“I Don’t Feel Things Like a Normal Person”: Exploring the Experiences of Neurodivergent Staff Working in a Prison Setting

Abstract

Increasing research attention has been drawn to the lived experiences and needs of neurodivergent people in prison. However, this research has typically focussed on the experiences of prisoners, whilst the lived experiences and needs of neurodivergent prison staff remain overlooked. Therefore, this study aimed to address gaps in existing knowledge by qualitatively exploring how neurodivergent people experience working in a prison environment. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with eight neurodivergent prison staff working in prisoner-facing roles. Interviews explored staff's career journeys from initial recruitment and induction processes to their daily interactions with prisoners, other staff, and the prison environment. An interpretative phenomenological analysis of the data identified three group experiential themes. Broadly, themes captured the ways in which participants reconciled their professional and personal identities as neurodivergent people in the prison, issues related to navigating the prison social world and workplace culture, and practical challenges associated with working in a custodial environment. Findings contribute to a richer understanding of how prisons can better accommodate neurodivergent staff, promote inclusivity, and enhance workforce wellbeing. The paper concludes with implications for policy, staff training, and organisational support structures to enable neurodivergent employees to flourish.

Lay abstract

Most research about neurodiversity in prisons has focused on the experiences of prisoners. However, very little is known about what it's like to be a neurodivergent person working in a prison. This study aimed to change that by listening to the voices of eight neurodivergent prison staff who work directly with prisoners. Through one-to-one interviews, the study explored neurodivergent staff experiences of working in a prison, from their initial recruitment through to their day-to-day experiences of working in a prison. The findings showed that many staff struggled to balance their personal identities with the expectations of their job. They also faced difficulties with workplace culture, social interactions, and the prison environment itself. Despite these challenges, staff also shared how their neurodivergence helped them connect with prisoners and brought unique strengths to their roles. This research highlights the need for better understanding, training, and support for neurodivergent staff in prisons. By making prisons more inclusive, we can help neurodivergent employees feel valued and thrive in their work.

Introduction

It is estimated that at least 15–20% of the UK population is neurodivergent ¹ (Doyle, 2020). Whilst neurodivergent people represent a substantial portion of the general population, it is consistently found that they can experience several barriers to and disparities within employment, such as lower rates of employment and difficulties retaining jobs (Bury et al., 2024; Gordon & Fabiano, 2019; Nicholls, 2025; Office for National Statistics, 2022). This is despite UK legal protections offered to neurodivergent people under the Equality Act, 2010, which mandates that employers must ensure that such individuals are not disadvantaged or discriminated against in the workplace (Office for Disability Issues, 2013).

There has been increasing contemporary research into the needs and experiences of neurodivergent people in the workplace generally, exploring issues relating to recruitment, disclosure, environment, and organisational culture (Burton et al., 2022; Davies et al., 2022; Marshall, 2022). This recent work has identified an array of challenges faced by neurodivergent people in workplace settings. This has included experiences of stigma, discrimination and harmful stereotyping, difficulties securing adequate support and accommodations to support them in their role, hampered career progression, and negative emotional impacts. A common theme underpinning these issues appears to relate to a lack of awareness and understanding from employers and colleagues. This has inspired the development of practical guidance to address awareness gaps and enhance neuroinclusion in workplaces (e.g., see online guidance from the Chartered Institute of Personnel and Development [CIPD], 2024). However, whilst this certainly represents progress in the field, there remains a dearth of research focussing on the needs and experiences of neurodivergent people working in the criminal justice sector. Consequently, there is currently an insufficient understanding of how the unique complexities, demands and environments associated with criminal justice roles are experienced by neurodivergent people, and what this means for how they can be best supported in those employment contexts.

To address this gap, a small body of recent work has explored the experiences of neurodivergent people in policing (Hill, 2024; Tromans et al., 2023). For example, in their survey of 117 neurodivergent police force employees in the UK, Tromans et al. (2023) identified that neurodivergent people can experience specific challenges associated with discrimination and burnout in their policing roles. It was also suggested that sufficient reasonable adjustments could be difficult to access. Whilst this recent body of work has provided some preliminary insights into neurodivergent experiences of working in criminal justice contexts, there remains an absence of research that has explored neurodivergent people's experiences of working in other areas of the criminal justice system; for instance, custodial settings.

