Abstract
Migration profoundly shapes the lives of young people and is a polarizing topic in public discourse globally. This article examines if and how secondary school students across six countries with significant migration connect the issue of migration with their understanding of active citizenship. Employing Thorson's concept of citizenship vocabularies, we document and analyze young people's perceptions as well as the resources, narratives, and frameworks they use to make sense of migration, citizenship, and civic life. Drawing on data from deliberative discussion groups, the study adds depth to our understanding of how the current generation of youth engages with a complex and multifaceted social issue and makes an important contribution to debates concerning citizenship education, youth activism, and migration.
Introduction
Since the beginning of the 21st century, schools increasingly have been expected to equip students with the knowledge and skills of active civic participation as part of their remit to actively prepare young people for long-term engagement in society (Andolina et al., 2003; Maher et al., 2024; Thorson, 2012). Educating young people to actively engage in public, political, or social spheres is enshrined in the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals—particularly Goal 4.7, which emphasizes active global citizenship—and is often promoted by governments and nongovernmental organizations (Banks, 2017; De Vries, 2023).
Paralleling the emphasis on youth active citizenship, there has been a global increase in migration and its visibility (de Haas et al., 2020). Diverse migration flows produce varied immigration types—refugees, economic migrants, international students, and skilled workers—in many locations (de Haas, 2021). Migration research over the last 60 years has documented drivers, including changing landscapes of nationality and citizenship, a need to defend human or civil rights, and national-level political management of regional and global migration, and all these drivers have resulted in significant implications for refugees and asylum seekers (Kraly et al., 2024). Despite this complex picture, the prevailing, oversimplified narrative, particularly in the Global North, often describes migration as a crisis and so frames its governance and regulation as a contentious and divisive political issue (de Haas et al., 2020) as well as a focal point of public attention (Battocchio et al., 2023). This rhetoric often reflects the broader rise of populism and far-right movements, which typically portray immigration as a threat to national identity, security, and economic stability, often weaponizing it as a divisive issue to mobilize support and reshape political landscapes (FitzGerald & Hirsch, 2023; Patler, 2018).
Although many societal institutions are shaped by migration-related issues, schools in particular must navigate sensitive matters such as the rights of young migrants, their adaptation to new cultural contexts, and their language acquisition. We know that migration has led to significant and widespread changes in classroom demographics, resulting in greater ethnic, social, and legal heterogeneity (Banks, 2017; de Haas et al., 2020). This phenomenon, termed “super-diversity” by Steven Vertovec (2019), highlights how current migration patterns have led to “new hierarchical social positions, statuses or stratifications” (p. 126). While super-diversity—and migration issues more broadly—pose significant challenges in education, over recent decades, policies and scholarship have emerged in relation to migrant education, specifically regarding multiculturalism in the United States, United Kingdom, and Canada and intercultural education in Europe (Banks, 2017; Osler, 2023). Reflecting on the nexus of education and immigration in the United States, Turner and Mangual Figueroa (2019) highlighted the complex vulnerabilities of immigrant populations, noting that “without full legal rights or many economic resources, these students and families are likely to be among the most vulnerable to and impacted by immigration policies and racialized school practices” (p. 550).
While these efforts have been significant, it is also important to acknowledge that in many schools, migration and its effects remain the elephant in the room, subtly shaping everyday practices and assumptions without explicit recognition. We argue that migration and the discourse around migration, with all its complexities, are now ubiquitous in the lives of young people, where such discourses inform how they understand themselves, concepts of citizenship, and their global outlook. We also argue that many educators globally are negotiating a fraught and highly politicized territory in attempting to broach issues associated with migration (Banks, 2017; Turner & Mangual Figueroa, 2019), often linking the citizenship status of students with their definition of (active) citizenship (Mangual Figueroa, 2011).
This paper aims to address the following question: To what extent, and in what ways, do secondary school students in countries with significant migration connect the issue of migration with a responsibility for civic engagement and activism?
This paper aims to offer an evidence base for schools to better prepare young people to become civically minded around largely unexplored migration-related issues. We draw on data from high school students in six countries (Australia, Germany, Italy, Poland, the United Kingdom, and the United States) characterized by consistently high levels of immigration. By documenting national similarities and differences, we seek to understand young people's citizenship vocabularies (Thorson, 2012. p. 74) and the resources, narratives, and frameworks they use to make sense of migration, citizenship, and civic life. Acknowledging the ongoing debates regarding the terminology that best captures the youth civic participation, this paper, however, does not adhere to the goal of differentiating across these varied terms nor limiting the study to one or several particular forms. On the contrary, following the recent study by Tibbitts and Wong (2024), we understand the importance of embracing different aspects and forms of youth civic engagement and recognizing how young people describe their activities and underlying motivations. Also, to align with Thorson's theoretical framework, we will use the terms active citizenship and youth activism interchangeably.
The paper has five sections. First, we provide an overview of the nexus of education, migration, and youth civic engagement, highlighting key gaps in the existing literature. Second, we present Thorson’s (2012) concept of citizenship vocabularies that serves as a theoretical framework for our exploration of students’ perceptions of migration-related school students’ civic engagement across six countries. Third, we detail our methodology. Fourth, we present our analysis of the findings, including similarities and cross-cutting themes as well as drawing cross-national comparisons. Finally, we discuss the main findings and implications for educators who are seeking to foster civic awareness around migration-related issues.
Formal Schooling and Active Citizenship
Citizenship education represents a set of established pedagogic approaches designed to integrate specific civic agendas into school curricula (Battocchio et al., 2023; Osler, 2023) to promote active citizenship and educate students about and for activism. To inculcate in students a civic disposition in a rapidly changing global context, schools have to continuously adapt their pedagogies to encompass a wide range of activities, including participatory action focused on local issues, as well as impart knowledge and diverse perspectives around contentious issues (Khavenson et al., 2025). We acknowledge this is a complex undertaking; the development of active citizenship in highly political and therefore is far from straightforward. For example, educators engaged in the teaching of civics may have to navigate tensions between imparting knowledge and promoting action, both requiring certain ethical considerations (Hussain et al., 2024).
Connected to the understanding of active citizenship formation in schools, there exists a groundswell of criticism of schools for treating young people as “citizens in waiting” rather than as active agents capable of shaping their own futures (Maher et al., 2024). For example, Peterson et al. (2022) examined how educators found it challenging to foster an activist disposition in young people in every country they studied (i.e., Australia, Canada, England, Hungary, Lebanon, and Singapore), especially if the issues at hand were perceived as distant from young people's lived experience, reporting that without “immediate relevance to their everyday life (e.g., issues of democracy) they are mostly alienated and indifferent” (p. 1097). Their research also highlighted how, while incentives for schools to integrate youth activism into existing practices were apparent, the degree of encouragement varied. They also found that students tended to categorize activism as either positive or negative, and in practice, they often “viewed certain forms of activism, such as demonstrations, to be negative” (p. 1098; see also Sperduti & Engel, 2025; Yemini & Bauer, 2025).
Migration in School Context
Migration-related issues are multifaceted, encompassing economic, social, political, and demographic dimensions. Economically, migrants often face significant challenges in labor market integration, struggle to find jobs that match their skills, and risk exploitation in low-wage sectors (de Haas et al., 2020). Socially, they may encounter difficulties such as adapting to new cultural norms, discrimination, xenophobia, or barriers in accessing services such as healthcare, education, or housing (Boccagni & Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2023). Politically, restrictive immigration policies and lengthy asylum or citizenship acquisition processes create vulnerable and severely underserved social groups that live with risks such as detention and deportation or restrictions to their rights (Patler, 2018). Research has documented the intricacies of migrants’ personal journeys, their reasons for leaving their home countries, their degree of agency in their migration decisions (de Haas, 2021), and their challenges in assimilating into receiving societies (Kraly et al., 2024) and the role education plays (Douglas et al., 2024). Yet, while the migration research corpus is vast, we emphasize an urgent need to shift from the existing adult-centric focus to seeking to understand the implications of migration and migration-related issues for young people (Galli & Garip, 2024).
