Abstract
This study examined perceptions and sentiments toward female migrant domestic workers providing elderly care in two “predominantly rural” Southern European provinces: Potenza in Italy and Teruel in Spain. We analyzed field observations, interviews, and conversations collected mainly in small towns and villages. Our goal was to better understand how migrant domestic workers were perceived across different societal levels in their rural communities, the factors that shaped those views, and whether some of those perspectives were specific to these rural areas. Our findings revealed a high level of awareness among local residents about these workers, although this awareness did not necessarily imply friendship or inclusion in local social circles. Perceptions of migrant domestic workers as a group typically ranged from neutral to favorable, with local residents often valuing their contributions. However, skepticism and problematic views were also identified. Overall, increased contact and familiarity tended to reduce prejudice over time. We also discussed the critical issue of “trust” among care recipients and their family members, as well as the “contextual empathy” that residents often showed toward these workers—empathy that typically factored in local challenges.
Introduction
Migrant domestic workers 1 have become instrumental in addressing care deficits across much of the Global North, integrating into broader transnational networks of commodified care, or “global care chains” (Hochschild, 2000; see also Constable, 1997). The domestic care sectors of Italy and Spain, the country cases considered in this study, are also deeply embedded in these networks. In Italy, these workers, overwhelmingly women, originate mainly from Romania, Ukraine, and the Philippines (DOMINA, 2023). In Spain, they are typically nationals of several Latin American countries, Romania, Ukraine, and Morocco (Monguí Monsalve et al., 2022).
Da Roit et al. (2013) described these nations’ significant reliance on foreign-born labor in the sector as a key feature of the “Southern European model of care.” Over time, this model has been consolidated due to population aging, changing family dynamics, inadequacies in public long-term care (LTC) systems, and a preference for aging in place (Da Roit et al., 2013). 2 In rural areas, context-specific factors driving such reliance also include pronounced dependency ratios, sex-ratio imbalances, and the outmigration of younger relatives who traditionally provided informal care (Arlotti, 2024; Elizalde San Miguel, 2017).
Despite their critical role, migrant domestic workers in Italy and Spain often face significant challenges, including labor exploitation (Degani, 2022; Hernández Martínez and Vilanova Becker, 2022). These challenges are consistent with those at the global level (Menegatti, 2016), drawing attention to serious systemic issues within this deeply undervalued gendered profession (Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2007). Parreñas (2015) pointed out the many contradictions in this sector, particularly regarding migrant workers (i.e. they are indispensable, yet their contributions are often inadequately recognized). Seminal works within this vast body of literature have examined, among others, these workers’ processes of identity negotiation (Yeoh and Huang, 2000), how employer–employee boundaries are navigated in private households (Lan, 2006), and questions related to power imbalances, protest, and resistance against the backdrop of broader social, political, and economic shifts (Constable, 1997).
The literature on domestic work performed by (im)migrants in Southern Europe is also extensive (e.g. Da Roit et al., 2013; Degani, 2022; Monguí Monsalve et al., 2022). Nevertheless, rural perspectives remain largely unexplored for two main reasons. First, most empirical studies on migrant domestic workers in Southern Europe have primarily relied on fieldwork data collected in urban contexts (e.g. De Diego-Cordero et al., 2022; Näre, 2011). Second, the existing scholarship on rural migration in Italy and Spain has mainly centered on the agricultural sector (e.g. Corrado and Caruso, 2022).
This study is part of a larger research project that seeks to address this gap in the literature. We analyze qualitative data primarily collected in small towns and villages across Potenza (Italy) and Teruel (Spain) to address three research questions: (1) How are migrant domestic workers perceived in these rural communities? (2) What are some of the underlying factors that shape these perceptions? (3) What aspects of these local residents’ perspectives are unique to rural areas of Spain and Italy?
Attitudes toward (im)migrants: main theories and perspectives
Italy and Spain, nations with long histories of emigration, began receiving increasing numbers of immigrants in the late 1980s and early 1990s, respectively (Triandafyllidou, 2013). In 2019, 10.4 percent of residents in Italy and 14 percent in Spain were foreign-born. 3 This demographic shift prompted scholars to examine how the ethnic majority in both countries perceives immigrants (e.g. De Coninck et al., 2021). Researchers in Italy and Spain have focused on different aspects of these perceptions, including threat, prejudice, and hostility (e.g. Panichella and Ambrosini, 2018).
The scholarship on “anti-immigrant” attitudes has arguably built on two dominant theories. Social identity theory (Turner et al., 1979), on the one hand, suggests that individuals tend to view their “in-group” positively, identifying with it, while forming negative judgments about other different “out-groups.” Realistic (group) conflict theory (Campbell, 1965), on the other hand, explains how prejudice, hostility, tensions, and conflict can emerge between different groups due to competition over limited resources.
More recent approaches have emphasized the importance of perceptions over actual threats (Stephan and Stephan, 2000). Others have highlighted that attitudes toward various groups of immigrants generally vary and that different groups are often associated with different threats (Hellwig and Sinno, 2016). Attempts have also been made to integrate existing perspectives, as seen in intergroup threat theory, which suggests that fears and perceived threats often underlie negative stereotypes (Stephan and Stephan, 2000; Stephan et al., 2016). This theory builds on two pillars: “realistic threats,” concerning the well-being, integrity, or economic and political power of the in-group, and “symbolic threats,” relating to culture, morality, and other similar factors.
