Abstract
During the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic, the Government of India launched the Atma-Nirbhar Bharat (ANB) initiative to strengthen national capabilities across sectors, including defense. Given that women constitute nearly half of India’s population, this article examines how government policies under ANB seek to integrate women into the various subfields of the male-dominated defense ecosystem. The research draws on selected case studies, policy documents, press releases, and parliamentary debates, alongside discourse analysis of public and institutional narratives on women’s inclusion in defense. The analysis identifies persistent structural barriers, despite incremental gains from recent reforms. While discussing about the policies to make the defense sector more inclusive for women, the article also underscores that women’s integration is not only a matter of equity but also a strategic necessity. This article evaluates current measures, offers a policy-oriented critique, and outlines recommendations for expanding women’s roles in making the defense sector self-reliant.
Introduction
The inexorable forces of globalization have metamorphosed every aspect of our lives. The economic and defense policies of countries, being no exception, have been witnessing a sea of change. With the end of the Cold War, it was assumed that the concept of self-reliance had become a thing of the past, as countries are intrinsically woven into the complex web of interdependence in such a way that they cannot afford to isolate themselves from the global economy and become self-reliant. However, as soon as the COVID-19 virus began gripping the world and the consequent economic implications started becoming more apparent, countries initiated taking measures to protect their national economies. Thus, in response to the catastrophe generated by the COVID-19 pandemic, India, like many other nations, made structural changes to its economic policies by implementing protectionist measures to safeguard the supply of essential goods such as medicines, oxygen concentrators, and medical equipment for its citizens. Prime Minister (PM) of the country, Narendra Modi, recognizing the need for self-reliance, launched the Atma-Nirbhar Bharat (ANB) initiative. It is a comprehensive multi-dimensional umbrella policy that not only aims to bolster India’s political sovereignty by reducing excessive economic dependence on external sources but also simultaneously promises to ensure the full employment of available factors of production.
India has a long and proud history of recognizing the indispensable role that women have been playing in the growth and development of the country, and this has been testified by their inclusion in the governing and policymaking process, even prior to independence. But how do we comprehend the empowerment of women? The term “empowerment” is commonly associated with the process of enhancing the status and agency of women across various spheres of life, ranging from social, economic, political, and cultural (Agasimani & Koreshatty, 2024). Women’s empowerment refers to the act of enabling women to gain greater control over their own lives by fostering independence, encouraging self-confidence, and providing them with the freedom and capacity to make informed decisions (Agasimani & Koreshatty, 2024). This empowerment not only promises to promote individual growth but also allows women to play an instrumental role in shaping the national communities and contributing to broader societal development (Agasimani & Koreshatty, 2024). Thus, when women are empowered, they are better positioned to break the shackles of traditional limitations by accessing development opportunities on equal footing with men and contribute their part in the progress of the nation. The progress of a country is intrinsically linked to the empowerment of its citizens, and since women make up nearly half of the population, their advancement is not only beneficial but essential (Agasimani & Koreshatty, 2024). A society where women are equally respected, educated, employed, and engaged in decision-making processes is one that is more likely to thrive in all aspects, whether it is economic, social, or political.
This understanding of the role that women’s empowerment could play in national development was not new to the policymakers of the newly independent India. From the very beginning, the country’s leaders have understood the vital contributions that women can make to the overall development of the country. Symbolic, yet important, commitment to women’s empowerment is evident in the fact that India’s first cabinet after independence included a female minister, Rajkumari Amrit Kaur, as the Minister of Health. Indira Gandhi, who served as India’s PM from 1966 to 1977 and again from 1980 to 1984, made history in 1975 by becoming the country’s first female defense minister. Her appointment was a significant milestone in the advancement of women in India and around the world.
Following the footsteps of previous governments, the Modi administration recognized the crucial role of women in fostering equal and sustainable development across all facets of governance. This commitment to women’s empowerment was further exemplified by the appointment of Nirmala Sitharaman as India’s second full-time female defense minister and then elevating her to the position of the finance minister of the country. India has a strong and unwavering commitment to gender equality, which is enshrined in the country’s constitution. The constitution guarantees women equal rights and opportunities, reflecting India’s deep-rooted belief in social justice and equality. Recognizing the vital role of women in societal development, the Indian government stepped ahead from mere symbolic to structural reforms for women’s empowerment by implementing a comprehensive range of policies and programs to promote their active participation in all spheres of life. These initiatives include gender quotas, dedicated welfare schemes like Beti Bachao, Beti Padhao (Save the Girl Child, Educate the Girl Child), Sukanya Samriddhi Yojana, targeted interventions like the Ujjwala Yojana, and the Skill India initiative, aimed at empowering women and fostering their inclusive development. The measures taken by the Indian government are a true reflection of catering to the demands of both liberal and radical feminist theoretical considerations.