Research on school-aged children's perceptions and understandings of migration remains limited. Some studies have sought to capture how young people witness and make sense of challenging migratory conditions, such as the reaction of Swedish youth to the European refugee crisis in 2015 (Horning et al., 2024). Other scholarship also has highlighted the role of solidarity and collective identity in pro-immigrant youth movement participation in the United States (Bloemraad & Voss, 2020). However, these studies captured isolated moments of mobilization rather than the development of sustained civic attitudes in reference to the everyday milieu regarding migration. Studies contextualized within formal educational settings have indicated the importance of personal experience in raising motivation for activism on behalf of migrants. For example, Salazar et al. (2024) captured how college students participated in an immigration policy service-learning course, which exposed them to immigrant communities. Rapoš Božič and Kotýnek Krotký (2024) found that adolescents’ feelings of closeness to migration issues are a key driver of civic engagement, framing migration as a personal concern.
Migration Flows and Discourses of Migration
All six countries in our study have recorded consistently high levels of immigration over the past decade, coupled with intense public discourse on migration. We acknowledge that both migration itself (i.e., the transnational flows of people) and discourses on migration (e.g., representations, myths, political discussions, etc.) mutually contribute to what occurs in schools. Discourses regarding migration often focus primarily on labor surpluses or shortages, especially within unemployed and/or underemployed populations. Other aspects include forced migration, refugee settlement, crime, and racial justice, among others.
Research by Heidenreich et al. (2020) highlighted how migration in Europe is a higher-profile topic in countries with positive net migration (receiving countries) than in countries where net migration is neutral or negative. Other scholarship has noted how international norms shape discourses on immigrant nationhood, where there may be harsher immigration policies in liberal democracies than in settler societies (FitzGerald & Hirsch, 2023). In their work on the discourses around Australian refugees, Van Kooy et al. (2021. p. 14) described “discursive bordering,” informed by a potent mix of parliamentary debates, public opinion, and policy framings, which informs how people view migrant populations. Another prominent theme in the study of discourses on migration is how migration policies are often closely aligned with security policies, which arguably contributes to the frequent positioning of migrant populations as risky populations that require control (Patler, 2018). While this discourse exists, we also note the numerous challenges migrants face in securing social, economic, and political rights in all six countries in which our research was conducted.
Yarris and Castañeda (2015) laid out how migration discourses encompass the various legal, social, and symbolic frames that surround groups of displaced persons, drawing connections to displacement and deservingness. They highlighted how the discursive framings of displacement—binary categorizations such as migrants and refugees as distinct groups of displaced individuals—reflect regimes of power and interest and embed assumptions about individual agency or its absence. Yarris and Castañeda (2015) also emphasized a real need to challenge conventional notions of migrant agency given that those migrants may be navigating circumstances largely beyond their control.
Another aspect of the discourse on migration is its ever-shifting nature, often in response to nation-state policies as well as global policies and various political regimes. For example, in analyzing the European migration policy landscape, Osler (2023) called attention to how the “rhetoric emphasizes democracy and human rights [while] national education policies stress language acquisition and national values in the integration of newcomers” (p. 64). In other research comparing the Trump administration in the United States and the Liberal–National Coalition government in Australia, FitzGerald and Hirsch (2023) highlighted how discourses are shaped by judicial autonomy, nondiscrimination, child protection, and nonrefoulement; the authors argued that discourses on immigrant nationhood clashed with nationalism and security-focused rhetoric.
Recognizing how migration and migration-related issues remain a robust part of the media cycle and political debate in the Global North, we also have seen political parties investing in social media and alternative methods for campaign communication, contributing to shaping discursive framings of migration and migrant populations. For example, research by Heidenreich et al. (2020) in Europe found distinct patterns in how political extremes, both left and right, approached migration. They also highlighted how “the visibility of migration and the tone in which it is discussed in political and public discourse are of great importance as they may influence public opinion on migration and migrants” (p. 1263). To varying degrees, we are all influenced by migration and discourses on migration. Young people are often constructing their identities in relation to discourses on migration fueled by media coverage and activist efforts related to migration issues. These discourses contribute to how young people develop civic dispositions and understandings around citizenship and civic life, where they feel compelled to engage with discourses on migration, which, as we will see, they often view as a polarizing issue.
Theoretical Framework: Citizenship Vocabularies and Active Citizenship
Grounded in an overarching understanding of student activism and its connection to citizenship, and acknowledging the importance of citizenship education, this study employed Kjerstin Thorson's (2012. p. 74) concept of “citizenship vocabularies” as its primary theoretical lens to examine high school students’ perceptions of active citizenship in relation to migration in six countries. Thorson argued that an individual's understanding of active citizenship is not a monolithic, abstract concept but rather a complex and dynamic construct shaped by the vocabularies they possess—the resources, narratives, and frameworks they use to make sense of civic life. These vocabularies, drawn from personal experiences, social interactions, and media exposure, influence how individuals perceive their own agency, identify relevant issues, and determine appropriate modes of participation.
Thorson’s framework is particularly useful for this study because it moves beyond traditional conceptions of citizenship that emphasize formal participation (e.g., voting) or adherence to abstract ideals. Further, it highlights the significance of “civic imaginings” that bridge the divide between private and public spheres. Thorson posited that everyday actions—buying ethically sourced coffee or engaging in online political discussions—can be infused with political meaning depending on an individual's citizenship vocabulary. This perspective recognizes the fluidity and multiplicity of civic engagement, acknowledging that participation can manifest in diverse forms beyond formal institutions.
A conceptual map of citizenship vocabularies (Thorson, 2012. p. 74), a central component of Thorson's framework, is particularly relevant to this study. Such a map visualizes the interplay between “civic horizons” (the range of geographic and thematic contexts individuals consider within their understanding of citizenship) and “civic contributions” (the types of actions individuals envision as meaningful civic engagements). Thorson identified four quadrants, representing distinct combinations of horizons and contributions. Quadrant 1 (“citizen as good person”) focuses on individual actions within a narrow, local context; Quadrant 2 encompasses collective action within a local community; Quadrant 3 represents collective action on a broader, national or global scale; and Quadrant 4 emphasizes individualized acts with a global focus, such as advocating for global causes through personal consumption choices.
This framework's utility lies in its ability to capture the nuanced ways young people engage with civic life. Unlike approaches focusing solely on formal participation rates, Thorson's model permits a more comprehensive understanding of civic engagement by examining the underlying cognitive and discursive processes that shape an individual's actions and beliefs. It also accounts for a wide diversity of civic action, calling attention to a spectrum of responses. By analyzing the distribution of students’ views across these four quadrants, we investigated how different vocabularies influenced their perceptions of active citizenship in relation to migration.
Research Design and Methodology
It has been argued that deliberative democracy hinges on the practice of deliberative discussions (Fishkin & Luskin, 2005). To address the research question, in this study, we used a methodology known as deliberative discussion groups (Ross, 2023) to collect comprehensive data either within their secondary schools or in after-school club settings across the six countries. Such an approach allowed us to delve into students’ perceptions and understandings of activism and active citizenship—how they conceptualize it, how it manifests in their lives, and whether they see migration as a cause for enacting active citizenship in both physical and virtual public spheres.
Deliberative Discussion Groups
The focus in these groups is on facilitating open-ended conversations in which there is productive dialogue rather than seeking to change opinions or reach a consensus. This approach, which has certain synergies with the focus group methodology, encourages participants to explore topics deeply within their familiar contexts. As a methodology, deliberative discussion groups do not adhere to strictly defined rules but nonetheless share certain common attributes. Typically, these groups have four to eight members who already have some level of prior mutual acquaintance, reducing the need for introductions and allowing for more fluid conversation. Schools and after-school clubs offer a valuable setting for such groups, ensuring that participants share some common background experiences and ideas. With the familiarity in place alongside the implicit social norms of the institution, members are often more comfortable in expressing views and confronting those of others. While familiarity is important, it is also important to note that recruiting groups in schools sometimes can lead students to tailor their responses to what they perceive as expected or correct. Therefore, it is vital to create an open atmosphere that encourages genuine dialogue without pressure to conform to perceived educational norms or expectations.