That said, views toward immigrants need not always be marked by adverse preconceptions and distrust. As suggested by intergroup contact theory (Allport, 1954), positive interactions with members of the “out-group” can ease tensions and prejudice, particularly when they occur under conditions of equal status and shared goals. On such occasions, immigrants may be individualized and not just categorized. In small rural European communities, where the social fabric often differs from that of multicultural or “super-diverse” urban contexts (Vertovec, 2007), contact may play an important role. Gauci (2020), for instance, recently argued that migrants in these areas generally benefit from access to closer networks and increased interactions with local residents.
Given our focus, it is also relevant to consider the distinction between “bonding” and “bridging” social capital (Putnam, 2000: 23). Bonding capital, which is more inward-looking, tends to reinforce exclusive identities and strengthen ties within homogeneous groups. Conversely, bridging capital is typically outward-looking, and it helps foster connections across different societal levels and groups, promoting inclusivity. Sørensen (2014) argued that bonding capital is significantly stronger in rural areas, whereas bridging capital tends to be marginally higher in urban contexts (see also Valenta, 2008).
In addition, it is important to note that immigrant groups are not homogeneous. Rather, they consist of individuals with multiple interconnected social identities. As intersectional approaches suggest (Crenshaw, 1989), these identities can lead to diverse experiences of privilege and discrimination. Individuals may also belong to different out-groups, depending on which aspect of their identity is most salient in a given social situation.
In our study, two relevant factors that may mitigate anti-immigrant sentiments are the migrant domestic workers’ gender and their position in the labor market. Regarding gender and its intersection with perceptions of threat, Van Hooren (2010) argued that female migrant domestic workers in Italy are often portrayed in media and public discourse as “hard-working” and “harmless.” As the author suggested, “women are generally seen as less aggressive and threatening than men, and the stereotype of a kind and caring person applies even more strongly to domestic workers” (Van Hooren, 2010: 32). In Spain, Bernárdez Rodal (2007) found that immigrant women are often depicted in mass media as victims of crime rather than as perpetrators, echoing findings from Italy (Giorgi, 2012). As Bernárdez Rodal (2007) argued, this reflects a broader trend of portraying immigrants as passive recipients rather than agents. 4 These characterizations may help ease anxieties about security and crime otherwise often associated with immigration (see, for instance, Bove et al., 2023). Similar trends may be observed in Potenza and Teruel, which we explore in the Discussion section.
Concerning labor market dynamics, foreign-born female nationals from Eastern Europe residing in Italy, who constitute the majority of migrant domestic workers, show labor market participation rates comparable to those of native women (Corbanese and Rosas, 2023; DOMINA, 2023). In Spain, a recent study by the Bank of Spain (see Cuadrado et al., 2024) highlighted the high labor market participation rates among foreign-born residents over the past few years, among the highest in the European Union.
More importantly, migrant domestic workers play a vital role in the Southern European labor market by providing essential in-home elderly care services, often at a moderate cost. As Van Hooren (2010) suggested in the context of Italy, attitudes toward these workers have generally been positive over the years. Van Hooren (2010: 21) attributed this to their “exceptional position” in Italian society, as their contributions have enabled the institution of the family to remain central in the provision of elderly care despite shifting social dynamics. Amid these changes, Southern European areas have developed alternative approaches to care, including greater involvement of men, neighbors, and friends (Arlotti, 2024; Elizalde San Miguel, 2017). Yet, migrant domestic workers remain significant in these settings (see Sampedro, 2022), which may foster a deeper appreciation of their contributions among residents.
Finally, we should note that Italy’s and Spain’s labor markets, including those in Potenza and Teruel, are characterized by their segmentation (Fellini, 2018; Vidal-Coso and Miret-Gamundi, 2014). As Piore (1979) posited, developed markets are often divided into two segments: a primary segment with higher-paying, more stable jobs and a secondary segment with low-wage positions often filled by immigrants. Domestic care jobs, generally viewed as unattractive (Del Rey et al., 2019), fall into this secondary segment. Consequently, local residents may be less likely to view migrant domestic workers as competitors in the labor market, especially if better employment opportunities are available elsewhere.
Methodology
In this study, we primarily analyze data from field observations, semi-structured interviews, and casual conversations/field interviews with individuals living in proximity to migrant domestic workers. These data were gathered by the lead investigator over several months in Potenza (Italy) and Teruel (Spain) as part of a larger comparative project that examined the personal and professional lives of these workers in the Southern European countryside.
Italy and Spain are among the largest recipients of migrant domestic workers in Europe. They were also selected due to the lead investigator’s ability to speak Italian and Spanish, which facilitated data collection. To establish a clear geographical scope, the analysis focused primarily on dynamics at the NUTS-3 refers to Nomenclature of Territorial Units for Statistics (Small Regions) level and below. 5 Adopting a “two most similar cases” comparative approach, we selected Potenza and Teruel based on their shared characteristics. Such an approach, we believe, would help us explore both province-specific dynamics and commonalities. Given our focus, the research was mainly conducted in localities across Potenza and Teruel with populations ranging from 250 to 3000, approximately.
