The experiences of Black African parents on partnership: Working with education professionals in the English special education needs and disability system

Abstract

Reforms to special education policy in England have emphasised the importance of parents being involved in decision-making about their child’s education and greater control over their child’s support. This study’s research questions investigated four Black African parents of children with special educational needs and disability (SEND) living in England and their experiences of working in partnership with education professionals to support their children, as well as exploring the barriers to effective partnership between Black African parents and education professionals. A critical approach was taken to understand how issues of power such as race and socio-economic status, combined with the parents own African culture, affected their interactions with education professionals who hold an entirely different contextual disposition. The parents took part in semi-structured interviews which were thematically analysed. Three overarching themes were identified: Communication (which focused on issues such as language, articulation and communication styles); cultural barriers (which encompassed the cultural differences between the parents and the education professionals); and the parent-professional relationship (which was key for the parents to navigate the SEND system). Recommendations for practice such as professionals building more trust with parents, engaging more with cultural competency training and evaluating the accessibility of their current services are discussed.

Background

The reforms to the special educational needs and disability (SEND) system in England brought by the Children and Families Act (2014) and subsequent SEND Code of Practice (2015) has placed an increased focus on partnership with parents to ensure that they have greater participation in decisions made about support or services for their children with SEND. The emphasis on parental partnership in SEND goes back to the Warnock Report (1978), which initially recommended increased parental ‘involvement’. However, ‘involvement’ implicitly assumes that the control and power is with professionals, whereas the concept of ‘partnership’ challenges this by sharing power and expertise with parents (Armstrong, 1995). Furthermore, parents view professionals as the ‘gatekeepers’ to diminishing resources in a context of increased demand (Armstrong, 1995; Powell and Pfahl, 2019), which might provide a perspective on the conflict in the parent-professional relationship.

There have been small steps to improve this, such as legislative changes and the introduction of parent-carer forums as a strategic voice in the commissioning of local SEND services. Despite this, the recent SEND Green Paper (2022) has highlighted that the system is still not a positive experience for parents. The more critical and concerning issue is that the SEND Green Paper (2022) highlights that the system is not equally accessible and that those with better financial and social resources are at an advantage in securing support for their children. Social justice issues exist in education for children without additional needs (Smith, 2018). However, those with SEND are more disadvantaged if their parents do not have enough social capital or understanding to advocate for their children (Castro-Kemp and Mahmud, 2021), like Black African parents.

Parents from minority backgrounds in England can have a limited or different experience of engagement in education and children’s services (Chowbey et al., 2015; Page et al., 2007). Barriers such as cultural understanding, language, race, or socio-economic status all affect the relationship between parents (as partners) and education professionals when participating in decision-making about their child’s education. Professionals have a role in recognising that not all parental experiences are the same given the power they already hold (Armstrong, 1995). However, there is a shortage of critical research into the lived experiences of minority parents living with a child with SEND in England (Akbar and Woods, 2020). The Black African perspective is of fundamental importance because although they are a minority population in English schools, they are positively overrepresented in academic attainment which research shows is partly due to their high parental involvement (Demie, 2013). However, for Black African parents of children with SEND, a question must be asked whether the strength of parental involvement that works positively for Black African pupils without SEND, is an experience that Black African pupils with SEND also have.

Inclusive education and disability in African contexts

Three commonalities were present from the literature in this area. Firstly, the dominance of maternal views in Black African parental perspectives of inclusive education and disability. In many African cultures, women are primary caregivers for children with disabilities (Singogo et al., 2015; Van der Mark et al., 2019; Zuurmond et al., 2020). Their gendered experience of caring for a child with a disability is important to highlight. In Bannink et al. (2020), Ugandan mothers spoke about their experiences of rejection and denial from their child’s father, and in cases where they remarried, mothers still had primary responsibility. Brydges and Mkandawire (2020) similarly found that Nigerian mothers were often blamed for their children with disabilities and became estranged from their loved ones. African women still face marginalisation due to the lack of support from their communities and family.