To facilitate an open and engaging environment, chairs were arranged in a circle, allowing participants to see and hear each other clearly, fostering a sense of equality and shared space. Drawing on Ross (2023), the research team kicked off each session with an icebreaker for introductions and to set norms. This was the only time each participant was asked to speak in turn, ensuring that all voices were heard and that quieter participants had the opportunity to contribute. As the discussion progressed, participants were encouraged to engage spontaneously and contribute, while being mindful of maintaining a respectful atmosphere.
At the beginning of each discussion, the central research topic—youth active citizenship and youth activism—was introduced to the participants. We did not provide any definition of activism; instead, the first part of the conversation was devoted to exploring participants’ interpretations and understandings of the term, its essence, and examples of young activists. Throughout the process, care was taken to refrain from inserting our terminology into the conversation.
After exploring definitions of activism, its role in democratic societies, and the inherent challenges and dangers of activism, we focused on their lived experience regarding migration-related issues and their civic engagement. In most groups, students participated by sharing personal experiences and referencing current local and global events to support their arguments. Notably, none of the groups raised issues related to the historical dimensions of activism or past events, reflecting a contemporary focus (also reported by Ross, 2023).
Data Collection
This study is part of an expansive research project on youth activism that encompassed policy document analysis, in-depth interviews with young activists over time, and social media content analysis of activist activities (Yemini & Bauer, 2025). For this article, we drew on data from 152 discussion groups including some 760 secondary school students across six countries (i.e., Australia, Germany, Italy, Poland, the United Kingdom, and the United States). The deliberative discussion groups lasted anywhere between 40 and 90 minutes. Most participants were in their last 2 years of secondary school, aged 16–19 years. On average, the groups were gender balanced. The data were collected between October 2023 and July 2024. The data were collected by five postdoctoral fellows and two professors (recruited locally with excellent local language proficiency), each responsible for one location. Conducted in the native language by native speakers in all countries, the discussion groups provided rich qualitative data that needed to be accurately represented in English for broader analysis and discussions by the research team.
The sampling logic considered several factors. First, we chose countries experiencing significant immigration trends and with substantial recently immigrated populations. We recognized that migration and related discourse vary by location within a nation-state, influenced by local (state) laws, migrant origins, and social dynamics (Table 1 provides a brief summary of migration trends in each location). Second, we sought to include students from diverse social, ethnic, and economic backgrounds, recruiting from varied areas within each country to capture a heterogeneous sample that reflects multiple societal layers and offers a rich understanding of how students perceive activism. For instance, in London, we examined both affluent and less affluent neighborhoods to ensure diverse demographic representation. In the United States, our focal areas included Washington, DC, and Phoenix, AZ, cities facing their own unique migration challenges, in order to reflect and capture regional variations. In Arizona, migration is shaped by strict anti-immigration policies such as Senate Bill 1070, with most migrants arriving from Mexico and Latin America, alongside many Indigenous peoples. In contrast, Washington, DC experiences a more globalized migration pattern driven by international organizations (such as the World Bank). In Poland, we gathered data from both the eastern and western parts of the country to balance the influences of sociopolitical divisions. Germany's data collection centered on its most populous state (North Rhine-Westphalia), providing insights from a wide range of perspectives. In Australia and Italy, we concentrated on states and territories with diverse populations and mixed urban-rural characteristics, respectively.
Data Collection Locations and Recent Migration Trends
To achieve a balanced representation of different societal segments, we carefully selected locations within each country, ensuring the inclusion of both urban and rural schools across different regions. Specifically, we included state secondary schools that had an average student body reflective of the national population and offered comprehensive general curricula relevant to the national education standards. This approach was intended to capture a wide range of experiences and perspectives, thereby enhancing the richness and applicability of our findings. During the data-collection process, we were guided by the logic of saturation, and therefore, the number of group discussions held in each of the locations varied from 16 to 35 (see Table 1).
Ethics and Data Handling
In conducting research, we aimed to adhere to rigorous ethical standards to ensure the welfare of participants and uphold the integrity of the research process. Several critical steps were implemented to guarantee that this study met advanced ethical conditions. The research was funded by the European Research Council, which provided comprehensive oversight and support throughout the research process. This included a thorough review of the overall ethical standards and data treatment of the entire project to guarantee that the data collection and processing complied with the strict regional regulation of minors’ privacy protection and Findable, Accessible, Interoperable, and Reusable (FAIR) data principles (Khavenson et al., 2026). Before any data collection occurred, the proposed study was submitted for evaluation to the institutional review board at each local institution, ensuring adherence of the research design and methodology to best practices in ethical research, with a particular emphasis on safeguarding participants’ rights and adhering to specific countries’ regulations. The entire research project received formal approval from the Institutional Ethics Committee at the principal investigator's institution (M.Y.). 1 This endorsement further reinforced the study's ethical compliance, providing an additional layer of scrutiny to ensure alignment with ethical research principles. All participating students and their parents were invited to sign informed consent forms, indicating that they were fully aware of the research objectives, procedures, possible risks, and benefits. At the start of each discussion group, we clearly explained to students their right to withdraw at any point without any negative consequences. We also assured students that all information gathered would be used solely for research purposes, reinforcing trust and transparency.
According to the institutional review board approvals, to protect the participants’ identities, all data collected underwent comprehensive anonymization. Any identifying or demographic details were completely removed from the data prior to analysis, ensuring that no individual participant could be connected to their contributions or reidentified. Each deliberative discussion group's recordings were transcribed, and after completing the transcription, the original recordings were destroyed, as required by the institutional review boards.
Data Identification, Coding, and Analysis
The coding process employed both inductive and deductive approaches and involved multiple steps, including code calibration, parallel independent coding, and cross-checks (this process is detailed in the Supplementary Material “Coding Process Employed in the Current Paper” in the online version of the journal). Initial data handling and codebook development were undertaken by the larger research team in the first stages of the project (see the Supplementary Material “The Entire Project Codebook Structure” in online version of the journal). For this paper, all transcripts were carefully reviewed, and passages with references to migration were extracted. This involved searching for terms denoting migrant populations or migration in general (e.g., “migrants,”“refugees,”“undocumented,”“newcomers,”“citizenship,” and “borders”). Additionally, we selected any mentions of the role of schools in facilitating activism.
To analyze the data using Thorson's framework, we coded relevant segments according to their corresponding quadrant (the calibration stage proved the applicability of single-quadrant assignment). The “civic horizons” dimension was captured by the geographic and/or thematic contexts mentioned, whereas the “civic contributions” dimension—through the types of actions students described (see Supplemental Table S1 in online version of the journal for the coding flowchart). Importantly, to capture the full spectrum of perspectives on active civic engagement, we included both real and hypothetical examples of actions. We did not differentiate for two key reasons: First, we believed that this was not necessary for understanding young people's conceptions of citizenship, and second, given the diverse contexts of the deliberative discussion groups, distinguishing between real and hypothetical actions would have introduced inconsistencies in coding. Finally, informed by the work of Tibbitts and Wong (2024), we remained open to the young people's own language during the coding process, which resulted in the broader discourse on citizenship rather than focusing primarily on activism on behalf of migrant populations, as initially intended.
Reflecting on Positionality
Prior to conducting the discussion groups, the research team engaged in self-reflection exercises to identify and acknowledge potential biases that could affect the research outcomes. This included discussions about our own backgrounds, intersectional identities, experiences with migration, and preconceived notions about activism and youth engagement. By openly addressing these factors, our aim was to minimize their influence during data collection and analysis. Furthermore, we recognized that the research team consisted predominantly of university academics, often with prior research experience in civic education or migration studies. We explicitly discussed how our academic lenses might inadvertently frame questions or interpret responses in ways that align with established theories, potentially overlooking novel student perspectives. Similarly, team members from countries with differing migration histories were mindful of not imposing their national narratives onto student responses from other contexts.