Potenza and Teruel are two “predominantly rural” 6 Southern European provinces with similar characteristics. Most residents live outside the capitals—in the numerous medium- and small-sized towns and villages that dot these rugged, sparsely populated territories. Potenza, in Southern Italy, is particularly mountainous, and many of its municipalities are fairly remote (classified as “inner areas” in Italy). 7 Teruel, a landlocked province in Eastern Spain, has an exceptionally low population density and is often cited as an emblematic example of “Empty Spain” (Del Molino, 2022).
In several ways, these provinces reflect many of the challenges faced by the Southern European countryside (see ESPON, 2018). Both Potenza and Teruel struggle with the effects of population aging, especially in smaller municipalities, where population decline is also pressing (Casaletto and Smaldone, 2018; Romea Martínez and Gómez Bahillo, 2019). As these authors note, demographic trends have led to an increased demand for elderly care, which public LTC systems often fail to meet effectively. While the economies of Potenza and Teruel are somewhat diversified, their dynamism remains limited. This exacerbates some of the previously mentioned challenges and negatively impacts the quality of employment in their segmented labor markets.
That said, it is crucial to recognize the heterogeneity of the Southern European countryside, including the differences between both provinces. Potenza has a larger population (~377,000) than Teruel (~135,000), which translates into a significantly higher gross domestic product and a larger labor market. Nevertheless, the economic situation is somewhat more favorable for the average resident in Teruel. While both provinces face demographic challenges, Potenza’s main concern is arguably depopulation, whereas Teruel struggles primarily with low population density and its implications. The proportion of foreign residents is also significantly lower in Potenza (just over 3%) than in Teruel (nearly 13%).
Although this study focuses on perspectives toward migrant domestic workers rather than on the workers themselves, outlining their profiles provides valuable context. Similar to the national level (Da Roit et al., 2013), reliable data on these workers in both provinces are limited due to the prevalence of informal employment practices and the presence of undocumented workers in the sector. Thus, we provide a broad overview based on the 36 female migrant domestic workers who participated in the larger research project.
Overall, these participants were a diverse group not only regarding their age, education, and professional backgrounds but also their language ability, personality, and visibility as ethnic minorities. In Potenza, most were nationals of several Eastern European countries, such as Romania, Georgia, and Moldova. 8 The sample also included participants from North Africa. Their average age was 46, and they had lived in Italy for 12 years, on average. Most were fluent in Italian, but approximately one-fourth struggled with the language. Educational attainment was generally low. The Teruel sample showed more variation regarding education, as several interviewees held bachelor’s degrees, including in nursing. All but one participant—a Romanian national—had grown up in Latin America, including Central and South America, as well as the Caribbean. 9 The average age in this sample was 47 years. The average residence period in Spain was 9 years.
Regarding data collection, field observations were used to gather information and triangulate the findings. This involved interacting with local residents in diverse social contexts, spending time in spaces where migrant domestic workers performed their tasks, and observing the tone and language used when residents talked to or about these workers, among others.
Semi-structured interviews—conversations that generally begin with standardized questions but allow for exploration of other topics as the discussion progresses (Ahlin, 2019)—were primarily conducted with individuals whose jobs provided them with a privileged perspective on the situation of migrant domestic workers. These included social workers, think tank experts, placement company associates, local-level bureaucrats, members of several non-profit and neighborhood associations, political party and labor union representatives, and others. Twenty such interviews were analyzed, whose questions were tailored to the expertise of each interviewee. For example, labor union representatives were asked about these workers’ employment conditions, main challenges, labor market competition, invisibility, and available support systems.
The field interviews consisted of informal/casual conversations. Described as “unstructured interviews” by some scholars (Burgess, 1984), they often replace the typical “me” and “you” dynamic with “we” (Swain and King, 2022: 2). As Swain and King (2022: 2) suggested, these conversations “have the potential to produce more naturalistic or realistic data with less performativity from both interviewer and interviewee.” Overall, they complemented the more formal semi-structured interviews and offered a convenient way to gather insights from a range of participants in various settings. While some featured individuals in privileged positions, they mainly involved local residents, including care recipients and their relatives. For this article, we reviewed material from discussions with more than 30 of these informants. The topics discussed varied by individual. For example, employers/former employers were asked how they met their employees, about the nature of their interactions, and whether they remained in contact with them.
Strategic and convenience sampling was used to recruit participants. At times, this required considerable effort to arrange meetings. On other occasions, it involved attending the right venues or resorting to snowball sampling. Semi-structured interviews were generally conducted in neutral locations, such as office spaces, cafeterias, or over the phone. Field interviews, being less structured, occurred in diverse environments, including bars, cafeterias, parks, events, and care recipients’ households, among others. The length and quality of these conversations varied. Some took place only once, while others involved multiple encounters. Observing research ethics, the lead investigator identified himself and explained the purpose of his visit prior to these interactions.
Regarding data analysis, we began with data reduction, followed by iterative manual coding, refinement, and theme development. Throughout this process, the focus remained on perceptions and sentiments toward migrant domestic workers. Data interpretation was guided by the theoretical framework outlined earlier. As a comparative study, emerging themes were contrasted across both contexts, and key similarities and unique trends were highlighted where relevant. The results are discussed in relation to the relevant literature to contextualize our arguments. Our observations are further substantiated by our familiarity with these provinces and insights from previous research, including interviews with migrant domestic workers from our larger project. To a lesser extent, secondary data also helped support some of our arguments, including news articles, some of which were referenced.