While India has made significant strides in integrating women into various traditionally male-dominated fields like industrial manufacturing and management, it was not until 1992 that women were permitted to join the armed forces (Chakraborty, 2021). Moreover, the representation of women in the Indian Army remains significantly lower compared to some developed nations. For instance, in the USA, women make up 16% of the military (Yang, 2023), while in Australia and the UK, women account for 20.1% (Fox, 2023) and 11.4% (GOV.UK, 2023) of their respective military forces. Several other North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries have made deliberate policy interventions to boost these numbers. For example, Norway, which was the first NATO country to introduce gender-neutral conscription in 2015, now has women comprising nearly 20% of its armed forces (SecurityWomen, 2021). Israel, with mandatory service for women, has a female representation of around 33% in the Israel Defense Forces (Israel Defence Forces, 2023). These comparisons illustrate that greater participation is not merely a matter of gender advocacy but often correlates with structural reforms, targeted recruitment campaigns, and diversified role definitions within the military (Obradovic, 2015; UN Women, 2023). But when it comes to India, women constitute only 0.56% of the total personnel employed in the Indian Army as of 2020 (Ministry of Defence (Government of India), 2021). While India’s military prowess is undeniable, one might question the necessity of emphasizing increased female representation in the Indian Army, particularly in light of the country’s position as the fourth most powerful military force globally, according to the Forbes India Military Strength Report 2023.
Why should gender equality be a driving factor when the Indian Army already stands strong? The response can be found in the current context, where the imperative to enhance women’s involvement in the Indian Army is more urgent than ever. This is driven by the government of India’s pursuit of two significant objectives, among several others, through the Agnipath/Nari Shakti Bandhan initiative. First, to procure a leadership role in global governance by making India “vishwa-guru” (teacher of the whole world). While addressing the rally after the landslide victory of the party in the four state assembly elections, the president of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), J. P. Nadda, averred that the “Modi government committed to making India Vishwa guru” (PTI, 2022). If India aims to take the lead in global affairs, it must become an inspiring and exemplary role model for the international community.
Gender equality is one of the major criteria for measuring societal development (Falk & Hermle, 2018). Second, the Modi government’s vision of the ANB (self-reliant India) initiative emphasizes the importance of ensuring the full employment of the available factors of production—land, labor, capital, and enterprise. This includes maximizing the contributions of women, who represent approximately one-fourth of the country’s workforce (Statista, 2023). A report has revealed that the aerospace and defense sector plays a major role in the Indian economy, by contributing nearly 17% to the country’s GDP and employing 15% of the workforce (Jayaraman, 2021). India’s pursuit of self-reliance in defense manufacturing, as embodied by the ANB initiative, requires a comprehensive approach that goes beyond mere production expansion. It is crucial to optimize the utilization of factors of production, especially human capital.
This article examines the Indian government’s strategic approach to leveraging the potential of women, who constitute nearly half of India’s total population, as a vital human resource in achieving self-reliance, particularly in the defense sector and related domains. The study begins by providing comprehensive conceptual clarity on self-reliance and the ANB initiative, emphasizing the need to understand these frameworks in the context of globalization, with a specific focus on women’s participation in prioritized sectors such as defense. Subsequently, the article explores the necessity of integrating women into the defense sector while critically evaluating the systemic barriers that impede their full inclusion. The discussion then shifts to an assessment of government-led initiatives, ranging from symbolic gestures to structural reforms, aimed at enhancing women’s representation in defense. Finally, the study concludes by identifying key areas for improvement and proposing directions for future research to further strengthen women’s role in India’s journey toward self-reliance.
Self-reliance: Idea and Practice
There is hardly any consensus among scholars and policymakers regarding the conceptual definition and objectives of self-reliance, as the concept has been defined by various scholars in different contexts. General understanding about the concept of self-reliance is primarily associated with import substitution, that is, reducing imports by replacing them with locally produced goods. The idea of self-reliance is often mistakenly equated with self-sufficiency. Yet, absolute self-sufficiency is unattainable, since no country possesses all the factors of production within its own borders (Sharma, 2024a, 2024b). Inevitably, nations depend on others in varying degrees. This invites the question: How should self-reliance be understood, and in what ways does it diverge from self-sufficiency?