Existing research exploring neurodiversity in custodial settings typically focuses on neurodivergent prisoners’ experiences (Roberts & Lawrence, 2025; User Voice, 2023; Vinter et al., 2020). This work often identifies themes related to limited neurodiversity awareness, challenging relationships and interactions with others, frustrations associated with prison regimes, and challenging sensory environments. With a view to addressing such issues, the UK Ministry of Justice (2021) published the Prisons Strategy White Paper, committing to improvements in accessibility and staff training for working with neurodivergent prisoners, and, relatedly, the Criminal Justice Joint Inspection (2021) further recommended training initiatives for frontline staff interacting with neurodivergent individuals. This undoubtedly represents a sense of progress in the right direction to improve prisons for neurodivergent prisoners. However, whilst the necessity of understanding the experiences of, and improving support for, neurodivergent prisoners cannot be understated, this has nevertheless left neurodivergent staff overlooked in existing research.

To address this gap, the present study sought to explore the lived experiences and needs of neurodivergent people working in prisoner-facing roles. To the authors’ understanding, this is the first study of its kind to focus on the lived experiences of neurodivergent prison staff. It was anticipated that understanding these experiences could be harnessed inform recommendations to improve working conditions for neurodivergent people in custodial environments, with scope for transferability of utility to other secure settings.

Method

Ethics

The study was approved by the local Serco Research Ethics Committee and registered with His Majesty's Prison and Probation Service's (HMPPS) National Research Committee.

Participants

Eight neurodivergent members of staff (3 male, 5 female) from a single English local remand prison took part in this research. All participants had regular prisoner contact as part of their job responsibilities and held positions of varying levels of seniority, including both operational (n = 4) and non-operational (n = 4) roles. Participants self-identified as neurodivergent, with reported neurotypes including ADHD, autism, and dyslexia. Several participants identified with more than one neurodivergent neurotype. Participants were recruited with the support of the prison's Neurodiversity Support Manager (NSM) ² and Neurodiversity Champions (NC) network ³ . An advertisement for the study was shared through the NSM and Network by email and an NC Network Microsoft Teams post; prompting interested individuals to initiate contact with the lead researcher, and protecting the identities of those who did not wish to take part. To be eligible to participate in this research, staff had to (i) currently work in a prisoner-facing role, and (ii) identify as neurodivergent (a formal diagnosis was not required to participate).

Data Collection

After making first contact with the researcher, participants were invited to take part in one-to-one semi-structured interviews (SSI). Participants received detailed information about the research in advance and gave informed consent prior to their interviews. It was decided that the SSI format was particularly suited to the needs of neurodivergent participants, offering a balance between structure and flexibility that could be tailored to each participant. Interviews were guided by a SSI schedule, which included open-ended questions and prompts that explored on four broad areas: onboarding experiences (e.g., recruitment, interview, induction), workplace culture, the physical environment, and working with prisoners. All interviews were concluded with an immediate debrief.

To enhance accessibility, all materials (including the SSI schedule, consent form, and debrief sheet) were reviewed in consultation with the site's NSM. In response to their feedback, materials were adapted for greater clarity around expectations, simplicity of language and more emphasis on the option to take a break or end an interview at any time. This latter point was especially important given the emotive nature of some responses and the cognitive fatigue that can affect neurodivergent individuals (Doyle, 2020). A selection of fidget tools ⁴ was also made available for participants during the interview to use if they wished. Fidget tools were laid out on a table near the participants at the start of the interview, and they were informed by the interviewer that they could use them at any time. It was observed that most interviewees made use of the fidget tools to varying degrees throughout their interviews, seemingly as a means of keeping themselves regulated and maintaining concentration. Overall, interviews lasted 47–90 min (M = 62), were audio-recorded and then transcribed verbatim in preparation for analysis.

Data Analysis

Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA; Smith et al., 2022) was used to analyse interviews and identify themes in the lived experiences of neurodivergent individuals working in prisoner-facing roles. Grounded in phenomenology, hermeneutics and idiography, IPA offered an appropriately rigorous means to capture the subjective lived realities and sense-making of neurodivergent people working in prison.