Findings and analysis
Our discussion is subdivided into five sections. First, we examine local residents’ awareness of migrant domestic workers in Potenza and Teruel. Next, we explore favorable perceptions and various factors that arguably helped mitigate anti-immigrant sentiments. Considering the geographical context in detail, we also introduce the concept of “contextual empathy.” Not all views were positive, so we address more problematic perceptions afterward. Finally, we narrow our focus to individual attitudes, specifically regarding contact and trust.
Awareness of migrant domestic workers in rural communities
While migrant domestic workers in rural Southern Europe have received limited academic attention, several scholars have argued that they play an important role in the complex elderly care landscape of these areas, which increasingly involves diverse care network configurations (see Arlotti, 2024: 393; Elizalde San Miguel, 2017; Sampedro, 2022). Our fieldwork revealed a significant presence of these workers in many rural communities across Potenza and Teruel, reflecting the capillary nature of global care chains (Hochschild, 2000). Over several months, the lead investigator observed that foreign-born women were commonly seen in both provinces assisting older adults—accompanying them to doctor’s appointments, taking walks, or spending time in the village square. Some of them, as our data revealed, had settled in these areas with their families (see Perrote et al., 2024, for more details on their journeys and settlement processes). Yet, despite their evident presence, a degree of invisibility arguably persisted. This invisibility was both figurative, reflecting the undervaluation of their work (Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2007), and tangible, as most of their tasks occurred behind closed doors.
For local residents, their presence was not a novelty; in fact, most informants had had either direct or indirect experiences with them. Casual conversations revealed that many residents knew a significant number of these workers by name, especially in smaller towns. They were generally familiar with their origins and where they lived or worked, often pointing out that they were typically in their communities “for work”—a catchphrase that frequently came up in our conversations. For example, Josefa,
10
a bureaucrat in Teruel, told us:
Everyone knows that this [phenomenon] is there, but there isn’t much dedication, knowledge, or interest in it. You can see many of these women here, but they’re invisible. They don’t really talk much. You can see them at church. They mostly come from Latin America. (Josefa)
Among other things, Josefa’s statement reveals a widespread awareness of these workers across rural Teruel—a trend also observed in rural Potenza, especially in smaller localities. This awareness, understood as familiarity with the presence and roles of migrant domestic workers, may be attributed to two main factors. First, we suggest that the tight-knit networks typical of rural Southern European communities often help foster personal connections (see Gauci, 2020). Second, the rural communities where our fieldwork took place are generally quite dense, which typically facilitates frequent social interactions among residents and increases familiarity with their neighbors’ circumstances. Together, these factors often result in contact with these workers or, at the very least, knowledge of who employs them.
Overall, residents in both provinces were generally conscious of the link between elderly care and immigration. For instance, Pietro, a resident of rural Potenza, mentioned that “the need for care [in these areas] is immense” while discussing migrant domestic workers. Similarly, Dolores, a professional from Teruel, noted that concerns about the quality of institutionalized care had grown markedly after the COVID-19 pandemic, further intensifying the already significant demand for in-home care.
When asked specifically about migrant domestic workers, local residents often had a lot to say. However, familiarity with them did not automatically mean a close personal connection. Similarly, having a direct relationship with one of these workers did not necessarily imply friendship or inclusion in local social circles. Noelia, one of the experts consulted in Teruel, expressed that while local residents often turned to them for assistance, they were less likely to invite them for some coffee or include them in their social networks.
Some of the previous dynamics are, to an extent, natural. After all, it is common for there to be a degree of separation between casual or work-related interactions and closer friendships (Valenta, 2009). However, relying on social identity theory (Turner et al., 1979), we suggest that while local residents may generally feel comfortable interacting with migrant domestic workers for everyday matters, they may still maintain a degree of social distance, viewing certain workers as members of the “out-group.” In rural areas of these provinces, in-group membership is generally reserved for relatives and long-standing local residents, which can make it more difficult for migrant domestic workers to be included in close-knit social networks. As Gauci (2020: 31) acknowledged regarding European rural areas, there can be an “increased likelihood of the community being insular and difficult to penetrate.” 11
These challenges were occasionally exacerbated by factors such as language barriers. These barriers were more evident in our Potenza sample, where several workers struggled with basic conversation in Italian. The presence of dialects in Potenza at times further complicated communication. In Teruel, this issue was less pronounced, as many workers were of Latin American origin.
Favorable perceptions of migrant domestic workers and factors that mitigated the anti-immigrant sentiment
In our analysis, we observed varying attitudes toward migrant domestic workers as an “out-group.” While most views were neutral or favorable, others were more problematic. We organized our insights based on this contrast, first exploring positive discourses and perceptions, followed by a later discussion of negative issues. We concentrated primarily on local residents’ views, supplemented by comments from individuals in specialized roles.