Self-reliance does not mean isolation from global trade. Rather, it is about creating a balanced system of mutual dependence between countries (Laxman Kelkar, 1980). Unlike self-sufficiency, which focuses exclusively on replacing imports by producing those goods locally (irrespective of quality and cost), self-reliance is more concerned with making the best use of local resources. In this process, import substitution may happen, but that would only be a cascading implication, not the dominant approach (Sharma, 2024a, 2024b). As Godfrey explains, a nation can be considered self-reliant if it has enough productive resources to meet its essential needs, though what counts as surplus differs from one context to another (Godfrey, 2008).
Economics, however, cannot be separated from politics (Sharma, 2024b). Shaw highlighted that as economic ties grow, political independence often weakens. For this reason, the newly independent Third World nation turned to self-reliance policies to gain bargaining power and greater political freedom from countries it depended on previously (Shaw, 1980). Galtung (1976) added that relying heavily on a so-called self-reliant dominant power would not make another country truly independent, since such dependence eventually threatens its autonomy. Nevertheless, in today’s globalized world, cutting ties (both political and economic) altogether is not an option. A more practical approach is for countries to shape their own development goals around local needs, use their domestic resources effectively, and form meaningful partnerships that avoid creating center–periphery patterns of dependency (Galtung, 1976).
The extent of a nation’s effort toward self-reliance cannot be judged merely by the protectionist policies it adopts. True economic independence exists when a country’s growth and capital formation are free from the control of foreign economies or external institutions, and when domestic politics are not heavily influenced by shifts in those outside systems (Laxman Kelkar, 1980). Put simply, self-reliance emphasizes a fair sharing of resources and economic gains among nations, while ensuring that political sovereignty remains intact. This understanding makes the idea of self-reliance highly relevant today, as it shapes the dynamics of the global political economy. It can be viewed as a constructivist approach, where new systems of knowledge are developed alongside, rather than in place of, existing ones.
Despite acknowledging the crucial role women play in certain self-reliance efforts, like in food security and healthcare, their potential to contribute to achieving self-reliance in areas like defense, which have historically been dominated by men, has received little attention. Integrating women’s diverse skills and perspectives could unlock new avenues for national self-reliance in all sectors, including defense. As mentioned earlier, the idea of self-reliance is viewed as outdated in the current era of globalization. There has been insufficient exploration of the role that women could play in achieving national self-reliance. Even during the 1950s and 1960s, when self-reliance was a major policy objective for the countries inspired by the socialist model of development, employing women as a resource in the defense sector was undermined and never discussed by policymakers. Therefore, the launch of the ANB initiative by the Indian government in 2020, promising to leverage women as a valuable resource in the traditionally male-dominated defense sector, presents a unique and interesting case for examination.
Decoding ANB: A Roadmap to India’s Self-reliance
In accordance with the principles of self-reliance, ANB is neither about isolationism nor about propelling the country toward the traditional import substitution (exportless) growth model. Rather, the idea is to broaden global supply networks through purposeful collaborations and to make sure the gains from globalization are shared more fairly, alongside the exchange of knowledge (Sharma, 2024a, 2024b). By meaningful partnerships, we mean that India’s domestic and foreign policies should not be dictated by its economic dependence on any single nation, as they used to be in the past. The ANB initiative seeks to give India more leverage in its trading relationships. This will allow India to choose its trading partners based on its own needs and requirements, rather than being forced to trade with countries that may not have India’s best interests at heart. In turn, this will ensure that India is able to participate fully in the global economy on its own terms. For instance, Russia used to be the biggest arms supplier to India for decades, but according to the latest report released by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, a structural shift has taken place, as the share of total arms imported to India fell from 64% in 2013–2017 to 45% in 2018–2022 (Wezeman et al., 2023). During the same period, India’s imports of arms from France saw a whopping 489% increase (Wezeman et al., 2023). Additionally, Indian firms such as Adani Defense and the Lohia Group have been engaged in producing fuselages for a number of Israeli drones. Such collaborations with overseas defense manufacturers reflect a broader trend of joint production within India. These partnerships are expected to strengthen the country’s defense industrial base while gradually cutting down on dependence on imports (Philip, 2023).