In adherence with Smith et al.'s (2022) method, the analysis began with an idiographic, case-by-case analysis of each participant's interview. Each transcript was read and re-read to facilitate familiarity; after which, exploratory notes were made to capture descriptive (what the participant is describing), linguistic (words and phrases used), and conceptual (interpretative or theoretical accounts of experience) observations. These notes informed the development of experiential statements, which were subsequently collated and refined into Personal Experiential Themes (PETs) for each participant. Once individual analyses were complete, all PETs were reviewed collectively to identify meaningful patterns of convergence and divergence across cases. These were then synthesised into Group Experiential Themes (GETs) and corresponding subthemes. Throughout this process, PETs and GETs were refined iteratively to ensure they captured both the complexity and nuance of participants’ experiences, and did not drift too far from the original data. Additionally, multiple collaborative discussions between authors took place to reach points of consensus in the interpretation of data and theme development. These processes enhanced the rigour and trustworthiness of the analysis and helped ensure that the final themes reflected a balanced and plausible account of the dataset. The final labelling of themes was guided by participants’ own language where possible, to retain the richness and authenticity of their experiences.

Findings

The IPA identified three main themes across participants’ reported lived experiences (see Table 1). In summary, these themes captured internal experiences of understanding participants’ internal processes of understanding and embracing neurodivergence as part of their identity, specific issues associated with navigating social environments in the prison, and experiences of managing the practical demands of their roles.

Table 1.

Group Experiential Themes and Subthemes Identified During Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis.

Group Experiential Themes	Subthemes
1. Reconciling Personal and Professional Identities	Feeling different Accepting and understanding my differences Resilience and adapting Expressing individuality
2. Traversing the Social World	Stigma, culture and masking Treading carefully Connecting through difference
3. Navigating the Workplace	Overstimulating sensory environment Need for adjustments and support Commitment to doing the right thing

Theme 1: Reconciling Personal and Professional Identities

This theme captured how participants made sense of their neurodivergence, and the impact this had on their personal and professional identities. Within this theme, participants grappled with the notion of feeling different to others. Participants described personal journeys where they had shifted from perceiving their neurodivergence as a problem or abnormality, to accepting their differences to varying degrees, though some participants had progressed further along in this journey than others. In the following extracts, contrasts can be observed between Cameron's and Bailey's experiences:

My whole life, so a lot of this. I always felt like something was wrong with me… until I found out I had it, I just thought I was absolutely weird. And then it was really validating when I understood myself. (Cameron, Non-operational role)

Because you're masking it [neurodivergence], kind of don't relate yourself to it, because you're already masking the fact that you are different, I don’t want to say different. (Bailey, Operational role)

Cameron's description of their discovery that they were neurodivergent illustrates a powerful shift from pathologising their differences, to a more positive view of those differences and, by extension, themself. By contrast, Bailey's description of masking and the function it serves suggested a reluctance to accept (or active effort to distance themselves from) their neurodivergence as part of their identity, going as far as to correct themselves in identifying as different (“I don’t want to say different”). Resonating with these contrasts between Cameron and Bailey; although the sense of feeling different was consistent across participants’ interviews, individual levels of self-acceptance varied, with some supressing their neurodivergent identities, particularly whilst at work, and others embracing their differences.

The extent to which participants accepted their neurodivergence as positive facets of their self-identities typically pivoted on how well they felt that they had personally understood what being neurodivergent meant to them, and whether others around them were accepting, understanding and supportive of their differences. Those able to accept their neurodivergent differences as part of their self-identity also shared an improved sense of resilience and adaptability in the workplace, more self-assuredly co-existing with their differences as intrinsic parts of who they are and not merely managing in spite of them. In the extract below, Taylor highlights how self-acceptance served as a provisional step toward self-understanding:

The more I've understood, the more you understand yourself, the more better I've been able to apply those things in a positive way of work. (Taylor, Non-operational role)

In turn, Taylor has been able to capitalise on their improved sense of self-understanding to feel more confident and capable at work. This sentiment was echoed across several participants, whereby self-acceptance, improved self-understanding, and the consequent re-framing of more challenging experiences have enabled them feel more resilient in the face of difficulties at work:

I’ve had to look at who I am, and deal with how I am, so that it doesn't affect me. Do you know what I mean? I've had to really sit down and go: but that's just how you are, and that's just who you are, and it's not necessarily a bad thing. (Ashley, Operational role)