Anxieties about declining security contribute to anti-immigrant sentiment in Italy and Spain and are at times amplified by media discourses (e.g. Chakour and Portillo Fernández, 2018). These concerns can arguably be understood as “realistic threats” (see Stephan and Stephan, 2000)—threats to the economic and political power of the in-group, as well as to their well-being and integrity. During our fieldwork, remarks were made about frictions with foreign residents, especially men, in certain areas of Potenza and Basilicata at large. Similar concerns had recently emerged in Teruel, both in the capital—where discussions centered on unaccompanied minors (Silvestre, 2025)—and in villages such as Mora de Rubielos (population ~1500), which had taken in 110 refugees, mostly from Mali. That said, we found a general absence of comments linking migrant domestic workers to crime or security issues. Such omissions are noteworthy—sometimes what is left unsaid is as important as what is spoken. 12 We argue that this may be partially attributed to these workers’ gender, which plays a mitigating role in this respect (Van Hooren, 2010). In addition, their recognition by other residents, largely due to their personal and professional relationships with local older adults, likely helped dispel perceptions of them as a threat. Several residents also explicitly mentioned that they viewed the general lack of conflict with these workers as a positive aspect.
Place-based factors also played a role in shaping attitudes toward migrant domestic workers. A notable finding from Potenza, not observed in Teruel, was the increased understanding and support for these workers linked to some residents’ own experiences of discrimination. Southern Italians, including “Lucani,” 13 may still face discrimination in other parts of Italy due to their regional identity—a phenomenon with deep historical roots (Spiese, 2016). Emigration has shaped Potenza considerably, more so than in Teruel. Consequently, there is also a degree of return migration in Potenza. Our findings suggest that Lucani, who had experienced discrimination firsthand—as well as those who were politically active and/or sensitive to these questions—tended to be more empathetic toward foreign residents, including migrant domestic workers. 14 Overall, these findings highlight the importance of recognizing that attitudes toward immigrants are shaped by individual experiences and perspectives.
An additional relevant place-based factor relates to the challenges associated with population aging and decline in both provinces (Casaletto and Smaldone, 2018; Romea Martínez and Gómez Bahillo, 2019). Given these dynamics, it is understandable why many residents appreciated the vitality that these workers and their families brought to their rural communities. Reflecting on them, Pedro, a resident of Teruel, declared:
Before, there used to be many vegetable gardens. But there’re so many older adults in these villages that no one takes care of them anymore. I have noticed that some Romanian families do have their own vegetable gardens now. (Pedro)
In addition to adding value to the labor market, as Pedro explained, these migrant domestic workers and their relatives sometimes helped maintain local properties, orchards, and gardens. In addition, some enrolled their children in local schools, helping to keep them open. While this was appreciated in both provinces, local experts also acknowledged that retention was a challenge (see also Gauci, 2020) and noted that the impact of these migrant domestic workers in mitigating population aging and decline remained limited.
The national origin of these workers also played a role in this respect, especially regarding language ability and cultural connections. For instance, the shared language and similar cultural practices and values between Latin American domestic workers and local residents in Teruel likely helped reduce anxieties associated with what Stephan et al. (2016: 256) referred to as “symbolic threats.” This common ground likely mitigated perceptions of cultural displacement and/or competition, facilitating the process of integration for certain members of this group.
Economic arguments with positive implications also emerged from our data. According to realistic conflict theory, competition over limited resources can drive anti-immigrant sentiment (Campbell, 1965). This perceived competition can involve issues such as jobs, wages, benefits, or other similar resources. In our data, however, terms such as “competition” and “burden” were uncommon. Instead, local residents often recognized that these immigrant women had relocated to their villages primarily to earn a living. Consequently, they tended to be seen as actively contributing to the local economy and helping to address the substantial demand for in-home care (Casaletto and Smaldone, 2018; Romea Martínez and Gómez Bahillo, 2019). As Julián succinctly put it, “they help keep this going.”
When discussing economic factors, it is also important to consider labor market segmentation, which is a feature of both provinces. Consistent with the literature (Vidal-Coso and Miret-Gamundi, 2014), domestic care positions, although sometimes filled by local workers, were generally viewed as unappealing, especially “live-in” roles. To illustrate this, we recall the thoughts of Dolores, an expert from Teruel, who argued that no Spanish workers were likely to be involved in live-in caregiving in the province. In this respect, we could argue that labor market segmentation likely reduced anxieties about competition associated with realistic (group) conflict theory (Campbell, 1965). This is because migrant domestic workers were not generally seen as displacing locals from desirable jobs. Even when employed in the sector—a trend seemingly more prevalent in Potenza—local workers normally secured positions with more favorable conditions, also indicating clear distinctions between niches within the domestic sector. In most cases, competition was more of a concern among a percentage of migrant domestic workers themselves.
“Yes, but”: on “contextual empathy”
Rural areas in Potenza and Teruel offer opportunities for work and community life but also face significant disadvantages common to much of the Southern European countryside (see ESPON, 2018). These issues include limited quality employment, transportation difficulties, and reduced public services, and they are often more pronounced than in urban contexts. Said dynamics, combined with stagnation in parts of the Spanish countryside, labor market challenges in Southern Italy, and overall, slow progress and limited optimism about the future have arguably led to a sense of defeatism among a proportion of those residing in these rural areas, particularly in Potenza. The following quotation by Sofia, a local resident of Potenza who had moved from abroad many years ago, reflects some of the previous dynamics:
I am old, you know. And my life is here. But if I was [younger], and I had to start from zero, I would go to Milan or something. Visiting here is one thing. Working here is something else. (Sofia)
During fieldwork, we learned that many residents were aware of the difficulties that migrant domestic workers experienced in both provinces. When asked about these workers’ lives, residents would often empathize with their hardships, which included struggles with isolation, poor working conditions, low wages, unstable employment, and other difficulties. However, critically, they also highlighted the importance of understanding these workers’ difficulties in context, often pointing to the challenges faced by many local residents in these areas at large. We refer to this sentiment as “contextual empathy.”