The second commonality is related to the African interpretation of inclusive education. The term ‘inclusive education’ is a global North concept that continues to be widely debated in its interpretation and definition (Kamenopolou, 2018; Pather, 2019). As African countries tussle with their own interpretation, it can lead to differing experiences depending on the resources available, cultural attitudes and political support (Pather, 2019).

Some might argue African countries do not have the resources to implement inclusive education (Elder and Migliarini, 2020). For example, in Zimbabwe, a move towards ‘inclusive schooling’ for disabled pupils within mainstream schools has been perceived as a positive step forward (Molosiwa and Mpofu, 2017), but in a more recent study, attitudes of Zimbabwean teachers remained negative, linked to absence of resources available to support implementation (Magumise and Sefotho, 2018).

The final commonality found in the research was the perception of disability in African communities. The language used to describe children with disabilities still reflect a disempowering view of disability across many African countries, compared with Western research that calls for moves towards a more accommodating view of the social barriers that exist for people with disabilities (Aikman, et al., 2016; Avoke 2002; Matshedisho, 2007). The theme ‘missing part’ identified by Bannink et al. (2020) referred to the negative language used by parents to describe their children with disabilities, which reflects the attitudes across the continent where people with disabilities still experience widespread stigma (Rohwerder, 2018).

The role of religion and spirituality on perceptions of disability in African countries such as in Kenya, where disabled young people expressed that their impairments were seen as a curse in their community (Barbareschi et al., 2021) or in Ghana where mothers of children with Autism, had sought support from God to make sense of their circumstances, either perceiving it as a punishment or gift.

The colonial and spiritual history of African countries provides context for how Black African parents living in England have developed their own understanding of disability and inclusion. For some African parents, it is more important to see their children ‘cope’ or manage with the demands of their society, rather than society adapting to meet their needs. In African countries, many children with disabilities still do not attend school, and if they do, they are subject to widespread social isolation (Education Development Trust, 2016). The memories of this are vivid for Black African parents in England who aspire for their children to either be accepted or fixed in their new society.

Black African parents accessing SEND services in the United Kingdom

A common theme across the literature was the stigma attached to having a child with SEND experience among Black African families. All the Black African immigrant mothers in Munroe et al.’s study (2016) into experiences of having a child with Autism in the UK, felt that the judgement they received from others was their most significant source of stress, leading to feelings of disempowerment. Lawrence (2014) similarly found her study on Black African parental perspectives of an Educational Psychology Service, that there was a tension between their experience of bringing up a child with SEND and how their community ‘responds’ to a child with SEND leading to parental denial about their child’s needs and subsequently disengaging with professionals. These experiences can make it difficult for Black African parents to openly engage in discussions about their child’s support as they have a very limited support networks to rely on for advice or support about their child with additional needs. The role of professionals is even more crucial to avoid complete community isolation.

The process of acculturation from their existing African belief system to a new British culture was also present in the literature. Acculturation is the cultural and psychological change process that occurs when two or more cultural groups or its members interact (Berry, 2005). Lawrence (2014) reflected on the feelings of stigmatisation that all the Black African mothers felt were present in their existing African communities and how it differed from their experience in the predominantly White communities who were more accepting of their child’s needs and support. Munroe et al. (2016) further highlighted the struggle in shifting cultural allegiances as the African mothers battled the impact that their child was having on their identity as African women, which many Black African mothers will experience as they try to establish how they view their child’s SEND. Some of the mothers in Lawrence’s (2014) research spoke more positively about the acculturation process as they felt open to the idea of engaging with professionals because they felt more understood by their new predominantly White British community compared with the African community who rejected their child.