Whilst those who experienced a greater sense of acceptance regarding their neurodivergence typically framed this as a positive experience; participants nevertheless spoke about a tension between their desire to express their individuality and the pressures of working in the prison context, which prioritises uniformity. This sentiment was expressed by both Ashley and Leslie, who felt a loss of their sense of individuality whilst at work:

I don't feel like there's a place for individuality here at all. I do feel like everyone has to be this cookie cutter version. (Ashley, Operational role)

You do just look like carbon copies of each other and there's nothing identifiable about you. (Leslie, Operational role)

Navigating a workplace culture that implicitly discouraged deviation from the norm made it difficult for participants to feel that they could be entirely authentic or fully accepted. This struggle was often internal, as participants tried to reconcile their personal and professional identities. Social Identity Theory (Tajfel & Turner, 2000) posit that individuals do not immediately integrate social group characteristics, but may adopt those characteristics over time as they begin to identify with a group. In this instance, it is likely that participants have adopted the identity associated with working in a prison, which they feel is incompatible with expressing their individuality, and experiencing identity degradation and dissonance (Garfinkel, 1956). A sentiment expressed by Kay in the extract below:

I've said I feel like I'm turning into a robot because I'm not allowed to express myself in the way that I want to express. (Kay, Non-operational role)

The language used by participants in interviews (e.g., “cookie cutter version”, “carbon copies”, “robot”) conveys a process of depersonalisation taking place at work, which is not necessarily conducive to embracing and expressing neurodivergent differences. Recent research exploring experiences of neurodivergent staff in other work environments has identified similar identity-related conflicts that contribute to feelings of doubt, loss of confidence and can have detrimental impacts on mental health (Burton et al., 2022; Marshall, 2022).

Overall, this theme reveals the complex interactions that neurodivergent prison staff experience between their sense of self and the surrounding workplace culture, and the implications this can have for self-acceptance, expression of individuality, and feelings of competency at work. This echoes findings from Burton et al. (2022) and Marshall (2022), who observed that neurodivergent individuals with a negative self-concept often experienced limited progression, heightened self-consciousness, and social disconnection at work. Findings here suggest that these dynamics may be especially pertinent in prison contexts, where conformity, routine, and emotional restraint are often felt to be prioritised over individuality and authenticity. Such an environment can therefore intensify the challenges of expressing a neurodivergent identity, potentially contributing to identity suppression and decreased wellbeing. Conversely, if prison staff feel supported to embrace and express their neurodivergence, this may help them to foster resilience and authenticity as well as enhance job satisfaction and professional performance; indicating that a more inclusive culture could benefit both individuals and the wider service.

Theme 2: Traversing the Social World

This theme centred on participants' experiences of relating to, and navigating social interactions with, others in the prison, and the impacts that such experiences had on their wellbeing. In this theme, the prison social world was portrayed as a challenging landscape for neurodivergent staff to traverse. Many participants felt that misconceptions, stigma and misunderstanding in relation to neurodiversity were entrenched features of the prison social world, which negatively influenced their self-perception and the ways they chose to interact within the workplace.

Participants felt that they were often misinterpreted by others during interactions, leading them to feel judged and triggering self-critical thoughts. Over time, this appeared to contribute to an internalised negative self-image, with participants speaking about feelings of shame, embarrassment, self-doubt, and reduced self-worth. Here, Ashley reflected on how others’ behaviours toward them made them feel socially alienated in the workplace:

[Colleagues] wouldn't even look at me, wouldn't talk to me. It was like they felt awkward for me, which then made me feel like even more embarrassed and even more shameful. (Ashley, Operational role)

This was an all too familiar experience for several participants in this research, for whom the internalisation of neurodivergence-related stigma had consequences for how they related to others and how they behaved in social spaces at work. This sometimes led them to socially withdraw, limit interactions, and/or mask aspects of their authentic selves. Some participants felt that these challenges were an extension of a broader lack of neurodiversity awareness across the prison, which stemmed, in part, from the limited availability of relevant training. While some neurodiversity training was occasionally delivered at this prison site, it was not mandatory, and instead relied on staff voluntarily opting in; a model that constrained uptake across the broader staff base.