Throughout the discussions, researchers leading the data collection and the initial inductive coding in each location remained attentive to group dynamics, making conscious efforts to create an inclusive environment. This required actively listening to participants and being aware of power imbalances that could arise due to differences in age, gender, social status, or experience between researchers and students. Additionally, researchers accounted for peer influence within deliberative discussion groups because students may have been swayed by dominant voices in the discussion. To mitigate this, moderators encouraged diverse participation and employed strategies such as rotating speaking turns. By cultivating a space in which participants felt valued and empowered to express themselves freely, we aimed to honor their voices and lived experiences.
Moreover, during analysis, the research team continuously engaged in reflective practices, revisiting our interpretations and coding decisions. Because capacity building was integral to the research project, team members were encouraged not only to reflect on the research process but also to share thoughts on how their backgrounds may have shaped their understanding. By fostering an environment of open dialogue, we facilitated a collaborative approach to data analysis that acknowledged diverse perspectives and interpretations.
Reflectivity also extended to the dissemination of findings. Recognizing a responsibility to present participants’ voices accurately and respectfully, we made it a priority to develop summaries and reports that truly reflected their insights. We shared preliminary findings with a subset of participants for feedback to ensure that our interpretations aligned with their experiences and perceptions. Ultimately, embedding reflectivity throughout the research process underscored our commitment to ethical practices and the authentic representation of participants’ narratives. By consistently reflecting on our role as researchers, we aimed to enhance the credibility of our study and contribute to a deeper understanding of youth activism through the lens of those directly engaged in it.
Limitations
Although this study provides valuable insights into how high school students in six countries understand both migration and activist efforts related to migration issues, several limitations should be acknowledged that may impact the generalizability and interpretation of the findings. Although efforts were made to include a diverse range of participants across various backgrounds in each location, the sample still may not fully represent the broad spectrum of youth experiences globally given the focus on Global North countries with considerable incoming migration. It was challenging in some participating countries to access a full spectrum of schools serving a diverse socioeconomic demographic. For example, in the United Kingdom, there was an overrepresentation of grammar schools (which serve mostly students from high-socioeconomic-status backgrounds) as opposed to state comprehensive schools (attended by most students from immigrant backgrounds). We acknowledge this shortfall, and consequently, the findings may be more reflective of the regions and population sampled than universally applicable to all youth.
The voluntary nature of participation could have introduced bias because students who chose to engage might have stronger interests in activism, citizenship, and global issues than peers who did not participate. This self-selection bias could have led to an overrepresentation of certain perspectives, potentially skewing the findings and limiting the study's ability to capture a comprehensive range of views on youth activism. Additionally, as researchers and facilitators, despite efforts to create a safe and open dialogue, our presence and moderating techniques may have influenced participants’ responses. Although the study included discussions conducted in native languages (e.g., English, Polish, German, and Italian), it was not possible to account for students who were from migrant backgrounds who may not have had full local language proficiency at the time.
Findings
In this section we analyze young people's understanding of the relationship between migration, civic engagement, and activism across six countries—Australia, Germany, Italy, Poland, the United Kingdom, and the United States—using Thorson's model of citizenship vocabularies as an analytic lens. Thorson's framework categorizes citizenship understanding along two axes: civic contributions (individual vs collective action) and civic horizons (hyperlocal vs global reach). The findings revealed some significant cross-national variations in how young people conceptualize and engage with migration and discourses on migration, highlighting the influence of current events, sociopolitical context, schools, and access to information on informing. However, the analysis also revealed several common threads in youth citizenship vocabularies across the globe.
Cross-Country Commonalities of Youth Active Citizenship
Youth citizenship vocabularies
The findings highlighted a well-shaped overall understanding of activism—primarily digital activism—and the role it plays both within the nation-state and globally. Moreover, the plethora of practices associated with activism was often a natural way for young people to think about civic participation. Even with varying levels of personal involvement, young people usually viewed activism in relation to specific topical issues.
We saw that across the six countries, youth vocabularies clearly distinguished between local and global poles of the “civic horizons” dimension of Thorson's framework. The “local” pole encompassed all scales from the immediate community to the participant's country (e.g., community and region). The “global” pole referred to any issue situated beyond the participant's country, including specific geopolitical entities (e.g., the European Union) as well as general concepts of a globalized world. All groups demonstrated a high level of awareness regarding global issues. Notably, many participants cited the pervasive influence of social media in providing a platform for activists to share information on global events—from climate change to political conflicts—indicating that social media have significantly contributed to public awareness, sparking discussion and, in some cases, prompting action. There also was evidence of these platforms serving as information hubs and spaces for youth to connect and to become aware of global causes and, to a lesser extent, local ones. However, the depth of this understanding and its translation into actual civic engagement varied substantially across countries and often was influenced by factors such as proximity to specific events or a shared border (e.g., the war in Ukraine, Australia's “boat people,” 2 etc.).
Reflecting Thorson's “civic contribution” dimension, the data suggested that the participants saw the distinction between individual and collective action as fluid. Many students engaged in both individual actions (e.g., ethical consumerism and individual charity donations) and collective action (e.g., participation in organized protests and volunteering in local communities). This suggests that for many young people, active citizenship is normalized and broadly understood as engagement with civic issues, shaped by both individual action and collective participation.
Discourse and activism about migration
Drawing on participants’ accounts, the findings indicated that discourses surrounding migration are shaped by local histories, political climates, and community demographics, making them both complex and context dependent. Perceptions and corresponding activist efforts were shaped by proximity to immigration phenomena; contexts where direct experience was present tended to foster a more nuanced awareness, whereas participants who had more limited lived experience often exhibited simplistic or polarized viewpoints. Consequently, the resulting civic engagement the young people discussed tended to be hyperlocal, aligned with being a “good citizen” within the existing framework, where we saw little evidence of students challenging the systemic issues underpinning migration.
Role of education and social context. Education systems are often a reflection of the identity of the nation-state, varying significantly from country to country. As we would expect, the remit of education is also deeply intertwined with students’ social and cultural context, invariably shaped by local narratives, national identities, and current events. The data collected were quite fragmented regarding the role formal education played in terms of civic education or activism. While schools serve as important for students’ understanding of citizenship, for the most part, the students saw their formal education as avoiding contentious global agendas. These educational silences can contribute to a public discourse that positions migrants in a passive role—as recipients of assistance—and frames migration itself as a problem to be solved rather than a reality to be embraced.
Diversity and credibility of information sources. Young people navigated multiple sources to gain information about global events, including formal education (particularly social studies and humanities classes), news media, algorithmic social media, family discussions, and personal experiences. This highlights the multifaceted nature of the information they are exposed to and how this diversity influences their civic vocabularies, specifically in relation to their perceptions of citizenship and migration. At the same time, many participants disclosed how they viewed these sources with skepticism and had concerns about information reliability. These issues also were mentioned in the context of school curriculum, which the participants perceived as exhibiting limited attention to the development of information and media literacy.
Challenges to engagement. Several common challenges to civic engagement arose consistently across the six countries. These included young people feeling overwhelmed by the scale and complexity of global issues and exhibiting skepticism toward mainstream news sources and social media's credibility. As mentioned previously, lived experience seemed to inform a civic disposition, whereas classroom learning around pressing issues seemed largely disconnected. These challenges highlight a universal need for further investment not only in media literacy but also in targeted educational initiatives designed to foster activism as well as community-based efforts to involve young people in local civic engagement opportunities.
Country-Specific Findings
An analysis of the data revealed a clear overarching similarity: global-collective activism (Quadrant 3 [Q3]) is the predominant form of engagement across all surveyed locations. However, the profiles of the countries diverged significantly in their secondary types of active citizenship vocabularies. For example, Poland is notable for its strong component of local-collective action (Q2) at 37%, which is nearly as frequent as its global counterpart (40%). This can be read as “necessity for activism.” Conversely, in Germany and the United Kingdom, individual activism (both local Q1 and global Q4) is more prominent after the leading category, suggesting a context of activism based on opportunity. The United States also shows internal variation between its Arizona and Washington, DC samples, particularly in the balance between local-collective (Q2) and individual (Q1, Q4) engagement. Specifically, the Arizona sample exhibited a pronounced secondary focus on local-collective activism (Q2 at 30%), whereas the Washington, DC sample presented a more even distribution where local-collective engagement (17%) was balanced with both local-individual (Q1) and global-individual (Q4) activism. Australia presented a distinct case, with an overwhelming focus on global-collective action (71%), whereas other forms of engagement remained comparatively minimal. Table 2 summarizes within-country distributions across all four quadrants—Quadrant 1 (hyperlocal-individual), Quadrant 2 (hyperlocal-collective), Quadrant 3 (global-collective), and Quadrant 4 (global-individual), whereas the countries’ portraits described below shed light on the within-country active citizenship patchwork.