Lastly, both studies identify the tensions between Black African parents and professionals during the diagnostic process for their children’s needs. Lawrence (2014) highlighted that the power professionals have in the assessment process can create imbalances in the parent-professional relationship. This was similarly felt by parents in Munroe et al. (2016), who felt helpless and overwhelmed by the diagnostic process for their Autistic children. For most parents this is challenging, but for those who also navigate their own cultural beliefs, research shows that this is even more difficult due to the internal conflict that they feel in changing their belief system (Akbar and Woods, 2020; Heer et al., 2012; Lawrence, 2014). Although, researchers call for a more inclusive mainstream education system that mirrors an accommodating view of disability (Conner, 2016; Gallagher et al., 2014; Pather, 2019), the current SEND system in England (as a whole) has areas of rigidity including the statutory assessment process which ringfences funding and specialist support for mainstream schools, as well as special school placements for children who may benefit from this type of provision. This restricts service provisions for children and places professionals in a position of power as ‘gatekeepers’ to resources (Castro and Palikara, 2016). Professional roles are not always clear to Black African parents, which can create a trust barrier for parents when engaging with professionals. There appears to be an unconscious assumption that parents will learn everyone’s role and terminology, which should be questioned as to whether this suits the needs of the professional rather than the parent (Ferlazzo and Hammond, 2009; Goodall and Montgomery, 2014).

Parental participation in education

Cleland and Lumsdon (2021) acknowledged in their research into parental participation from a social capital perspective, that school professionals held a dominant position when it came to parental participation in education. They found that both mainstream and special schools decided when and how parents participate, and parents are unfairly portioned a larger share of the blame when they do not participate. This is in line with Armstrong’s (1995) thoughts that professionals hold the power in discussions with parents about their child’s education. For Black African parents, factors such as work commitments (socio-economic) or limited support networks (cultural) which are consistent with the literature offer little flexibility to address the issue of parental participation. Structural inequalities faced by Black African parents in engaging with professionals also intersect with social class challenges. Structural inequality refers to the influence of position in a social network structure, where a party through a series of discrete transactions and encounters, reinforces a general assertion of power within that network (Royce, 2022). Most Black Africans in England and Wales are within the bottom five (out of ten) socio-economic groups in the census data (Office for National Statistics, 2021). Cleland and Lumsdon (2021) found that rigid school policies and an assumption of ‘deficiency’ among socially disadvantaged parents had led to parents feeling unable to participate when they wanted to. Without the opportunity to generate social capital due to socio-economic constraints like time and resources, the discourse surrounding a ‘deficiency’ among socially disadvantaged families is dangerous as it assumes that parents do not want to participate, which is simply not true (McKenna and Millen, 2013). Research argues that socio-economic factors have a significant impact on the ability for parents to engage as demonstrated by the underachievement of both White and Black-Caribbean working-class children in mainstream English schools (Demie, 2013; Demie and Mclean, 2014). What seems unique to the Black African experience, is that contrary to research findings on White and Black-Caribbean working class pupils, Black African parents have a culture of high expectations for their children’s education, contributing to their academic success in mainstream attainment (Demie, 2013). However, the dominant professional-led ideology of parental participation in special education seems to be a barrier put in place by professionals who have not yet grasped the need for culturally competent practice that recognise the family’s background (Cleland and Lumsdon, 2021). Arguably, attempts to engage with parents should be with the assumption that ‘parents want the best for their children, no matter their background’ (Cleland and Lumsdon, 2021: 29), which might challenge the rhetoric of deficiency that exists. It does not harm the professional space to consider this approach as it is argued that acknowledging a parent’s experiences can increase their sense of empowerment (McQueen and Hobbs, 2014), which improves their participation and subsequently better outcomes for their children (Wilder, 2014).

The literature has helped adopt a critical perspective on this phenomenon as the experience of Black African parents with children who have identified SEND in England is unique. An understanding of their experiences could helpfully inform professional practice and policy for Black African parents. However, there is limited research that looks specifically at the perspective of Black African parental views, SEND and partnership working in education within England. This research provided a novel perspective on this by exploring the following research questions:

1. What are the experiences of Black African parents when discussing services or support for their child(ren) with SEND in England?

2. What are the main barriers to effective partnership between Black African parents and education professionals when discussing services or support for their child(ren) with SEND in England?