India is a country with abundant natural resources, including human capital (Alam et al., 2021). Unfortunately, it has lagged behind in the development of infrastructure and technology that are required to convert raw materials into finished products. This has led to India becoming a net importer of final goods. Comprehending the urgency to reduce India’s excessive dependence on imports and to make it a global manufacturing hub by ensuring the effective and efficient employment of the locally available factors of production, PM Modi, in his maiden speech delivered on the ANB initiative on May 12, 2020, enlisted five foundational pillars on which a self-reliant India can be built. The first principle involves making significant changes in the economy rather than relying on gradual progress. Second, world-class infrastructure is needed to have last-mile connectivity in order to ensure efficient utilization of locally available resources. The third pillar talks about technological advancements to make the country competent in the 21st century. Fourth, it is to effectively use the vibrant demography of the country, which is the essence of building the country self-reliant. And lastly, to ensure global demand for the locally manufactured goods (Ministry of Finance, 2020). Since complete self-reliance through de-globalization is not possible, the strategy is to reshape globalization rather than rejecting globalization, leveraging local capacities to shift global supply-chain flows (Council on Foreign Relations, 2020). In essence, ANB aims to strike a balance between economic interdependence and strategic autonomy, all while ensuring the maximal utilization of locally available resources, with the emphasis on developing and employing human capital.
The Indian government has consistently prioritized achieving self-reliance in the defense sector. Intense border disputes with China and Pakistan, along with challenges posed due to the political instability of neighboring countries like Myanmar, Bangladesh, Afghanistan, and Sri Lanka, have positioned India as the world’s third-largest spender on defense. The USA holds the top position, with China ranking second. Manufacturing in the defense sector is intricate due to the rapid evolution of cutting-edge technologies (Chawan & Vasudevan, 2023). Thus, necessitating the need for the government to prioritize this sector over others to achieve self-reliance.
Benefits and Barriers to Gender Inclusivity in the Defense Sector
While gender equality is a crucial driver, integrating women into frontline positions in the Indian Army promises several other advantages (Duncanson & Woodward, 2015; Khajuria, 2021; Tate et al., 2016; Vergun, 2023).
First, diversity strengthens military capabilities. A diverse military, including a significant presence of women, brings a wider variety of perceptions, skills, and experiences to the table. This diversity fosters innovation, adaptability, and better decision-making, ultimately strengthening the military’s ability to respond to complex and evolving threats.
Second, unleashing women’s untapped potential. Women possess a wealth of untapped talent and potential that can be harnessed to enhance the military’s capabilities. Studies have shown that women in the military often outperform their male counterparts in areas such as communication, multitasking, and problem-solving (Duncanson & Woodward, 2015; Khajuria, 2021).
Third, encouraging gender equality and social justice. The inclusion of women in the armed forces transcends individual opportunities and becomes a powerful demonstration of India’s commitment to gender equality and social justice. This decision resonates beyond the military, sending a clear message that women are valued and empowered to contribute meaningfully in critical domains, sparking broader societal progress.
Fourth, inspiration for future generations. By actively promoting women’s roles in the military, India can inspire future generations of women to pursue their aspirations, regardless of gender stereotypes. This can have a ripple effect, breaking down barriers and unlocking women’s full potential in various fields.
Fifth, enhancing morale and motivation. Increased participation of women in the defense sector can boost morale and motivation among all personnel. A more inclusive and equitable environment can foster a sense of belonging and pride, leading to a more cohesive and engaged workforce.
Sixth, enhanced civil-military relations. A more inclusive defense sector with greater female representation can foster stronger civil-military relations. Women can act as bridges between the military and civilian communities, promoting understanding, cooperation, and trust.
Seventh, a strategic advantage in peacekeeping and humanitarian operations. Women’s unique perspectives and cultural awareness can be invaluable assets in peacekeeping and humanitarian operations. Their inclusion can enhance the effectiveness of these missions and promote gender-sensitive approaches to conflict resolution (Duncanson & Woodward, 2015; Khajuria, 2021; Tate et al., 2016; Vergun, 2023).