Cross-National Analysis of Young People's Citizenship Vocabularies, %
Australia
Australia stands out with a unique distribution, demonstrating the highest percentage (71%) of responses falling into Q3 (global-collective). This suggests a broad awareness of global issues, perhaps in relation to its leading role in the Asia-Pacific region. However, qualitative excerpts from the participants suggested a potential focus on awareness rather than active participation in global-collective action. This could be related to Australia's geographic isolation and strong national identity. Overall, students exhibited a predominantly global focus, but their engagement appeared to be focused primarily on individual actions driven by personal ethics or interests aligned closely with the nation-state rather than broader global initiatives.
Within the data we coded for Thorson's Q3, students were able to think globally, drawing on global events (e.g., war and climate refugees) and viewing such events as significant human rights issues (e.g., protests in Hong Kong). There was a significant emphasis on freedom of speech, the safety and security around expressing dissenting opinions, and the tolerance required to recognize and accommodate conflicting viewpoints. For example: I would say [that] freedom of speech and opinion is also one thing that comes to my mind because obviously everybody has different and opposing views and opinions which have to learn how to accept them and not really like she said if you have different opinions it doesn't mean you have to fight about it. (AUS-GD3-S1)
Although Australia has not recently faced the high levels of migration seen in other countries, there is a significant discourse around migration, specifically in reference to refugees, asylum seekers, and so-called boat-people (Van Kooy et al., 2021). Migration is ubiquitous in the lives of young people, informing how they understand themselves and their global outlook.
Yeah, they're [migrants] important, yeah. Migration, that changes the, like, what kind of countries we're gonna have. Of course, yeah, it changes the face of the country. Yeah, all of them are pretty important. That's why people dedicate so much time to them. (AUS-GD35-S1)
There were many instances where the rights and responsibilities associated with citizenship were discussed. Students recognized that citizenship was complex and thus found it difficult at times to make strong assertions. They consistently saw Australian citizenship as a privilege but felt that many Australian citizens did not appreciate what Australian citizenship afforded them, whereas migrant populations did. For example: [We were] just to try and sit the practice exam for citizenship and the majority of people wouldn't pass that so that's kind of a big one considering we've been given the privilege to have been born into this country but there are people that haven't and even Australian citizens are unable to pass the citizenship test. (AUS-GD3-S3)
This highlights one dimension of how school students understand the relationship between migrant flows, civic responsibility, and civic engagement.
Furthermore, within the Australian data, we saw examples of students feeling that migration was mishandled by the government and that migrant populations were often portrayed as dependent: I don't think that Australia should be really taking in too many migrants from other places. It doesn't serve our interests and it's not our responsibility to take after the whole world, look after them all. Or even just giving foreign aid or anything really. Yeah, I'm quite an isolationist perspective, yeah. (AUS-GD35-S1)
Arguably, words of the participants reflect what Van Kooy et al. (2021. p. 14) referred to as “discursive bordering,” where the discourse on migration is informed by a powerful mix of parliamentary debates, public opinion, and policy framings.
Poland
Drawing on Thorson, Poland overall showed a more balanced distribution. The war in Ukraine (which borders Poland) profoundly impacted responses, leading to a strong representation in Q2 (40%), emphasizing localized collective action. Students demonstrated community-based engagement alongside awareness of global implications. The relatively low percentage in Q4 (3%) may indicate less emphasis on individual action toward global issues in the Polish context, potentially due to the immediate demands of the Ukrainian humanitarian crisis. Unlike countries such as Germany and France, Poland does not experience international migration inflows on the same scale, with migration predominantly linked to the Ukrainian crisis.
Reflecting Q2, PL-GD9-S2 saw a common theme in the data of a desire to help: As for the Ukrainians, at the start, everyone understood the situation and wanted to help because we're all humans, and they're human too. In my town, many Ukrainians were taken in, and even in my class, we had students from Ukraine. At first, everyone thought, “We have to help.”
Many students in the Polish cohort drew attention to school and community civic opportunities focused on assisting migrants. Some of the schools the students attended were stopover points as Ukrainian refugees traveled on to Germany. Connecting it to national identity, PL-GD9-S4 said: “We Poles have it in our subconscious that we must help, because if we don't, we’ll be seen as selfish, for example. I think Polish history has many instances where we've helped and given to everyone, but we don't get any help in return.”
Reflecting Q1, one student, PL-GD9-S4, described an experience where their family employed refugees from Ukraine and gave them housing, but this lived experience did not lead to a global outlook represented in Q3 and Q4. Instead, it led PL-GD9-S4 to articulate: These people are staying here, waiting out the war, getting many things for free, and they've moved to a shelter offered by the local government, which they don't pay for. They get free food, practically everything. The children are going to school here, and the parents don't work, but they receive benefits. It's kind of frustrating for me because our parents are working to provide for us, but these people don't.
Reflecting a similar sentiment, PL-GD9-S3 asserted: What bothers me is that those who came to us received shelter, work, often social help, and yet many don't appreciate it. . . . Some [migrants] even act entitled, complaining that they don't have enough or that something isn't good enough. Of course, not everyone is like that. I'm not generalizing, but unfortunately, I've encountered such examples, and it's disappointing.
These words remind us of the arguments of Yarris and Castañeda (2015) concerning how migration discourses encompass the various legal, social, and symbolic frames that surround groups of displaced persons, drawing connections to “displacement” and “deservingness.” Extending this, the words of the Polish participants reflect their lived experiences as migration hosts, and as a result, they connect civic action to migration and view it as a human rights issue. Thorson contended that conceptions of active citizenship are not uniform or abstract but rather dynamic and multifaceted, shaped by the specific vocabularies individuals develop—the narratives, resources, and interpretive frameworks through which they understand civic life. However, the lived experiences the youth describe did not necessarily lend themselves to forming a disposition aligned with Q3 and Q4 because many participants felt that the Ukrainian refugees lacked gratitude regarding Poland's generosity.
United States (Washington, DC)
Overall, young people living in Washington, DC, showed a more balanced distribution of citizenship expressions, whereas those located in Arizona leaned more toward collective forms of engagement. Drawing on Thorson's framework, Washington, DC, had higher participation in hyperlocal-individual (17% vs 10%) and global-individual (17% vs 0%) citizenship, suggesting a greater emphasis on individual agency. This may reflect the city's status as the nation's capital, where local activism intersects with global affairs, and where young people's proximity to the federal government and international organizations affords increased access to global discourses on key issues.
Within the Washington, DC, cohort, many students drew connections between their lived experiences, what they learned in their formal schooling, and their participation in activist efforts. For example, DC-GD3-S1 cited the DACA
3
protest: Yeah, the DACA protest. So, we went to the Supreme Court and we protested for the, for Dreamers. For the Dreamers, because Donald Trump, I think was the president at the time. And he was trying to remove it.
This response reflects Q3 (global-collective), suggesting a broad awareness of global issues and the role of the nation-state in deciding citizen rights. Overall, it was clear from the data that many young people found migration a topic with multiple tensions. For example: Ukraine, I want to say, like the immigrant experience in America today, that recently I . . . even like in my studies of like, history, I always wonder why immigrants actually want to come to America. Like, yes, I get it. There's better opportunities. There's economic opportunities outside of. . . . Well, yeah. For immigrants here, there's more than what they have there. . . . But often times, we don't hear about what . . . what they do have. We hear about what they don't have and how what we have is better than that. (DC-GD8-S1)
Many students reflected on their own migratory status or journey in their thoughts. This suggests that lived experiences are important for shaping not only students’ understandings of migration but also for their political viewpoints on migration-related issues (Khavenson et al., 2025; Kosko et al., 2022). For example, DC-GD18-S3 asserted: I think I sort of see myself as a global citizen. . . . My, my mom's an immigrant, and I feel very . . . I feel pretty connected to that part of who I am. She's Italian, and I'm fluent in Italian. I [have] Italian citizenship. . . . But I also, you know, I feel also isolated from that part of my identity because I don't . . . I wasn't raised there. I don't live there. And the US, as diverse as it is, it feels to me kind of isolated from the rest of the world.