The wider prison culture was perceived as reinforcing harmful attitudes about neurodivergence, with some participants feeling that their experiences and needs were trivialised or dismissed altogether:

In terms of neurodiversity, I think they don't take it seriously. I think they don't take [colleague] seriously, which infuriates me. They don't take me seriously either, which is a whole separate conversation. They don't take neurodiversity serious at all. It's seen as a joke. (Cameron, Non-operational role)

Feeling like neurodivergence was not taken seriously left some participants feeling marginalised and disempowered. For some, this seemed to make it harder to feel respected by peers and eroded their professional identity. This was illustrated in Cameron's extract (above), who drew parallels between the general trivialisation of neurodiversity in the prison and the personal undermining of them and their differences. Consequently, rather than feeling confident to be open about their needs, participants often felt compelled to hide them, making efforts to appear more ‘neurotypical’ to fit in and avoid judgment. Here, participants highlight both the necessity and emotional cost associated with masking or managing the expression of their neurodivergence:

Nine times out of ten, when you're in an establishment like this, you need to mask it- it becomes so draining. (Bailey, Operational role)

Tiring. I'm tired. I'm drained. It's exhausting. Like mentally. It's- it's like working at like 100% all the time […] the constant having to like, think. And can I say this? And can I react in this way and is that too much? It's like constantly and like, excuse me like a loop in my head. And that's really tiring. (Kay, Non-operational role)

Other participants similarly described these experiences as exhausting, exasperating, and unsustainable, which echoes findings from research in other workplace settings (Pryke-Hobbes et al., 2023). In particular, Kay's extract above illustrates how neurodivergent staff can feel it necessary to tread carefully when interacting and developing interpersonal relationships with staff. Like Kay, many participants described the need to continuously analyse and cautiously monitor how they engage with their colleagues to socially survive in the prison, which, in an already high-pressure, demanding role, represented an additional burden to shoulder. Some participants, like Ashley below, highlighted how these additional pressures could necessitate periods of recovery after leaving prison:

it then becomes like a massive negative, like, I did feel like I took quite a lot home. I do feel like, where I have the kind of social anxiety that I've tried to push through and overcome. (Ashley, Operational role)

Taken collectively, these findings point to a broader issue within prison workplaces, where a lack of understanding around neurodiversity may feed an unwelcoming or even discriminatory and disempowering social climate for neurodivergent staff. This can negatively shape how neurodivergent staff feel about themselves and how they behave and interact in the workplace, which, in turn, can have important implications for individual wellbeing, collegial relationships, and job satisfaction among neurodivergent prison staff.

However, it is important to note that whilst challenges were a key feature in this theme, there was also a consensus that being neurodivergent could promote connection with others too. Being neurodivergent uniquely positioned staff in this study to be able to relate and connect with others who were perhaps also similarly marginalised in the prison. This unique capacity to connect was highlighted as a particular strength in interactions with prisoners:

I think a large portion of it for me is that communication side of it, because it does just help me tap into different people, different experiences and if anything, give me a bit more empathy with people that gives you that connection to. (Leslie, Operational role)

I feel like I'm far more understanding with most prisoners and what not exactly what they are going through, but understanding what's going on in their head, because sometimes I find things a bit too much. So, I understand when they're unable to voice their issues to me. (Charlie, Operational role)

In the extracts above, Leslie and Charlie suggest that their experiences of being neurodivergent have instilled a sense of empathy, patience and compassion for those who struggle to fully express themselves in social interactions. In making sense of this, Charlie suggests that they recognise a flicker of themself in some of the prisoners they work with, having personally experienced similar difficulties during social interactions. It may be that participants’ personal experiences of feeling marginalised and misunderstood, as highlighted elsewhere in this theme, further enable them to foster genuine empathy with prisoners, and adapt their interaction styles accordingly. Ultimately, this enables them to more effectively relate to and communicate with a wider range of prisoners, which then seemingly manifests stronger staff-prisoner relationships:

I think you get a bit more respect from them, when you've actually picked up on it because, I don't know why it is, but it seems to be sort of magnetism that people with different neurodivergences can actually see it in other people. (Sam, Non-operational role)

This aligns with emerging literature that highlights increased relational connection and comfort when neurodivergent people engage with others who share similar neurotypes (Crompton et al., 2020). Such connections may offer a protective function against the alienation experienced in a prison environment. For neurodivergent staff, this capacity to intuitively understand and relate to others who are marginalised can foster meaningful interpersonal relationships and a sense of belonging, which are otherwise difficult to access in a context that often demands conformity and discourages the expression of difference. This suggests that neurodivergence may serve as a social bridge in specific contexts, representing a unique strength within relational dynamics, with the potential to contribute toward the enrichment of prison social climates for neurodivergent people.