Research methodology, methods and ethics

This research adopted a critical qualitative approach to gain the perspectives of Black African parents. Critical qualitative inquiry enables truth to be constructed through the researcher’s interpretation and the participant’s responses, both individually influenced by power relations in society (Denzin, 2017). In this case, the views of the research subject (Black Africans living in England) often go unheard as a minority group in a predominantly White British society and the positionality of the first named author, as a Black African male with a disability. Underpinning a critical researcher’s search for truth is the need to articulate how those imbalances affect the way we see the world to bring about positive social change (Denzin, 2017; Strydom, 2011). On reflection, the lead researcher’s positionality and desire to bring social change may have influenced the data collection, analysis, and interpretation of the data due to first hand experiences of social injustice he may have experienced, and empathising with the participants’ point of view. Nonetheless, the impact of this was mitigated through inter-rater reliability checks with the co-author and participation validation of the transcripts post-interviews. Furthermore, it could also be said that the participants felt comfortable sharing their own personal experiences with someone of a similar background to them which improved the richness of their responses.

Data collection

Semi-structured interviews were used for this research. The interview schedule consisted of eight open-ended questions. The questions related to their experiences of working with professionals, how their African heritage affected their interactions and advice on improving the participation process for parents of Black African heritage. All interviews were conducted and recorded virtually using an online video conferencing platform as it was a method the participants were comfortable with and could access. A link was sent to participants via email prior to the date of the interview with instructions about how to join virtually. Once the interview had ended, files were then transcribed using an automated transcription service, which were manually reviewed to check for inaccuracies.

Participants

Purposive sampling was used and the criteria for selection in the study was that they were a parent; born and educated (in part or full) in an African country; currently residing in England; and have a child or young person with SEND aged 3–19. Participants were primarily recruited through the professional network of the first named author. As the sample size was small, to mitigate the impact of this on the findings, all participants took part in a screening call before the interview to understand their background, as well as participation validation of the transcripts after the interviews to increase the validity of their data. A total of four participants were selected who all met the criteria outlined above.

Two participants had a child/young person with a diagnosis of Autism, one had a child with speech, language and communication needs (SLCN) and another participant had two children, one with Autism and another with SLCN. Three participants were mothers, and one was a father. All participants were between 40 and 55 years old and lived in England for between 5 and 30 years. The participants lived across three different regions of England. The age of the children/young people varied greatly, from 4 years old to 19 years old. The participants were from Nigeria (n = 2), Ghana (n = 1) and Zimbabwe (n = 1). All participants had at least one child who was in receipt of an assessed statutory SEND support plan, better known as an Education, Health and Care Plan (EHCP). Nonetheless, the authors acknowledge that the small sample size was a limitation of this research and do not wish to overstate the claims and findings of the study. We hope that future research can be conducted with a larger number of parents, from more regions across the UK, representing wider characteristics of SEND of young people (particularly with children with more significant physical impairments and learning difficulties), and greater variation of African countries and contexts.

Analysis

Thematic analysis was used to analyse the data using Braun and Clarke’s (2006) step-by-step approach. The audio recordings of interviews and transcripts were provided to the participants for validation, and subsequently, reviewed by the researcher to become familiar with the data. Initial codes were generated using a mixture of inductive and deductive approaches (Braun and Clarke, 2012). Once all the data was coded, emergent themes were identified by grouping areas of similarity into tables and then reviewed until overarching and subthemes became clearer. The authors exchanged notes and feedback for the themes and the subsequent data and quotes used within them to ensure inter-rater reliability. The names of the themes were reviewed several times by both authors to ensure that they were relevant to the research question. A fluid approach through Braun and Clarke’s (2006) phases was used throughout the process which involved consistently reviewing the data, coding more discussions, redefining the themes, and ensuring that the data was relevant to the research question. This research project followed the British Educational Research Association (BERA – 2018) guidelines and was ethically approved by the host organisation. Pseudonyms are used in the findings section below.

Findings and discussion

A total of three overarching themes and six sub-themes were identified across the analysis of the data. The themes and sub-themes are as follows: Theme (1) Communication (sub-theme: (a) language and articulation and (b) communication styles); (2) Cultural Barriers (sub-theme: (a) the African journey and (b) importance of education in African communities; (3) Parent-professional relationship (sub-theme: (a) parental mistrust in assessing professionals and (b) fear of a perceived battle).

Theme 1: Communication

All parents had trouble communicating effectively with professionals due to language or articulation barriers and communication styles which differed from professionals and affected the outcome of their conversations.