Noelia, 15 for instance, believed that the difficulties faced by migrant domestic workers in these areas were quite similar to those experienced by many local women—including, in this case, gender-based employment segregation. While we do acknowledge some overlap (see Sampedro, 2022), we argue that these workers’ immigrant backgrounds often exacerbated these challenges—something that was not always fully recognized. This could stem from a lack of perspective-taking or from not having shared similar experiences. It may also be linked to a lack of direct contact, reinforced by the limited visibility associated with domestic work at large (Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2007).
Problematic perceptions of migrant domestic workers as an “out-group”
Problematic perceptions also emerged in our analysis. In some cases, general anti-immigrant sentiment among certain residents had the potential to extend to migrant domestic workers simply because of their foreign backgrounds. This should be understood within the context of a somewhat moderate—yet growing—skepticism toward immigrants in Italy and Spain at large, which is somewhat more pronounced in Italy (Bell et al., 2021; European Social Survey, 2023).
Overall, problematic perceptions were most evident within the domain of employment. During our fieldwork, it became clear that certain employers did not fully consider domestic work to be a conventional job. 16 Unrealistic expectations regarding the availability, duties, and working conditions of these workers were also prevalent. This was evident regarding long working hours, which were somewhat normalized and often went uncompensated. Such views suggested only limited “contextual empathy” among certain local employers and reflected the diminished status of domestic work, especially when performed by immigrants. 17
On several occasions, these attitudes had ultimately led to what Parreñas et al. (2020: 1) called “soft violence”: the “practice of cloaking the unequal relationship in domestic work via the cultivation of ‘personalism’ while simultaneously amplifying one’s control of domestic workers.” This was exemplified in the case of Marina, a Latin American domestic worker employed in Teruel. Her relationship with her employer and their relatives appeared very close. Marina also reported being treated very well, both in a private, safer setting, as well as in the presence of the care recipient, who shared the same sentiment. Nevertheless, Marina declared that her already meager wages had recently been cut, which had disappointed her. Accounts such as Marina’s illustrate how employers may occasionally fail to uphold their responsibilities while presenting themselves as benevolent (Parreñas, 2015: 12). 18 These stories also highlight the unequal power dynamics embedded in these relationships and the significant repercussions they can have for these workers (Lan, 2006).
In addition, we were told about instances of severe labor exploitation by some families. These issues, exacerbated by labor market segmentation, minimal labor inspections, and the lack of legal status among some workers, led to the sector being described as a “bit of a wild west” by Julián, who we heard about previously. The absence of empathy in certain cases and the perception of migrant domestic workers as members of the “out-group” arguably contributed to their facing some of the most precarious conditions. For example, in instances of severe labor exploitation, employers conceivably found it easier to justify subjecting foreign-born domestic workers to undignified conditions than fellow nationals. The position of “liminality” (Yeoh and Huang, 2000) that some workers occupied, especially those who were itinerant or without legal status, was arguably another important factor explaining the relative normalization of labor precarity for this group.
Beyond the realm of employment, we also identified problematic views linked to the social identities of migrant domestic workers. Next, we hear from Laura, a labor union representative in Teruel. She declared:
African women suffer discrimination based on their skin color, and maybe their religion. So there aren’t so many [of them employed in the care sector]. Latin American women are favored: Christianity, the language, etc. Then, there’re stereotypes about Latin American women being more affectionate, etc. I don’t know about any Ukrainian women working in care. (Laura)
As suggested in the previous statement, several aspects of these workers’ identities intersected in various ways. Their status as foreign residents mattered but so did their gender, ethnicity, national origin, religious affiliation, and cultural background, among others. These factors influenced how they were perceived—and often ultimately treated—in their rural communities. Influenced by intersectionality (Crenshaw, 1989), we argue that these intersecting aspects could lead to different experiences of discrimination among migrant domestic workers in Potenza and Teruel. For instance, both overt and more subtle bigoted remarks toward Muslims could negatively impact domestic workers of Moroccan origin, but typically not those from Latin America. Those who experienced discrimination could encounter it in their daily lives, during hiring procedures, and beyond, often leading to struggles with their processes of identity (re)negotiation (see Yeoh and Huang, 2000).
Considering gender, we have argued that while it can, under certain circumstances, attenuate anti-immigrant sentiments, it can also intensify experiences of “othering” when combined with other factors (Turner et al., 1979). For instance, on several occasions, we encountered gender-related stigmatizing suggestions that some immigrant women might be seeking to marry local men primarily to obtain their nationality, potentially deceiving them in the process (see Lan, 2006: 154, for a more in-depth discussion of marriage among migrant domestic workers). Even when such discourses were not directed at specific individuals, they could still amplify feelings of exclusion and marginalization. The underlying component of threat in these discourses is particularly interesting. We propose that they could potentially be interpreted as “realistic threats” to certain in-group members, driven by concerns about deception and manipulation (see integrated threat theory, Stephan and Stephan, 2016).