Theme 3: Navigating the Workplace

In this final theme, participants described their experiences of navigating the practicalities of working in a prison environment and the unique issues they face as neurodivergent staff. These issues centred around challenges posed by the custodial environment itself, as well as the practical challenges associated with their roles.

Within this theme, all participants in this study referred to issues associated with the impacts of the sensory environment at work, with varying descriptions of sensory overstimulation reported. In this extract, Charlie highlights the inescapable soundscape of the prison as a specific stressor for them:

I need absolute silence to be able to type. So, the difficult side of that is actually finding somewhere quiet, because prison is very busy and very loud all the time. (Charlie, Operational role)

Here, Charlie highlights an incompatibility between the conditions they need to do their job effectively, and the relentlessly “busy” and “very loud” nature of prisons. Charlie's usual tactics of finding a quieter space to work are seemingly not typically available in the prison, which can impact their ability to engage in specific tasks (e.g., admin). This echoes findings from research with neurodivergent prisoners, who have similarly flagged the inescapable quality of the triggering auditory environment as a common challenge (Allely & Wood, 2022; Roberts & Lawrence, 2025; Vinter et al., 2020). Whilst it is understandable that prisoners may struggle to escape the noise of prison due to their restricted freedom of movement whilst held in custody, it is interesting to observe here that even staff cannot fully retreat from aversive sensory stimuli. This further emphasises just how challenging the sensory environments of prison can be for all neurodivergent people, regardless of status.

Moreover, these issues are not exclusive to the wings and environments beyond the gate, but could be experienced by staff before they have fully entered the establishment. Sam's extract below provides an insight into the challenging sensory experiences they can face on a daily basis when entering the prison:

I know you’ve got some silly, stupid things, sensory, when you're having a bad day and that, and you hit that red button in the morning, and you've got to get the rub down done. I'm particularly sick with that… Going on the wings, absolutely hate it when the prisoners are out, because you open that door and it's just like a wave coming down and hitting you, all the noise. (Sam, Non-operational role)

Here, Sam describes how a physical “rub down” search, a common feature of prison gate entry procedures, can be overstimulating. Whilst Sam generally finds this process uncomfortable as a neurodivergent person, the extract here further suggests that on days where they perhaps feel dysregulated already, the triggering sensory experience of being searched can contribute towards a general sense of overload; leaving them even more susceptible when they are struck by the overwhelming “wave” of noise that greets them on the wings. Echoing other themes, it is of note here that Sam refers to their sensory processing differences as “silly, stupid things”; somewhat undermining the impact that these issues hold and perhaps representing an internalisation of the stigma referenced in earlier themes.

Beyond the general challenges posed by the physical environment, participants also felt that there was a lack of meaningful adjustments, accommodations and support made available to neurodivergent staff to support them at work.

I have to focus. I can't do that when you've got noise around you all the time and when I raise this both for the confidentiality and for that, no one gives a shit. And they stuck me in an open plan office. So that is tough. (Taylor, Non-operational role)

That's the document, read it, understand it and get on with it. And it's something that, like, 15, 16 pages long. You- you just can't absorb that much information… it's a lot of pressure. So, you think kind of can I actually afford to take the leave next week? (Sam, Non-operational role)

In both extracts above, Taylor and Sam suggest that there is a lack of consideration for their needs from others. Other participants similarly felt that their needs were overlooked, misunderstood or otherwise not taken seriously, which in turn limited their capacity to thrive in the workplace. Resonating with the social model of disability (Oliver, 2013), participants often framed these unaccommodating working conditions as having a disabling effect on them, impacting the extent to which participants felt able to successfully navigate their roles. Participants often felt that this general lack of institutional support contributed to heightened stress, social exhaustion, feelings of inefficacy, and sometimes drove individuals to compensate through survival strategies like avoiding taking breaks and/or completing tasks outside of working hours to stay afloat:

I would just send all the emails and then on my days off I would cover it and I would just not switch off from work. (Charlie, Operational role)

This sense of additional burden felt by participants was further exacerbated by their commitment to doing things correctly and seeing things done correctly by others. Many of the participants in this study had a strong innate sense of justice, personal responsibility and professionalism, which drew them to (and served as strength in) their roles:

I find it difficult to just stick to my job and not do the job of everybody else. I think working in a prison, it's ironic how I got here because I have such a strong sense of justice and I've ended up in the justice system… I feel like I have such a sense, strong sense of responsibility for these people when obviously they're in control of their own actions. (Cameron, Non-operational role)

So-called ‘justice sensitivity’ is reported as prevalent amongst neurodivergent people (Bondü & Esser, 2015; Schäfer & Kraneburg, 2012). However, for neurodivergent prison staff like Cameron, this same trait could become a deleterious source of stress, frustration and fatigue whilst working in the prison. Participants in this study reported how it had led them to feel obligated to take on the burden of others’ responsibilities, where they felt that colleagues were falling short of or overlooking their responsibilities. Experiences like these may contribute to staff burnout for neurodivergent staff (Griffin et al., 2012). Indeed, participants in this study described the detrimental consequences that these cumulative issues could have on their wellbeing:

Because of all the pressure that I've been put on myself with that. And then the mental health, it ended. It sent me into a breakdown in the end. Like, I had to take time off. (Ashley, Operational role)

Here, Ashley highlights the severe emotional costs that they experienced, which stemmed from shouldering all of these responsibilities in a work environment. This resonates with existing evidence, which suggests that prison staff burnout can contribute to tensions at home, have an impact on personal relationships, and can lead to staff absences (Stöver, 2016). This demonstrates that these issues come not only at a personal cost to neurodivergent staff but can also hold problematic implications for the organisations they work for.

Discussion

This study explored the lived experiences of neurodivergent staff working in prisoner-facing roles within a UK custodial environment. It has illuminated both the challenges that neurodivergent staff can encounter, as well as the distinct strengths that neurodivergent people can bring to such demanding roles. Participants reflected a spectrum of experiences, marked by moments of resilience, self-awareness, and advocacy, while also revealing barriers related to organisational culture, sensory environments, and workload management. The findings contribute to the limited but growing body of literature relating to neurodiversity in complex workplace settings, particularly within the criminal justice system. Whilst other research exists exploring neurodivergent experiences in the workplace (Burton et al., 2022; Marshall, 2022), including psychiatric secure settings (Walker et al., 2024) and the police (Tromans et al., 2023), this research is novel and significant as the first to consider prison staff perspectives.

A consistent implication that could be drawn from participants’ experiences was the need for greater neurodiversity awareness in the workplace. Many participants felt that there was a lack of understanding and support from colleagues and managers, often resulting in feelings of isolation, the need to mask, and diminished psychological safety. As Richards et al. (2017) note, there is often a pervasive lack of understanding of neurodivergence within professional contexts generally, which can lead to misinterpretation of behaviour, underestimation of strengths, and inconsistent support mechanisms. In the present study, this had tangible implications for access to support, accommodations and workplace adjustments. While findings indicated that small adjustments could hold the potential to meaningfully enhance employee wellbeing and performance (e.g., provision of quiet spaces to work in), it became clear that accessing such adjustments was contingent upon neurodivergent staff being aware of their needs, having the confidence to request those adjustments, and those requests being heard by a receptive institutional ear. Unfortunately, findings suggested that the latter component was most often found to be missing in the experiences of neurodivergent prison staff, feeling that their needs were misunderstood or trivialised by others. This resonates with experiences reported by neurodivergent people in policing, who similarly report experiences of workplace adjustments being requested but not actioned, contributing to burnout, difficulties with social integration, and a perceived lack of support (Tromans et al., 2023). In the present study, issues related to awareness and understanding also had implications for their sense of cohesion with colleagues, which could be particularly pertinent in a workplace that thrives on cohesive and effective teamwork (McClelland et al., 2023; Nixon & Woodward, 2024). Finally, this had extended implications for neurodivergent staffs’ sense of self, with some individuals seemingly internalising the judgements, stigma and misunderstanding they had experienced, ultimately struggling to accept their neurodivergence as part of their identity. This finding mirrors themes captured in broader research relating to social stigma and prejudice faced by neurodivergent people in society, and the harmful implications that this can have for neurodivergent individuals’ self-esteem, self-efficacy and broader sense of psychological wellbeing (Marion et al., 2023; McKeague et al., 2015). Ultimately, this highlights the urgent need for cultural shifts both within and beyond prison walls, to foster environments where neurodivergent people can feel seen, valued and able to embrace their authentic selves.