Sub-theme 1a: Language and articulation

The parents had different levels of English and subsequent confidence in their ability to articulate their views which affected their experiences. Shola was a confident and articulate English speaker. She reflected on her ability to verbally challenge the school successfully when her child was being illegally excluded from part of the school day but felt that the school tried to misinform her:

“She [the SENCO] had never heard me speak that way […] something tells me that she didn’t even know that I was intelligent or educated […] she realised I was not on the retreat.” [Shola]

Shola went on further to talk about the consequence if she had not been able to express herself effectively:

“Something tells me that if I wasn’t half as articulate as I was, I would be buried under the avalanche of the no[s] and the rejections that [were] being chunked out…” [Shola]

Mary was less confident about her communication. She found the language demands overwhelming at times which led to feelings of frustration as although she had lived in England for many years, English was not her first language. She was frequently confused by the heavy jargon that professionals used. When reflecting on a discussion about support for her elder son, Benji, she said:

“The terms [terminologies] they were using confused me more, so I couldn’t even understand anything they were talking about.” [Mary]

Masimba also talked about a ‘barrier in the articulation of processes’ from professionals to himself when discussing the next steps for his son’s progress review. The one-directional nature of communication had left him feeling rushed and talked down to, rather than a more transient process where professionals recognised his own language limitations. Adama closely followed this line of thought:

“Even if you can’t speak English, there’s no reason to marginalise the parent.” [Adama]

Sub-theme 1b: Communication styles

The parents reflected that their communication styles (often defined as how individuals express themselves and respond to others in everyday conversations and interactions) had influenced the way that professionals viewed them. Masimba and Mary were more passive in their communication styles.

Masimba reflected that his passive communication style was reflective of his cultural upbringing, but he felt this was perceived as a weakness by professionals when discussing support arrangements for his son, Tendai:

“I’m from one of those docile African communities […] they [professionals] hold a preposition that if you don’t ask, you don’t get.” [Masimba]

He was convinced that the style of his communication should not be a limiting factor in the level of support that his child gets and that his voice should still be heard:

“Sometimes they think you have got to have that commanding voice to say what you want […] but we are commanding in our soft voices and soft approach.” [Masimba]

Shola and Adama were clearly more assertive in their communication styles. Adama felt that her bold communication style was negatively viewed by professionals as aggressive, linked to the colour of her skin.

“If you’re black, then you’re seen as aggressive, but [if] you’re someone else and you stand your ground, then you're assertive.” [Adama]

Masimba reflected something similar as he felt the need to switch from his passive style to a more assertive one to address some of his child’s behaviour concerns that were being dismissed by the school:

“The African man is now shouting […] like no, I’ve tried to be as civil as I can be.” [Masimba]

He went on further to say that some of the other African parents he supported had also been excluded from meetings due to their perceived aggressive communication style:

“I have seen parents not getting, you know, the meeting [invites] because they are agitated. They [professionals] say, why is he so animated?” [Masimba]

The reflections of all the participants demonstrated that although they were collectively Black Africans, they each had their own style of communication that made them different from one another.

The overarching theme of communication is consistent with existing literature found in Cleland and Lumsdon’s (2021) research which also found that communication was an overarching theme in their review of generating social capital for parents. The parents in this study were very clear about the need for improved communication to develop their partnership working in the best interests of their children. Cleland and Lumsdon (2021) rightfully identified that parents have different experiences in their ability to act and participate with schools. Those parents have wrongfully been labelled as ‘hard to reach’, leaving the responsibility unfairly on the parents to engage with professionals (Crozier and Davies, 2007). Within SEND, the same dynamic still exists as the Black African parents in this study had identified that the communication barriers impacted their experience and subsequently their child in a negative way. Mary’s difficulties with language had left her feeling aggrieved by the participation process as the expectation was put on her by school staff to engage, rather than the school trying to understand her needs as a parent with English as an Additional Language (EAL). In applying social capital theory to Mary’s circumstances like Cleland and Lumsdon (2021), if the school was able to provide her with a sense of belonging through recognising her language and articulation barriers, this may have improved Mary’s confidence in having a voice in her child’s education at an earlier stage.