These words suggest both connection and dislocation simultaneously, where, considering Thorson's global-collective (Q3) and global-individual (Q4), we see how this student views themselves as straddling both.
Elaborating further, DC-GD18-S3 articulated: Even though it's not like it is and it's not, I think I wish I was more of a global citizen. I want to know more about it. I want to know more. And I also want to interact more with other cultures, other languages, and not just religions. More than anything, I interact with other people, people who, like, have lived lives that are nothing like my own.
United States (Arizona)
In contrast with Washington, DC, Arizona exhibits a higher proportion in hyperlocal-collective (30% vs 17%) and global-collective (60% vs 50%) citizenship, indicating a stronger collective orientation. Arizona's complete absence from the global-individual (Q4) highlights a key difference. The participants’ discussion of global issues suggests some awareness, yet their individual actions often were shaped by what their local communities were experiencing, specifically the immediate realities of the adjacent Mexican border. To fully grasp these dynamics, we explored how students perceived the complexities of migration, particularly in relation to their personal and geographic ties to this border region.
Mostly, the Arizona students saw migration as a global human rights issue and were able to connect migration to wider current events, such as the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the war in Ukraine, climate change, environmental issues, and so on. Several participants spoke about their involvement in school-based activities such as Amnesty International or a UNICEF club, contributing to their awareness of current events and civic engagement efforts. When students reflected on migration, they often presented different viewpoints on the issue reflecting dimensions of Q3: I’m gonna talk about the other one, migration and the border crisis. I think there are two sides to this. People from Mexico who want to capitalize on work in the United States. And you know, the others who argue to not let these criminals in and these people will add to the poverty. And that's kind of a complicated situation. I think that it could be debated for a while. (AZ-GD2-S1) Just to piggyback on the border situation with the Mexican people coming here to escape what they're having in their home countries, like all the bad stuff, I guess it's hard. I guess that's the other thing. What he said with the two opinions or two arguments that they have is, do we let these people in that wanna have their families? Give them a chance to live here, or maybe also let bad people in since they say they want it too? They want to change, and all that stuff, but they bring what they started back in their home country to our country that's thriving and has all these opportunities. And it's just like, what's the overall answer to it? What can we do? What are they gonna contribute to our nation? (AZ-GD2-S2)
The data here echo the arguments of Yarris and Castañeda (2015) on how migration “discourses” encompass the legal, social, and symbolic framing surrounding migrant groups. Although the Arizona students strove to present a balanced view, their statements were underpinned with themes of displacement and deservingness, with some similarities to the data in Poland.
Thorson contended that conceptions of active citizenship are shaped by the specific vocabularies individuals develop—the narratives, resources, and interpretive frameworks through which they understand civic life. Reflecting not only a real call for action but a global awareness, AZ-GD3-S4 noted: Also, advocating for policy because if you like, advocate for policy, you can get it to your governments, and they can get it to other governments, and the US will probably get it to other countries, and it'll probably make more of an impact because they can do it on a larger scale. (Q3)
The words of AZ-GD3-S4 reflect an understanding of advocacy and policy as tools that, if promoted by powerful states such as the United States, can have a global impact. Nationalism, in this case, elevates the role of the state as the central actor in global governance. The belief that the United States can influence other countries through governmental channels may reflect the assumption that political change and global progress are achievable only through the influence of national powers rather than through collective transnational action. However, this theme was not consistently present in the Arizona data. What we did see was a clear and consistent focus on the importance of solving problems considered important to their communities, with AZ-GD3-S3 also noting: Yes, but we're sending billions of dollars to others when we could help our own country. Like our southern border, when immigrants are crossing, it's causing issues in Arizona and across the US. So instead of sending money to people in Ukraine or people in Israel and stuff like that, the government could send it to the southern border, so it can help people locally.
This outlook also could be attributed to the timing of the discussion groups, which coincided with the 2024 U.S. election cycle, mirroring campaign promises and debates concerning migration among both state and federal candidates.
Italy
In recent years, Italy has seen substantial migration, particularly from North Africa, the Middle East, and sub-Saharan Africa. Many migrants arrived via dangerous Mediterranean routes, prompting ongoing debates about border control, humanitarian obligations, and integration policies. Furthermore, Italy has been the subject of Amnesty International reports documenting the unfair treatment of migrants—both in small boat interceptions and in detention centers for illegal migrants (Amnesty International, 2024).
With the data from Italy, migration and the complexities underpinning it were pronounced, where the young people held strong opinions. For example, IT-GD12-S4 asserted: “One thing that hasn't been mentioned so far, but I want to mention it because I think it's one of the most tragic and important matters to solve, is definitely that of immigration.”
Overall, the data from Italian participants demonstrated a strong global focus (45% in Q3), reflecting a heightened sense of interconnectedness. These young people saw addressing the issues related to migration as part of a wider social policy remit within the nation-state. Italy's welfare state and economy largely rely on the presence of the migrant population because the Italian birth rate is the lowest in Europe, and the fiscal contribution of migrants is crucial to propping up the welfare state.
The distribution of our quadrant results with the Italian data suggested a clear emphasis on the global implications of citizenship, particularly regarding issues such as migration and human rights. However, while a global focus was the dominant quadrant, this was not without some criticism of the state from participants. For example, IT-GD12-S7 said: I wanted for a moment to finish the discussion on immigration, which to me is one of the problems that to date is most mismanaged. In the sense that the countries that have more possibilities are at the same time the most selfish countries, and very often the influx of migrants, even in a clandestine way, goes to the detriment of the countries that have less possibilities. So, in my opinion, the problem has to be solved with more organization, because it is not possible that the countries that have more possibilities and the countries that can improve the situation do not. And the ones that go to be, let's say, harmed by this are the countries that have the least possibilities.
Several of the students felt that Italy was too generous in providing citizenship to migrants, although they also expressed that acquiring citizenship did not equate with immigrant populations assimilating readily. In terms of civic responsibility, IT-GD13-S2 said: For example, even hosting immigrants, now it sounds stupid, but in the end if I decide to host an immigrant, in my opinion, I am a citizen of the world; that is, I feel like a citizen of the world if I do this thing, I don't feel like a citizen of my people. Whereas maybe a person who says, “No, I don't want them, because Italy must be made only of Italians,” then in my opinion he is not a citizen of the world if he doesn't want to host outside people.
What is captured here is not only a sense of strong social responsibility but also, in Thorson's words, a vocabulary through which the individual understands civic life in reference to wider discourses. Although Italy has certainly experienced high levels of migration in recent years, in the Italian data we saw fewer self-disclosures regarding lived experiences with migrant populations. The students interviewed were mostly Italian or the descendants of migrants (mostly of European origin), with a small proportion coming from overseas. The only discussion in which the issue of racism was raised was one in which students with a non-European origin took part. Yet, overall, the data from participants demonstrated a strong global focus with many examples of Q3 (45%), suggesting that participants do think in terms of global interconnectedness.
Germany
Germany has continued to be a major destination for migrants and refugees in Europe, with recent flows including asylum seekers from Syria, Afghanistan, and Ukraine. In our research, Germany displayed a more balanced distribution across Thorson's quadrants, with substantial representation in both Q3 and Q4. The strong showing in Q3 (57%) reflected an emphasis on collective action related to global challenges. The notable percentage in Q4 (21%) suggests that individual actions toward global issues are also significant in Germany.
