs use multiple, constituent-involving strategies rather than a single procedural fix (Lim et al., 2024). The practical implication is that many WEIRD to non-WEIRD projects taught teachers how to run lessons but rarely built teacher ownership or routines (e.g., co-planning, peer coaching) that embed mutual learning. That gap matters because teachers’ pedagogical and cultural knowledge, what counts as respectful talk, how emotions should be expressed, and how families engage with schools, might be the hinge on which transfer succeeds or fails. Evaluation practices seldom showed shared authority and only sometimes documented measurement and cultural related reflection. Under our definitions, egoless evaluation required two pieces: community members contributing to evaluation and their feedback being used to shape future changes. No study met both elements. Many studies collected satisfaction or social validity data, but these were reported as acceptability checks rather than inputs that changed conclusions or the next cycle. This standard response suggests “partner feedback” alone can be structural rather than humble; instead, cultural humility asks for intentional power-sharing (Foronda et al., 2016; Pham et al., 2022). Supportive interaction in evaluation, sharing results with school communities and/or translating reports into local languages, was described in only one paper that they planned to share insights back with Nigerian communities (Ahmed et al., 2020). Considering that all 17 papers were implemented in non-English-speaking countries while published in journals using English, there should be more intentional feedback to local communities as part of the study dissemination plan. By contrast, self-reflection & critique, the explicit attention to how WEIRD assumptions, local system constraints, or measurement validity shaped analysis and claims, appeared more frequently. Where present, authors bounded interpretations or proposed specific next-cycle adjustments (e.g., programs implemented in Georgian noted a highly hospitable local culture and a “willingness to do foreigners a favor,” which might bias data when foreign researchers collected data). We do not assume that null results stem from poor measurement; rather, culturally humble evaluation makes the assumptions and limits of measures and inferences behind SEL programs visible and states how local results will guide improvement.
Limitations and Future Directions
The results of this review should be interpreted with caution given the following limitations. First, as a systematic review, our goal was to describe current practices rather than evaluate program effectiveness. Though promising results were found in most programs, it remains unknown whether it is the cultural humility lens, any adaptation, or the original programs that contributes to the results. Future research could employ meta-analysis methods to quantitatively examine how cultural humility tenets may affect international SEL transfers. Second, our findings were limited to an existing dataset (Cipriano et al., 2023) originally compiled for a meta-analysis of SEL program effectiveness, which only included randomized or quasi-experimental studies with control groups published in English between 2008 and 2020, adequate dosage in classroom or whole-school, and calculable effect sizes. Hence, our review might omit potentially relevant studies that are small-scale pilot trials, that have no control group design, or are reported in non-peer reviewed outlets or outlets using a language other than English. Notably, the use of an existing dataset departs from standard PRISMA practice, and future reviews can develop targeted search strategies. Third, WEIRD to non-WEIRD is a coarse grouping that does not capture within-country variation (Krys et al., 2025). Future research could conduct searches tailored to cultural humility and international transfer aims and that involve discussion beyond the WEIRD to non-WEIRD binary categorization. Lastly, coding for cultural humility was based on a researcher-developed manual and applied in a binary format (1 = present, 0 = absent) by two independent reviewers, with consensus reached through discussion. Although this enhances consistency, some subjective interpretation is unavoidable with limited information.
Implications for Future International SEL Transfers
The asymmetric transfer pattern (no non-WEIRD to WEIRD or non-WEIRD to non-WEIRD countries) and the coding profile (cultural humility more evident in the planning more than implementation and evaluation) indicate that future international SEL research should be framed as culturally humble, co-led work that explains how effects arise in context, not only whether they occur. Building on promising outcomes, studies should target underrepresented grades such as preschool and upper-high school and use mixed-methods designs that connect local culture to implementation and results (Albritton et al., 2024; Lim et al., 2024). Reporting should name WEIRD assumptions in the exported model, state how these were addressed, and document shared decision-making and authorship with partners in the implementation country, alongside community-facing and multilingual dissemination plans. With cultural humility, transferring SEL programs internationally offers not only opportunities for case studies but also provides a learning process of how culture can affect SEL. Foundational tasks common in non-WEIRD settings, translation, adaptation, and validation of measures and materials, should be recognized as substantive scientific contributions. Measurement should prioritize locally valued outcomes and include discussion of instrument fit and limits; when experiments are possible, stronger designs can be paired with qualitative inquiry to show mechanism and context. Together, these steps may promote better SEL international transfer with cultural humility considerations by moving beyond procedural changes in planning toward shared authority and explicit reflection during delivery and evaluation.