While India’s military strength is commendable, enhancing women’s participation is not just about achieving gender parity; it is a strategic investment that strengthens the military’s capabilities, promotes social justice, and inspires future generations. Gender should not be a barrier for individuals applying for positions in the armed forces. In contemporary warfare, possessing essential skills and knowledge is more advantageous than relying solely on physical strength. Given the reported decline in recruitment and retention rates within the Indian Armed Forces, it becomes imperative to address this issue by allowing women to serve in combat roles and by fostering the development of a robust, mixed-gender force (Tomar, 2023).
However, issues like wage disparity and the unequal distribution of unpaid caregiving responsibilities have forced a growing number of women out of employment, pushing many into poverty (Pachauri, 2021). Even before the pandemic, women’s earned income in India was only one-fifth of that of men (Pachauri, 2021). According to the Centre for Sustainable Employment at Azim Premji University (2021), during the initial lockdown in 2020, only 7% of men lost their jobs, whereas 47% of women lost employment and did not return to work by the end of the year. The situation was even worse for women in the informal sector, as rural women accounted for 80% of job losses between March and April 2021 (Azim Premji University, 2021). In response, the PM allocated ₹250 million as seed money for 7,500 self-help group (SHG) members under the PM Formalisation of Micro Food Processing Enterprises (PMFME) Scheme of the Ministry of Food (Pachauri, 2021).
The need to create sustainable livelihoods for women and other vulnerable groups has brought renewed attention to sectors that can generate long-term employment and foster economic resilience. Among these, the defense manufacturing sector has emerged as a strategic focal point, not only for strengthening national security but also for unlocking large-scale industrial and entrepreneurial opportunities. Currently employing over 200,000 people, the sector is central to India’s push for self-reliance. The government aims to achieve 70% indigenization in defense products by 2027, with the Indian defense market projected at ₹8.7 billion in 2022 and ₹16,500 billion by 2027 (Singh, 2015). This presents substantial opportunities for defense public sector undertakings (DPSUs), foreign manufacturers, Indian private entities, micro, small, and medium enterprises (MSMEs), and SHGs to participate in building a resilient supply chain. MSMEs, in particular, form the backbone of India’s manufacturing capacity and innovation potential. India is home to 63 million MSMEs, contributing approximately 33% to the GDP and employing around 11 million people. In comparison, MSMEs in developed nations such as Germany contribute 55% to the economy. The Indian defense sector already benefits from over 8,600 MSME manufacturers and suppliers, with the goal of establishing an ecosystem for the indigenous production of components that are currently heavily imported (Raju & Peri, 2022). The government’s commitment is reflected in its defense budget allocation of ₹5,250 billion for 2022–2023, an almost 10% increase from the previous year’s ₹4,782 billion, which itself was 1.7% higher than that in 2020–2021. This budget equals 2.16% of the GDP and 13.74% of total federal expenditure. India remains the world’s third-largest military spender and holds the second-largest army (Srinath, 2020). Escalating security challenges are driving robust growth in the defense manufacturing industry, increasing the demand for indigenous defense equipment (Raju & Peri, 2022). As a result, the defense sector has been placed among the priority areas in India’s Atma-Nirbhar initiative, linking the country’s economic revival, industrial growth, and job creation to a vision of self-reliance.
However, there are various stereotypical hurdles in recruiting women into the armed forces and the aforementioned economic sectors that contribute to making the defense sector self-reliant. For instance, there is a widely revolved perception that women are less competent and ambitious than men, as well as sentimental. Thus, they are not suitable for jobs in the army that require both physical strength and courage (Billing & Alvesson, 2000). Moreover, women are often overlooked when it comes to leadership positions (Phelan & Rudman, 2010). Gipson et al. (2017) affirm the global discrimination against women in the leadership selection process. These constraints and biases have severe implications for gender equality, consistently undermining women’s leadership capabilities at all career stages (Eagly & Karau, 2002; Player et al., 2019).
Alsharif (2018) identifies four major factors influencing women’s career progression: cultural, individual, organizational, and familial, and similar challenges are echoed by researchers worldwide. The Indian government services and armed forces are not exempt from these issues. Despite progress, certain positions, such as Cabinet Secretary, Chief of Air, Naval, and Army Staff, Governor of the Reserve Bank of India, and Chairperson of the Securities and Exchange Board of India, among others, still present glass ceilings that women have yet to shatter (Gaikwad & Pandey, 2022). Thus, it is important to identify and overcome these challenges if we want to make women equal partners in the country’s development by ensuring their contribution in the previously discussed areas to realize the objective of the ANB initiative.