Extending this, reflecting both Q3 and Q4, one participant in the Germany cohort said: I believe that it has an influence on many other countries and also in general, which the planet itself and other countries and continents also have an influence on us. And I believe that, especially when it comes to overcoming the challenges, it will be important to stand up for a goal globally, because otherwise you might not necessarily be able to achieve it. (GER-GD5-S6)
This participant expressed motivation, grounded in a sense of global responsibility, suggesting that meaningful change requires collective effort across borders. This aligns with Thorson's emphasis on how motivation can be driven by recognition of systemic challenges and the need for transnational solidarity. The call for action (“stand up for a goal”) reflects incipient civic action, which Thorson noted can begin with expressive or discursive acts before evolving into more structured engagement.
Possibly influenced by the high percentage of individuals from refugee backgrounds entering Germany and how this was represented in the media, some students placed greater emphasis on equality and explicitly framed migration as a human rights issue. For example, GER-GD6-S4 stated: As I said, I would say equal rights, for example, equal rights between women and men or also with a migration background or something like that, so that the basic needs are somehow preserved, that you are safe and have a house and food.
Similar to the interconnectedness in terms of the wider social policy remit present in the Italian data, there were many instances where the participants in Germany reflected on how migration informed other key issues in society, such as housing and the cost of living: So, if we look at migration . . . which is in ascending order, or what impact does that have on living space, on housing? That affects us again, that when we leave school or leave our parents or family, we can no longer find a place to live because it will simply be full again at some point. (GER-GD9-S2) I believe that the climate crisis, but also a refugee crisis, in the sense that people in some countries no longer want to live there, whatever the case may be, and we still have to take them in and offer them a safe place. This is also a crisis that affects us all. (GER-GD16-S1)
Although most of the data from Germany was in Q3 and Q4, we did see some examples of Q2, reflecting a focus on immediate locale. Within these data, there were often tensions around how these students understood migration and the responsibilities of migrants. For example, one student said, “In this country, so if you haven't emigrated or something, that this country is your home country and that you should first show solidarity with these people here, with whom you can show solidarity” (GER-GD10-S2). This could be interpreted as highlighting the complex negotiation in which young people engage, with specific reference to civic motivation, identity, and knowledge—particularly in relation to navigating national versus global responsibilities.
United Kingdom
The data from the United Kingdom suggested a very similar pattern to Germany and, to a lesser extent, Italy. There was a strong emphasis on global citizenship and interconnectedness (Q3). We found that the participants’ engagement in protests and their awareness of international events such as Brexit suggested a significant global orientation and awareness of significant changes in migrant flows. In terms of their sense of national identity, there was a clear knowledge around the (soft power) influence of the United Kingdom on the global stage and its changing relationship with Europe.
In focusing on global interconnectedness (Q4), many students spoke about efforts by their schools to raise their awareness around important issues through community service initiatives (e.g., food drives, etc.). Other participants spoke around how the influence of social media was a contributing factor, in that the immediacy and accessibility to current events and conflicting viewpoints made them feel like global citizens engaged in a global community. We provide two examples to illustrate these points representing a wider theme in the data: You can talk to anyone in the world. I think we need to realize that there's more connections between everyone on this earth than possible. And that we are now being part of a global community. (UK-GD19-S2) I do consider myself a global citizen because I care about the welfare and human rights of people around the world. And although I may not be related to them or have a relationship with a person from half-way across the world, I still see the hardships that they struggle with on a daily basis in life, so it affects me on an emotional and personal level. That is why I believe I am a global citizen. (UK-GD1-S1)
Another student defined their conception of global citizenship—and interconnectedness—as innately human: “I feel like as humans, we're very collaborative. And I think . . . just by the way our society is set up and all the inequality and, and in capitalism, shall I say, kind of just takes away that nature away from us” (UK-GD5-S1). In another instance, another participant mentioned, “I mean country borders are kind of arbitrary” (UK-GD8-S2), suggesting a civic disposition that refutes much of the media narrative around migration.
There were several examples of U.K. students raising migration as an important issue, where many considered it as having significant implications for the future of the nation-state. Different from the other countries in the study, we saw multiple examples of how young people in the United Kingdom saw migration as interconnected with other pressing issues requiring activism (e.g., climate change). UK-GD5-S3 asserted: I feel like the big thing in the news at the moment is obviously immigration. And that is a pretty big well, it's a global issue. It's what are they going to run or are they going to stay? And I feel like every country has a different policy on this, and it is influenced by climate change and it's influenced by a lot of factors. So, I feel like there is not one like there are no single global factors. They are all interlinked together to form just this one big ball of mess.
Reflecting Thorson's Q2, we also noted examples of students expressing frustration at how their “active citizenship” was constrained by their young age, which limited their ability to engage in activist efforts. One participant, UK-GD19-S1, stated: So I don't feel like children should be almost like censored and stepped back from it because those children are still dealing with those issues, whether it's migration or economic concerns, social, whatever.
Discussion
In this section we explore how and to what extent secondary school students in countries shaped by migration connected migration with responsibilities of active citizenship and activism. We know that migration plays a significant role in shaping the experiences of young people globally, and over time, we have seen both educators and young people increasingly engaged in civic engagement and activism to support the rights of migrant populations. Adopting Thorson’s (2012) concept of citizenship vocabularies, this article captured key aspects of how high school students in six countries conceptualize migration and discourses on migration, highlighting how their views are informed by resources, narratives, and lived experience. How they make sense of migration and citizenship is vital to how we understand the formation of a civic disposition.
Migration, and what it means for formal schooling, is a pressing social issue globally, and our research has the potential to inform how educators provide lessons regarding current events, media literacy, and civics. This research is significant because we need to know the viewpoints of young people in order to engage in educative approaches that promote civic virtues such as fairness, empathy, and inclusion. Echoing de Haas (2021), we need to challenge views that reduce migration to economic imbalances, simplistic push-pull models, or policy frames that cast it as either a problem or a solution, where, as he asserts, “migration is a social process that cannot be seen in isolation from the broader processes of change of which it is a constituent part” (p. 12).
There is a real need for educational research to capture the voices of young people in order to remain responsive to rapidly shifting social and political landscapes. This aligns with Turner and Mangual Figueroa's (2019) framework, which integrates migration and education research findings with critical policy lenses, specifically the third component concerning, where through everyday interactions, these actors experience, contest, and co-construct the intersections of education and immigration policy, including official policy, policy enactment, practices that function as policy, and policy discourses (the official or normative values and meanings expressed in policy), in ways that expand or limit citizenship. (pp. 550–551)
The data we present, and our analysis, open a space for educational researchers not only to ask important questions about the role migration plays in their work but to also examine their ethical responsibilities concerning how they foster a civic disposition in their students regarding migration and related issues. Certainly, when applying Thorson's civic vocabularies as an analytic lens, we see a significant opportunity to address the gap between awareness and action as well as tensions between community and global orientations. By mapping students’ perspectives across these four quadrants, we glimpse how different citizenship vocabularies contribute to their understandings of migration as a complex issue, noting similarities and differences across location.
The research captures a moment in time within what is a rapidly changing geopolitical context in recent years where many schools now grapple with what Vertovec (2019) called super-diversity. As super-diverse institutions, schools today are negotiating not only changing “social positions, statuses or stratifications” but also “new patterns of inequality and prejudice including emergent forms of racism, new patterns of segregation, new experiences of space and ‘contact,’ new forms of cosmopolitanism and creolization (including what's more recently discussed in terms of conviviality and multiculture), and more” (Vertovec, 2019, p. 126). Throughout our scholarship, we have drawn attention to migration itself as well as to discourses and beliefs surrounding migration, which are inflected with an abundance of misunderstandings and myths. The data suggest that both contribute to how young people understand themselves as citizens.
Conversations about migration were multifaceted. Students engaged deeply in debates around pro- and anti-migration sentiments, wrestling with the societal implications of migration for their lives and how it would contribute to their identities and future. Interestingly, the focus of these discussions often gravitated toward how nonmigrants can assist migrants rather than acknowledging the activism and agency of migrant communities themselves. This suggests that in terms of civic engagement, while migration-related issues can motivate young people to engage with and reflect on the nature of “good citizenship,” their perceptions of what is possible are often limited. In contrast, these conversations imply that migration may not necessarily be perceived by young people as a systemic social justice issue requiring collective action to effect broader societal change within their nation-state. We acknowledge that the prevalent discourse in most nations either portrays migrants primarily as objects of compassion, in need of aid and assistance from the native populace—a well-meaning stance that inadvertently positions migrants in a passive role within the narrative—or as a continual threat. Both portrayals are problematic, and furthermore, this binary discourse not only raises critical concerns but also significantly affects how young people view their own positionality in reference to migration. As migration-related discourses continue to center the narrative around a “need to help” or “a crisis,” young people rarely have access to the voices of migrants themselves; instead, they navigate a simplistic rhetoric.