Echoing participants’ calls for a more supportive and accepting culture around neurodiversity, this research underscores the need to implement changes to systemically adapt prisons into more neuroinclusive working environments. On one level, this includes the normalisation and implementation of tailored reasonable adjustments for neurodivergent prison staff. This would ensure that UK prison organisations are meeting legal obligations under the Equality Act, 2010 and that neurodivergent staff are provided with the enabling work environments to which they are entitled to. However, genuine inclusion goes beyond the provision of ‘reasonable adjustments’, and requires fostering an environment and culture where openness, authenticity, and difference are not only accepted but valued (Smith & Kirby, 2021). As such, this study supports the call for greater neurodiversity training for staff and managers. In particular, there is a need for mandated training, which is informed by and embeds the lived experiences of neurodivergent people, to challenge misconceptions, foster empathy, and promote genuinely inclusive practices. Embedding neuroinclusivity into organisational values and leadership development programmes may also help to shape a culture where neurodivergent staff are empowered to thrive, rather than simply survive. Without cultural change and strategic-level commitment, it is likely that the workplace will continue to fail in creating the required psychological safety for neurodivergent individuals to bring their authentic selves to work, increasing levels of burnout amongst staff. Moreover, when considered in light of existing research with neurodivergent prisoners (Roberts & Lawrence, 2025; Vinter et al., 2023; 2024), it is likely that such shifts could benefit broader prison social climates for all neurodivergent people in prison, including and beyond the staff base.

Limitations and Future Research

When interpreting the findings presented in this paper, it is important to acknowledge the following limitations. Firstly, this study was conducted within a single prison, which was a local remand prison, characterised by high prisoner turnover, instability, and a heightened prevalence of behavioural and emotional volatility. While this context offered valuable insight into how neurodivergent employees experience working in particularly high-pressure, chaotic environments, it may not reflect experiences in other types of prisons with differing cultures and operational demands. Given the heterogeneity of prisons, and how they can vary with regard to staff composition, physical environments, security levels, and prisoner demographics, to name a few, the single-site nature of this study may limit the transferability of findings to some other establishments in the wider prison estate. Secondly, the sample in this study was limited to staff in prisoner-facing roles. While this focus was appropriate for understanding day-to-day operational pressures and interpersonal dynamics, it may have overlooked salient issues and experiences in the broader organisational landscape. Other roles, such as administrator and leadership roles, may involve different stressors, support structures, and opportunities for neuroinclusive practice.

In light of these limitations, further research investigations in a more diverse array of prison sites could help to identify areas of convergence and divergence in the experiences and needs of neurodivergent prison staff. Moreover, expanding the scope to include staff in non-prisoner-facing roles could also yield additional insights into the nuances associated with non-prisoner-facing roles. This would help establish whether there is a shared experience across institutions and staff levels, and would support evidence-informed strategies for fostering more inclusive working environments for neurodivergent individuals. Relatedly, a complementary avenue of future inquiry could also explore organisational readiness for embedding neuroinclusive practice and evaluate the effectiveness of specific interventions aimed at improving workplace accessibility for neurodivergent employees in secure settings.

Conclusion

To conclude, this study has provided a platform for the voices of neurodivergent people working within prison environments to be heard, offering valuable insights into both the challenges they face and the unique strengths they bring to their roles. While experiences of discontent and lack of support were evident, clear benefits to being neurodivergent in prisoner-facing roles emerged; most notably, the capacity to build rapport and foster meaningful connections with specific prisoners. Such relational skills can be vital to promoting rehabilitation and reducing re-offending (Craig et al., 2013; Kozar & Day, 2012; Ross et al., 2008). Ultimately, it is contended here that the unique contributions of neurodivergent people are under-recognised assets within the prison workforce. When appropriately supported, these qualities have the potential to enhance both staff wellbeing and prisoner outcomes. Therefore, it is both ethically imperative and operationally beneficial to cultivate a more inclusive and supportive working environment, to enable neurodivergent prison staff to thrive. Achieving this requires a whole-system shift, encompassing top-down, leadership-driven cultural changes, embedding neuroinclusivity into organisational values, and making strategic investments in system-wide neurodiversity training and resources to enable staff and managers to integrate inclusive practices into everyday operations.