Structural Reforms and Their Influence on Society and the Armed Forces
Both society and the armed forces have undergone substantial changes as a result of the recent structural reforms, intended to make the defense sector self-reliant. These reforms not only aim to improve national security but also promise to empower MSMEs, promoting indigenous defense production, and opening doors for women’s economic participation. Better job opportunities, more gender equality in development programs, and a stronger domestic defense sector are some of the cascading effects of these reforms.
Historically, post-independence Indian governments have largely confined women to symbolic roles within the defense sector, limited primarily to administrative or desk-based responsibilities. Structural reforms that would allow for on-field, operational roles were largely avoided due to entrenched institutional and societal biases. However, this trend has undergone a notable shift in recent years. Under the umbrella of the ANB initiative, several structural reforms have been implemented to promote gender inclusion in the armed forces. These reforms have yielded measurable outcomes. Among several initiatives and structural reforms aimed at empowering women in the fields directly or indirectly associated with the defense sector, the government has recently allowed girls to participate in the National Defense Academy (NDA) examination, with essential administrative training and policy adjustments in place (Ministry of Defence, 2021). Following are the conspicuous impacts of the major policies and initiatives launched by the government to empower women in the armed forces (Ministry of Defence, 2021).
Permanent Commission (PC) to Women
In an effort to ensure equal opportunities for women, the Indian Army has awarded a PC to women officers on par with their male counterparts. This grant of PC enables women officers to aspire to attain greater achievements, shoulder higher ranks, and assume increased responsibilities. In a landmark decision that marked a significant advancement in the pursuit of gender equality within the Indian armed forces, the Supreme Court of India delivered a transformative verdict in the case of Supreme Court (2020). This ruling underscored the constitutional principle of equality and justice by affirming that all benefits traditionally extended to members of the armed forces, irrespective of gender, must be made equally available to women officers serving under the Short Service Commission (SSC) who are granted a PC. The Court emphasized that both male and female officers must be subject to identical selection processes, which include rigorous training regimens, competitive promotional examinations, command and leadership evaluations, operational assignments, and other professional appointments. The ruling firmly rejected the idea of offering concessions or relaxed standards based on gender, thereby reinforcing the principle that professional capability, rather than gender, should determine an individual’s role and progression within the armed forces.
Appointment of Women to Frontline Combat Platforms
Women officers are now assigned to frontline warships, including Indian Naval Ship (INS) Vikramaditya, with a strength of four women officers, including two Naval Armament Inspectorate (NAI) trainee officers, at the same level as their male counterparts (Press Information Bureau, 2024a, 2024b). Presently, 28 women officers are serving on ships, and efforts are underway to steadily increase their numbers (Press Information Bureau, 2024a, 2024b). Consequently, ship infrastructure is being enhanced to accommodate additional female officers. In line with the existing policy to offer gender-sensitive opportunities, an increasing number of women medical officers are being appointed to afloat positions.
Woman Naval Air Operations Officers
In another unprecedented milestone in the history of naval aviation, the inaugural group of women Naval Operations officers was enlisted in rotary-wing aviation and joined the helicopter squadron Indian Naval Air Squadron (INAS) 336 at INS Garuda, Kochi, on February 3, 2021 (Ministry of Defence, 2021). Additionally, key initiatives involve the induction of 10 women officers into the fighter stream of the Air Force, the appointment of women officers on ships, the inclusion of women officers in the Sea King (Observer) and Remotely Piloted Aircraft (RPA) streams of the Navy, the assignment of women officers to missions abroad, and the induction of women personnel into the Corps of Military Police (Ministry of Defence, 2021).
Women in Foreign Operational Roles
In September 2020, a woman officer was first assigned to the operational team for the Dornier mission in the Maldives. Since then, women officers have also been included in units handling RPA.
Women Officers in Border Infrastructure Development
For the first time, the Border Roads Organization (BRO) assigned women officers to head key Road Construction Companies (RCCs) in border regions. On August 30, 2021, Major Aaina Rana became the Commanding Officer of the 75 RCC at Pipalkoti in Uttarakhand’s Chamoli district. This was the first occasion when an Indian Army engineer officer took charge of such a unit. Supporting her were three platoon commanders: Captain Anjana, along with Assistant Executive Engineers (Civil) Ms. Bhawana Joshi, and Ms. Vishnumaya K. Together, they created the BRO’s first all-women RCC (India Today, 2024; Times of India, 2024).