Another important theme that emerged was how local contexts shape students’ engagement with migration issues. Groups situated in areas with significant migrant populations (e.g., Poland, Germany, and Italy) articulated a clear link between their community ties and their understanding of activism related to migration. Not only did we see evidence of young people in these countries demonstrating empathy and a disposition toward civic engagement, but they also expressed a nuanced awareness of the systemic barriers faced by migrants. Furthermore, across the six countries, students close to multicultural urban centers expressed a greater awareness of the complexities around migration issues, having been enriched by direct interactions with diverse communities. In contrast, students from regions more remote (geographically or demographically) from migration crises exhibited a tendency to adopt more simplistic or polarized viewpoints. This difference underscores the critical role context plays in shaping perceptions and emphasizes a necessity for educational frameworks to incorporate comprehensive discussions about migration that include the voices and experiences of migrants themselves.
While all the studied countries are characterized by consistently high levels of migration, each country had also experienced significant changes in approaches to migration in increasingly febrile political climates. In the US and Europe, migration was arguably a decisive issue in recent national elections and was clearly a significant contributing factor to Brexit in the UK. While there is not a clear trend in the data regarding how our participants understand migration (we recorded right-wing and left-wing viewpoints in every context), it was noticeable that contradictions arose when students from more homogeneous, less diverse areas expressed views that echoed nationalistic or populist rhetoric. In these instances, the participants tended to frame migration as a problem to be solved rather than a reality to be embraced. Overall, across multiple locations, there were many instances of young people critiquing the nation-state and how it managed migration. This dichotomy points to the broader societal tensions surrounding migration and the conflicted narratives propagated within media as well as within education systems, which compel young people to be engaged in a continual act of sense making. It raises the urgent question: How do we educate young people for civic understanding regarding the complexities of migration?
Throughout the discussions, social media emerged as both a galvanizing force and a gateway into activism regarding migration issues. Many students consumed content on platforms such as Instagram and TikTok, seeing these as essential tools for mobilization, facilitating rapid dissemination of information, and fostering global solidarity (e.g. #RefugeesWelcome, #SolidarniZ Uchodźcami, and #NoMoreDeaths). However, this perception comes with a caveat: Many participants saw the activism they witnessed on social media as superficial—what is referred to as “clicktivism”—where participation is more about likes and shares rather than meaningful engagement or action.
Implications for Policy and Practice
Thorson called attention to how civic vocabularies, informed by personal experiences, social interactions, and exposure to media, influence how individuals define their agency, identify pressing issues, and determine meaningful forms of engagement. We know that many young people are interested in public and political matters in local and global arenas (Ross, 2023); we know less about how young people make sense of their civic responsibilities. Although youth participation in elections and political party membership continues to decline in many countries—which raises legitimate concerns about the future of democracy—this study's participants demonstrated strong awareness of global issues and a desire to engage civically. Their lifeworlds are informed by weekly demonstrations by school students for environmental justice, initiated by the young activist Greta Thunberg, tent camps set up on university campuses in various countries in support of Palestine, mass protests by young people against Russia's invasion of Ukraine, and significant youth involvement in protests against sexual harassment as part of the MeToo campaign.
We recognize that educational research must extend beyond academic circles to influence policy and practice and contribute to real-world decision making. Our findings challenge educational institutions to adapt their pedagogic approaches to engage with the complexities concerning migration and specifically, as the data suggest, the conflicted discourses around migration and how it is managed by the state. Educators should be able to access up-to-date training so that they feel empowered to facilitate unbiased discussions around migration that are culturally sensitive and highlight the role discourses play in promoting various myths and misconceptions. As Turner and Mangual Figueroa (2019) emphasized, the work of educators is underpinned by keeping “schools from becoming hostile environments (a violation of civil-rights laws), and how best to guide students in decoding political polarization and promoting respect in the current political climate” (p. 546).
In terms of pedagogy, how the participants engaged in the discussion groups suggests that they desire a space for authentic critical reflection. Given how those with lived experiences with migration often had a deeper understanding, this suggests a genuine value in developing school partnerships with local organizations, intergovernmental organizations, and communities centers as well as volunteering initiatives. Policymakers and community leaders also should consider expanding youth-inclusive dialogues that bring migrant and nonmigrant youth together to discuss current policies and break down myths and stereotypes. This is integral to how we ensure that the voices of young people shape legislative debates and policy outcomes. By embracing a more holistic, inclusive, multifaceted, and informed approach—where youth voice is foundational—we can begin to empower students to become active participants in shaping a more just and equitable society.
Conclusion
Our findings suggest that young people living in countries with significant migration draw on divergent citizenship vocabularies (Thorson, 2012) and that, furthermore, these divergences merit further examination to understand how notions of active citizenship are formed in relation to global discourses and local contexts. Additionally, the research also suggests a real need for existing curriculum content and educational programs, which are often developed and promulgated by international organizations or nongovernmental organizations, to be better tailored to fit specific local contexts so that educators can feel more empowered to navigate migration-related issues. Furthermore, the data suggest that there is a pressing need to codevelop educational programs with students in which their authentic voices are foregrounded to raise awareness around migration and connect migration-related issues with a responsibility for civic engagement.
Although migration is a global phenomenon and we are continually exposed to migration discourses, the data highlight how young people come to make sense of migration in relation to their lived experiences, informed by their geographic location. Some participants connected migration in their country to wider societal and political issues, whereas others found it difficult to question or critique the media narratives they consumed. Certainly, there is a clear need for schools to teach students how to engage in critical discussions about the complexities of migration. However, we recognize that migration—and the varied discourses surrounding it—poses a particular challenge for educators because its manifestations differ significantly across contexts. Although a trend toward nationalism was evident in some discussions, it was often accompanied by critical assessments of state migration policies, underscoring that many students do approach these issues as critical thinkers. We recognize that this complexity, and the general politicized nature of migration, may contribute to certain silences and that, although these silences likely vary by country, young people clearly want the opportunity to critique and to bring their lived experiences into dialogue with the discourses to which they are exposed.
Even amid societal trends that promote individualism, we observed that many young people articulated the value of collective action, demonstrating a propensity for engaging with migration issues through shared efforts (as seen in Q2 and Q3 responses) across every context. Therefore, while we argue that educational programs should strive to be context specific, all educators should continue to promote collective student action both at the local and global levels. To conclude, this study demonstrates the imperative for educational policies and curricula to integrate a nuanced understanding of local sociocultural contexts and migration dynamics alongside an emphasis on the transformative potential of collective action. Such an approach can equip students with the critical capacities, civic dispositions, and collaborative skills necessary to address the multifaceted challenges of contemporary migration within an increasingly interconnected global landscape.
Supplemental Material
sj-docx-1-aer-10.3102_00028312261416919 – Supplemental material for Youth, Migration, and Active Citizenship: Exploring Students’ Citizenship Vocabularies Across Six Countries
Supplemental material, sj-docx-1-aer-10.3102_00028312261416919 for Youth, Migration, and Active Citizenship: Exploring Students’ Citizenship Vocabularies Across Six Countries by Miri Yemini, Garth Stahl, Tatiana Khavenson, Vanessa R. Sperduti, Martyna Elerian, Carla Inguaggiato, Tara Bartlett, Simon Eten Angyagre and Ullrich Bauer in American Educational Research Journal
Footnotes
Author Note
Views and opinions expressed herein are those of the author(s) only and do not necessarily reflect those of the European Union or the European Research Council Executive Agency. Neither the European Union nor the granting authority can be held responsible for them.
Funding
The study received funding from the European Union (ERC, STUDACT, 101082917).
ORCID iDs
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References
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