As Laura’s statement highlights, nationality could also influence these dynamics. This could markedly affect highly visible minorities, as supported by recent scholarship (Hernández Martínez and Vilanova Becker, 2022). In addition, in some instances, it was possible to identify essentialist views attributing specific traits to people of different national origins. This was most apparent during the hiring process: certain nationalities could be depicted as more cheerful (e.g. Brazilians), while others as better at cleaning (e.g. Peruvians) (see Abrantes, 2014). Although these perceptions were not always consistent across or within provinces, they were featured in our data. These stereotypes conceivably have their roots in in-group/out-group dynamics, uneven power relations, and even post-colonial influences (Hernández Martínez and Vilanova Becker, 2022).
Perceptions of individual migrant domestic workers: on contact and trust
Conversations with employers, relatives of care recipients, and local residents revealed a range of perceptions about individual migrant domestic workers, from positive and neutral to less-frequent negative views. Some informants highly valued how individual workers had assisted their elderly relatives and maintained contact over the years. Participants such as María Antonia would, for instance, fondly recount instances in which her former employee would cook delicious meals for her elderly father living in rural Teruel. Teresa, also from Teruel, explained how a local resident, as an expression of gratitude, had entrusted her employee with her inheritance after passing away. For others, these workers were, above all, their neighbors, acquaintances, or classmates. However, negative depictions of individual migrant domestic workers also surfaced, typically linked to specific incidents.
Perhaps the most crucial finding in this regard is that our data largely support the argument that social contact matters (Allport, 1954). As local residents had increased contact with individual workers, their perspectives generally became more nuanced. Overall, this had a humanizing and empathizing effect, with many migrant domestic workers experiencing a “breakthrough” in social relations (Goffman, 1963). In these cases, personalized identities prevailed over collective—and at times potentially stigmatized—out-group identities. Particularly insightful perspectives were shared by those who were employing or had employed a migrant domestic worker. For example, Maddalena shared that their grandmother and the Ukrainian domestic worker that she employed in Potenza had a relationship that was sometimes challenging but generally cordial. Maddalena stated that family members would mediate when frictions emerged. She also acknowledged her grandmother’s difficult personality, the Ukrainian worker’s strengths and limitations, and the complex dynamics within the household. This familiarity and personal connection facilitated greater empathy and understanding.
Importantly, we should also note that there were instances in which contact theory (Allport, 1954) did not hold. On some of those occasions, increased contact with a particular worker not only led to conflict but also reinforced negative perceptions of migrant domestic workers as a whole. For instance, Ottavio, an informant who had encountered challenges with a worker who assisted his mother in Potenza, made a generalized anti-immigrant remark after recounting the difficulties in his mother’s household. Despite these cases, overall, contact tended to have a more positive than negative influence. These insights add nuance and somewhat challenge perspectives that portray the integration potential of Southern European rural communities as significantly lower than that of urban areas or depict them as places that “cannot easily be changed or adapted to accommodate newcomers” (see Századvég, 2024: 1).
In addition, we learned that attitudes toward migrant domestic workers were not always consistent and that perceptions of them as a group could differ from those toward individual workers. Nadia, from Potenza, expressed negative perceptions of this group, particularly Romanian nationals, whom they labeled “lazy”—a common stereotype (see Constable, 1997: 193). Yet, she also praised individual Romanian workers she knew for their hard work, describing each of them as “molto brava” (very good). In such cases, increased contact led to a breakthrough in social relations with specific members of the out-group (Goffman, 1963), but it did not necessarily shift perceptions of the group as a whole.
Related to contact, “trust” emerged as an additional core category. Hondagneu-Sotelo (2007) noted the importance of trust when employers hire for housekeeping and, especially, child-care roles. In our study, trust was just as critical regarding elderly care. Entrusting the care of an older relative to someone outside the family, often a stranger, typically required a degree of trust—especially when the individual had cognitive impairments. Those with experience employing migrant domestic workers, unless they had hired someone they personally knew, often likened the process to a lottery. Emphasizing its uncertainty, they noted that it was difficult to know what the new hire might be like, especially if referrals from relatives/acquaintances were unavailable (see Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2007). Next, we hear from Giuseppe, an older Italian man. When Giuseppe’s wife became dependent, he opted for institutionalization. Speaking about the experiences of his acquaintances with migrant domestic workers, he declared:
It depends on the person who works with you. If they’re fine, it’s OK. If they aren’t, then you become the caregiver of the caregiver. And that’s not good. You have to be lucky. They too have to be lucky. (Giuseppe)
As Giuseppe suggested, the care recipients’ family members would not often express concerns if they believed everything was in order. However, at times, signs that something might be amiss emerged, which could potentially erode trust. Issues occasionally became evident, as illustrated by accounts of theft and instances in which older adults were taken advantage of. Examples of the latter included overspending on groceries for personal use or a case in which an older adult received an unexpectedly high phone bill due to unauthorized international calls by a migrant domestic worker. While we cannot independently verify these claims, these and other similar stories emerged during our fieldwork. Such events not only undermined trust in specific individuals but could also fuel skepticism toward migrant domestic workers as a group. 19
Giuseppe’s account provides a useful segue for examining interpersonal trust. In rural Potenza and Teruel, where communities are tightly knit and bonding capital is typically high, personal relationships are crucial—often more so than they are in more anonymous urban contexts (see Putnam, 2000; Sørensen, 2014). With limited anonymity, residents frequently rely on one another for social and economic support—at times through informal channels. Against this backdrop, the sharing of incidents and suspicions, such as those described earlier, is, to a large extent, natural; it helps maintain social cohesion and identify individuals who may pose challenges to the community. However, there is also a case to be made that the trustworthiness of foreign-born residents in these areas is often scrutinized more closely, especially in the absence of strong personal ties. In part, this may be because bonding capital tends to be more exclusive in nature, which can reinforce in-group/out-group dynamics (Valenta, 2007; Putnam, 2000). Overall, while it is important to recognize the agency of migrant domestic workers, it should be acknowledged that certain narratives and rumors in these rural areas may be based on problematic stereotypes and/or inaccurate portrayals of them (see Hernández Martínez and Vilanova Becker, 2022).