In the year 2014, the total number of women officers across the Indian Army, Navy, and Air Force stood at approximately 3,000 (DD India, 2025). By mid-2025, this number had grown to over 11,000, reflecting a significant expansion in both roles and opportunities for women (DD India, 2025). By early 2025, a total of 126 women had enrolled across four NDA batches (Kulkarni, 2025). As part of the Agnipath scheme, launched in 2022, the Navy has inducted over 1,000 women as Agniveers (Positive India, 2023). Moreover, a special selection board has approved the promotion of 108 women officers in the army to the rank of Colonel (selection grade) by 2023 (Dutta, 2023). This advancement has enabled them to command units and troops within their respective arms and services, marking a historic development. During the Republic Day parade of 2023, both the Navy and the Indian Air Force (IAF) contingents were under the leadership of women officers, Lt Cdr Disha Amrith and Sqn Leader Sindhu Reddy, respectively (Desk, 2023).
While these shifts may appear modest in statistical terms, they mark a significant transformation given the historically exclusionary norms of India’s defense establishment. Considering the fact that these reforms have taken place only a few years ago, the pace and scope of change indicate a decisive movement from symbolic inclusion to structural reform. These developments pave the way for the emergence of a new paradigm in which women are increasingly recognized as integral to India’s military modernization and self-reliance.
Other than core defense and combat roles, inclusive reforms in several important areas are giving women significant and meaningful opportunities in manufacturing, technical support, and science and technology. For instance, women have been increasingly participating in defense manufacturing and research and development (R&D) processes, alongside their growing presence in combat roles. India’s strong defense-manufacturing ecosystem is reflected in the record ₹1.27 lakh crore worth of defense production in fiscal year (FY) 2023–2024, marking a 174% increase since 2014–2015 (Ministry of Defence, 2023; Strategic Policy Research Foundation, 2025). This is driven by more than 193 domestic contracts valued at ₹2.09 lakh crore (Prime Minister’s Independence Day Address, 2024; Strategic Policy Research Foundation, 2025) and has opened access for women to technical and managerial positions in factories, public sector undertakings (PSUs), and private companies engaged in national capability-building. While women’s representation remains concentrated in sectors such as clothing and textiles, they now make up over one-third of factory workers in the broader manufacturing sector, up from less than 25% two decades ago (DataForIndia, 2025). Targeted initiatives, such as the 2024 launch of the SWATI (Science for Women, A Technology & Innovation) Portal, the first national platform to document and support women scientists and enable evidence-based policymaking to reduce gender gaps in Science, Technology, Engineering, Mathematics, and Medicine (STEMM) fields, have further accelerated their participation in defense-related manufacturing (Ministry of Science & Technology, 2024). Women now make up approximately 32% of India’s technology workforce, reflecting a notable increase in gender diversity within this rapidly expanding sector (Suresh, 2025). In entrepreneurship, women account for just 22% of all MSMEs, despite forming a substantial share of the informal economy, as highlighted in the Economic Survey of 2024–2025 (Economic Survey, 2025). However, formal registrations show significant momentum: over 22 million women-owned MSMEs have been registered on the Udyam portal by November 2024, signaling a shift toward formal economic inclusion (Press Information Bureau, 2024b).
In theoretical terms, the aforementioned measures taken by the Government of India also resemble both liberal and radical feminist perspectives. For instance, the liberal feminist perspective focuses on achieving equality by removing the barriers that have historically kept women out of positions of authority. The recent measures, like allowing women to enter the NDA, granting PCs, and ensuring equal access to training and promotions, directly resonate with this approach. The approach testifies that once discriminatory practices are dismantled, women should be able to compete on the same footing as men in the defense sector. At the same time, these reforms also speak to concerns raised by radical feminists, who argue that symbolic reforms or representation are not enough to challenge the deeply rooted patriarchal structures of the military. Thus, by implementing binding changes, like Supreme Court rulings on gender-neutral recruitment and reforms in training academies, the government is going beyond symbolic reforms. These steps work toward addressing structural inequalities and begin to challenge the entrenched culture of militarized masculinity. From this angle, the reforms are not just about opening doors for women, but also about creating genuine opportunities for them to move into leadership and decision-making roles, which is central to the radical feminist vision of transformation.