For practitioners implementing WEIRD-to-non-WEIRD SEL transfers, cultural humility should guide planning, delivery, and evaluation so programs fit local goals and can be sustained after a study ends. In practice, this means starting with joint scoping and co-adaptation with educators, caregivers, and community members; building local capacity through reciprocal training that enables schools to lead implementation rather than depend on external teams; and weaving local traditions, language, and everyday school routines into lessons. Evaluation should use or adapt tools that reflect local priorities, pair quantitative indicators with student, teacher, and family narratives, and return results in accessible formats and languages to inform the next cycle of improvement. Attention to sustainability, ongoing coaching, peer support, and alignment with school systems helps convert short-term trials into sustainable practice.
Conclusion
This review set out to assess how USB SEL travels from WEIRD to non-WEIRD countries and how cultural humility is reflected when programs created in WEIRD settings are used elsewhere. Across 2008–2020, transfers clustered within WEIRD contexts, with a smaller stream from WEIRD to non-WEIRD contexts and no documented moves originating in non-WEIRD systems. The WEIRD-to-non-WEIRD studies we charted were largely school-led, focused on elementary and lower-secondary grades, relied mostly on quasi-experimental designs, and generally reported gains in behavior, social-emotional skills, and mental-health literacy. Cultural humility appeared most in planning through attention to context and some engagement of local voices. But it was less evident during implementation and evaluation, where empowering sustainable local implementation, reciprocal learning, community-facing dissemination are also critical. Additionally, explicit discussion of measurement limits was uncommon. Within these limitations, this review offers a stage-specific coding approach and a concise map of where practices are strongest and where development is needed. Cultural humility can facilitate future SEL international transfers so they not only reach more students in non-WEIRD countries in culturally responsible way, but also create two-way learning about how culture shapes SEL, strengthening practice and evidence in both the implementation and home countries.
Supplemental Material
sj-docx-1-spi-10.1177_01430343261444971 - Supplemental material for Examining International Universal School-based Social Emotional Transfer Through Cultural Humility: A Systematic Review
Supplemental material, sj-docx-1-spi-10.1177_01430343261444971 for Examining International Universal School-based Social Emotional Transfer Through Cultural Humility: A Systematic Review by Weihong Yuan, Xinran Guo and Sara Whitcomb in School Psychology International
Supplemental Material
sj-docx-2-spi-10.1177_01430343261444971 - Supplemental material for Examining International Universal School-based Social Emotional Transfer Through Cultural Humility: A Systematic Review
Supplemental material, sj-docx-2-spi-10.1177_01430343261444971 for Examining International Universal School-based Social Emotional Transfer Through Cultural Humility: A Systematic Review by Weihong Yuan, Xinran Guo and Sara Whitcomb in School Psychology International
Supplemental Material
sj-docx-3-spi-10.1177_01430343261444971 - Supplemental material for Examining International Universal School-based Social Emotional Transfer Through Cultural Humility: A Systematic Review
Supplemental material, sj-docx-3-spi-10.1177_01430343261444971 for Examining International Universal School-based Social Emotional Transfer Through Cultural Humility: A Systematic Review by Weihong Yuan, Xinran Guo and Sara Whitcomb in School Psychology International
Footnotes
Ethical Approval and Informed Consent
Not applicable.
Author Contributions
Weihong Yuan contributed to conceptualization, data screening, coding, writing and revision of the manuscript.
Xinran Guo contributed to data screening, coding and manuscript writing and revision.
Sara Whitcomb supervised the study, contributed to conceptualization, and manuscript revisions.
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Data Availability Statement
Other Identifying Information
Not applicable.
Supplemental Material
Supplemental material for this article is available online.
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References
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