When discussing trust within the family unit, accountability and oversight are paramount (see Abraham et al., 2024). To an extent, this is because the tasks that migrant domestic workers typically perform are deeply personal and intimate (Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2007). In addition, domestic care work, as implied by its name, takes place in households, which are private spaces imbued with deep significance for care recipients and their relatives (Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2007). Most of these tasks also typically happen behind closed doors, without other relatives being present. As a result, family members may, on certain occasions, have insufficient knowledge of the dynamics within their older relative’s households, which can lead to concerns about the quality of care. In Potenza and Teruel, many families are separated due to outmigration and other trends, making it difficult for relatives to visit older adults regularly, especially in remote villages. Combined with concerns about migrant domestic workers potentially leaving their positions, 20 these factors help explain the importance that employers place on trust in a given worker.
Conclusion
Migrant domestic workers have become essential across the Global North, including in the Southern European countryside, where the demand for in-home elderly care is particularly high. By exploring perceptions and sentiments toward these workers across different societal levels in rural areas of Potenza (Italy) and Spain (Teruel), this study illuminated what is a “small part of the wider picture of globalization and the inequalities of worldwide gender labor migration” (Constable, 1997: 8).
The findings revealed a high level of awareness among local residents about migrant domestic workers and, generally, of their circumstances. Overall, sentiments toward them as a group appeared to be neutral or favorable for the most part—or, at least, not overtly negative. As our data suggest, security concerns—sometimes associated with other immigrant groups in both provinces—were not linked to these workers, which we partly attributed to their gender. In addition, because they were generally economically active and occupied critical yet unattractive jobs, they were mostly seen as a net positive to the economies of both provinces, rather than as a burden or threat to local livelihoods. Furthermore, many residents appreciated the vitality that these women brought to their communities, many of which are grappling with outmigration and the detrimental effects of population aging and decline. That said, awareness and generally neutral or relatively favorable views should not necessarily be equated with close connections. While some migrant domestic workers had forged strong local ties, gaining membership in the often close-knit social circles of Southern European rural communities remained challenging for many, especially compared to more multicultural urban settings (Authors, 2007).
Negative attitudes were also identified, occasionally stemming from general anti-immigrant sentiment among certain residents. Problematic views were typically linked to different aspects of these workers’ social identities, including their gender and national origins. Questionable assumptions were most evident within the domain of employment, where unrealistic expectations from employers were common. In addition, our data revealed essentialist perceptions of different groups of migrant domestic workers. That said, as local residents interacted more with these workers, their opinions typically became more balanced. These exchanges had a humanizing effect, encouraging residents to see the individual beyond their group affiliation. While contact theory generally applied, there were instances in which the increased knowledge of individual workers, whether direct or indirect, reinforced negative preconceptions, often due to unmet expectations.
In addition, our findings highlighted the importance of trust and reputation in shaping perceptions of these workers. Our data revealed concerns over hiring a stranger to work in one’s household, occasional worries about accountability and oversight, and anxieties about these workers potentially abandoning their duties. In some cases, distrust was alleviated through greater contact and/or when these workers delivered satisfactory care. However, negative incidents also undermined trust, affecting those directly involved and, at times, the broader immigrant community.
Finally, our data suggest that residents generally empathized with the difficulties faced by migrant domestic workers. However, these struggles were often framed within the broader context of local hardships common to many rural Southern European areas. We referred to this phenomenon as “contextual empathy.” While not without credence, such viewpoints tend to overlook the increased difficulties that migrant domestic workers typically experience in these rural communities.
On a more general note, our work contributes to the academic discourse on paid domestic (elderly care) work performed by (im)migrants in two main ways. First, it adds to the limited literature on this topic in rural Southern Europe, taking into consideration the distinct characteristics of the countryside. This is a critical discussion, especially as dependency ratios and the proportion of foreign residents in these areas continue to increase. More specifically, this study enhances our understanding of the structural and relational factors that influence the social identities of migrant domestic workers and that shape local attitudes toward them in these areas. Second, more broadly, it examines the perspectives of various societal actors toward these workers and identifies themes of relevance, which is an approach that is not commonly emphasized in this area of research.
Regarding limitations, we acknowledge the potential influence of social desirability bias. While negative views were present in our sample, some participants may have hesitated to express controversial opinions openly. 21 To mitigate this bias in future research, digitally assisted data collection techniques could potentially be employed, for instance. We hope that our work generates some inertia and encourages further conversation and research, including larger-scale quantitative studies on this topic.