It is also important to note that these reforms help align India with evolving global military practices. In many developed nations where women have long been integrated into military service, there is a growing emphasis on gender-neutral policies that set uniform physical, mental, and professional standards for all service members, irrespective of gender. Such measures promote fairness, operational efficiency, and morale while reinforcing democratic values. Countries including the USA, the UK, Canada, and Israel have either implemented or are moving toward standardized criteria reflecting this philosophy. Several Asian nations also provide valuable comparative insights for India’s reform trajectory. In the Philippines, the landmark Republic Act No. 7192 (1993) enabled women to undergo combat training and enroll at the Philippine Military Academy (PMA) (Philippine Commission on Women, 1992). The first batch of female cadets graduated in 1997. By 2020, the Armed Forces of the Philippines had about 2,414 female commissioned officers and 7,843 enlisted women personnel, many in frontline combat roles, marking a significant shift in gender representation and responsibility (Laude, 2020; Nepomuceno, 2020). Taiwan has also shown a sustained commitment to gender integration since 1994, when its military academies began admitting women to officer training programs (Taiwan Today, 2002). By 2006, women could serve in most enlisted and non-commissioned roles, creating diverse entry points into the armed forces. As of early 2021, women comprised about 15% of Taiwan’s active-duty military, including 478 officers, 2,608 non-commissioned officers, and 5,829 enlisted soldiers (Shan, 2023).
Comparable developments in the Global South countries reveal both opportunities and challenges. In Indonesia, women were incorporated into technical and operational branches of the Tentara Nasional Indonesia (TNI) in the mid-2010s through defense-industry collaborations and vocational training. However, scholars note that this inclusion often remained symbolic rather than structural, lacking legally binding recruitment quotas and offering limited paths to command positions (Karim & Beardsley, 2013; Suryakusuma, 1996). By contrast, the Philippines’ Republic Act No. 7192 also extended into enterprise and procurement programs favoring women-led suppliers in the infrastructure and defense sectors, ensuring equal access to military academies and training (Republic of the Philippines, 1992).
This combination of market integration and legal enforcement mirrors aspects of India’s ANB reforms, where gender inclusion is embedded in both economic and institutional frameworks. Viewed through this comparative lens, India’s efforts demonstrate progress in creating durable pathways for participation, while also underscoring lessons from other nations where visibility did not translate into lasting structural change.
Conclusion
A country can never become self-reliant without effectively and efficiently employing its locally available resources. With women constituting nearly half of India’s total population and one-fourth of its total workforce, it is imperative for the government to open every possible avenue for their participation in making the country Atma-Nirbhar. The defense sector, particularly frontline combat positions, has traditionally been considered a male domain due to its physically demanding and often life-threatening nature. However, under the ANB initiative, significant policy shifts have been implemented to enable women to serve in these roles. While men and women may possess different physical traits and needs, it is neither legitimate nor strategically wise to restrict capable and determined women from pursuing military careers.
Drawing lessons from countries such as the USA, UK, and Australia, where women have long been eligible for frontline roles, the Government of India has amended recruitment policies to promote female participation in the armed forces. Although the visible impact of these initiatives remains gradual due to entrenched stereotypes, the steady increase in women’s representation within a few years of policy introduction is encouraging. Notably, these changes have faced minimal institutional resistance, despite the armed forces being male dominated.
Policy implications for the future to sustain and accelerate this progress, future policy directions should include:
Comprehensive support infrastructure: Expand gender-sensitive infrastructure, including advanced medical facilities, proper hygiene provisions, and adequate housing for women in remote postings. Institutionalizing awareness and training: Conduct nationwide awareness campaigns to counter stereotypes and integrate gender-sensitivity modules into military training curricula for all personnel. Career progression and mentorship: Establish clear career advancement pathways and mentorship networks for women officers and soldiers to ensure retention and leadership development. Legislative backing: Strengthen existing policies with legislative safeguards to protect against discrimination and ensure equal opportunities in promotions, postings, and specialized training. Cross-sector synergy: Link defense inclusion policies with broader national initiatives in STEMM, entrepreneurship, and skill development to create a holistic empowerment ecosystem.
By embedding these measures into long-term policy frameworks, India can ensure that women’s integration into the armed forces becomes not just a symbolic gesture but a strategic asset. The Indian case thus offers a valuable contribution to the evolving understanding of self-reliance, while also opening avenues for scholarly inquiry into the intersection of defense, gender, and international political economy.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