Without recognition of language and articulation barriers that exist for Black African parents, it is not possible for parents like Mary to generate enough social capital to form effective relationships with professionals. The impact of this will ultimately be felt by Black African children with SEND who are marginalised by a lack of collaborative working between parents and professionals despite them both trying desperately to improve the child’s experience of education.

The SEND system in England has been described as ‘adversarial’ (Bryant et al., 2022). Some Black African parents may have trouble advocating for their child or participating in school if their communication style is not assertive enough, particularly when they already feel disempowered by their status as a minority within their society. Masimba found a way to explain this phenomenon to his school which improved his relationship with Tendai’s teachers, but only because he was given the opportunity to teach the school about his communication style. Some schools will struggle with the concept of ‘parents teaching the teachers’ due to the shift in power dynamics. However, the literature shows that without giving parents the opportunity to generate social capital through positive interactions led by the parent’s needs, ‘hard to reach’ minority parents will remain unreachable because professionals are equally ‘hard to reach’ (Cleland and Lumsdon, 2021).

For other Black Africans like Lola and Adama, who used a more assertive communication style, they felt they were perceived as aggressive which links to issues of race in society. The stereotype of the ‘angry black woman’ and ‘angry black man’ characterises black adults as overly aggressive, hostile, over-bearing and ill-tempered (Ashley, 2014; Wingfield, 2007). Adama and Lola were both very confident communicators who were able to articulate their points, drawing in on their professional skills and level of education. However, they were also very conscious that the stereotype of the ‘angry black women’ exists. As a result, they felt pre-judged when they interacted with professionals who were predominantly White British. The perceived aggressiveness rather than assertive communication will continue to be an ongoing battle between professionals and Black African parents with direct communication styles unless there is a recognition for greater cultural competence.

Theme 2: Cultural barriers

This overarching theme encompasses the cultural barriers, understood by the authors as the communicational challenges faced by the parents due to their differences in cultures that parents saw between their African background and the education professionals. The parents felt that the professionals did not understand or place the same value on aspects of their child’s education or value their journey as an African family, which was important to the parents.

Sub-theme 2a: The African journey

Mary, Masimba and Shola all talked about the journey they had been on as African immigrants, which affected their experience of having a child with SEND in England. At the time that Mary was experiencing difficulties with Kojo’s schooling, she had a limited support network to turn to and a limited understanding of SEND:

“All my support network had zero understanding […] they have no clue about special needs […] I was so frustrated; I have nobody to talk [to] about my son.” [Mary]

“The headteacher called me and said he might be autistic. That was the first time I heard that word.” [Mary]

This process from denial to acceptance of their child’s needs was complex for Mary and Adama, who acknowledged that they were reluctant to recognise their child’s needs at first, which was a barrier to effective collaboration with professionals:

“I went to the school and said he’s not [autistic]. I didn’t even want to communicate [with the school] because he’s not what you think he is. He’s fine. There’s nothing wrong with my son.” [Mary]

“Well I’ll say at the time, I was you could say, in denial. It was too much.” [Adama]

This became easier over time as Mary, Adama and Masimba became more informed about what SEND was as they made it their mission to support their children as best as they knew how to. Mary’s experience with her second child (Kojo) was very different to her experience with her eldest son:

“Now I have some understanding […] I’m the one chasing for his assessment, because his speech is delayed […] I’m always in contact with the school SENCO to discuss his progress.” [Mary]

Between Masimba and Mary, they articulated the process of acculturation as they got to grips with a whole new education system that was different from the system they grew up in Africa:

“My education system, back home [Ghana], it was totally different. I’m still learning and have been for the past 18 years […] because when I was growing up, there wasn’t anything like special needs […] I’d never heard of special educational needs.” [Mary]

“I have had to adjust my cultural orientation to the school and the demands of the processes.” [Masimba]

Sub-theme 2b: The importance of education in African communities

It was clear that all parents had high aspirations for their children despite their difficulties which were rooted in their African culture, where high importance is placed on education even though they originated from different African countries. Shola’s perspective was particularly interesting:

“Education is at the very forefront of our value, our culture […] for us, it’s not a ‘nice to have’ it is a necessity. Nigerians, we feel like we have failed our children when we cannot pass on what we’ve learnt […] so having to explain that to some who has never really been exposed to our culture is different.” [Shola]

Shola was shocked when she sought help from a professional to try and help Tosin secure a school placement when they had just arrived from Nigeria:

“I thought she would understand but what she said to me rocked me to my very core. She said, ‘I don’t know why you place so much value and importance on education. What is most important is that your child finds a place where he can have friends and be happy.’ […] I walked away with the understanding that I was going to have to fight […] because we were not seeing things from the same perspective.” [Shola]

As African citizens migrating to England, parents like Mary come with a limited understanding of SEND and disability with an absence of formal and informal support. Similar to the African mothers in Munroe et al.’s (2016) study, Mary felt isolated and disconnected from her support network when she first found out that Benji had additional needs. A limited support network forces parents like Mary to lean on their own understanding in the absence of any support, to make sense of their reality. The reality that they experience is caring for a child who, in their former African society, carries social stigma and negative attitudes that burdens their responsibility as parents. The isolating place that parents find themselves in can make them reluctant to engage with professionals out of fear of further isolation, particularly where they are already feeling under pressure to fit into British culture (Munroe et al., 2016). Especially for mothers, who research shows traditionally carry the blame for having a child with additional needs in African societies (Bannink et al., 2020; Brydges and Mkandawire, 2020). On the other hand, for some African fathers, their fear of associating with their child with SEND causes them to distance themselves or reject their responsibility as a parent (Karisa et al., 2021). It might provide some rationale about why professionals interact more frequently with Black African mothers as opposed to fathers.

Black African parents hold high aspirations for their children and place immense value on education, which should be in line with the views that professionals also hold. However, the parents felt that this was undermined through their experience with professionals which they were surprised by. The literature review highlighted the impact of socio-economic status which might have affected the parents’ ability to engage, however, the parents in this study came from a range of social class/economic backgrounds and despite this maintained a consistently high aspiration level for their children. The impact of socio-economic status was felt most by Mary, who at the time was a single mother working full-time whilst working to meet her financial and care responsibilities. Teacher expectations over the last 30 years continue to be lower for children with learning disabilities despite legislative advances to improve outcomes and reduce discrimination (Wang et al., 2018). Demie (2013) argued that high parental aspirations were one of the driving factors behind the above-average performance of Black African children in English schools, compared with working class White and Black-Caribbean pupils (Demie, 2013; Demie and Mclean, 2014). The study focused particularly on children who could achieve at GCSE grade, which is unlikely to be representative of all children. However, the findings from Demie’s (2013) research suggest that the aspirations and commitment to education are indigenous to African communities irrespective of their child’s ability, as demonstrated by the responses provided by the participants in this study. This is a relative strength that Black African parents use to push their children to reach their potential irrespective of teacher expectations.

Theme 3: Parent-professional relationship

This theme centres on the relationship between the parents and the professionals. All parents found that the relationship they had with their children’s professionals was key to their experience of navigating the SEND system in England, however, this was negatively influenced through professional mistrust after power tussles for their child’s support.

Sub-theme 3a: Unequal power

All parents recognised at a fundamental level what partnership working in education was. They believed that they should be treated as partners. When asked what the word partnership meant to them, they said:

“Two people of equal footing, coming together to collaborate […] achieving a common goal.” [Shola]

“Working together, me as a parent, working with the teachers, social workers and everybody […] to ensure the child develops.” [Mary]

However, none of them felt they had achieved true partnership in their child’s education, at least initially. When Mary and Adama were asked, they said:

“I don’t fully consider myself to be a partner.” [Mary]

“Not at first. I fought hard to be recognised […] I felt l was supposed to have to prove myself. It was very hard.” [Adama]

Adama’s use of the term ‘prove myself’ highlights the imbalance in power that she felt at the start of her journey with Daniel.

Adama and Masimba both felt that they were talked down to rather than treated as ‘experts’ in their children:

“It was always an ‘us and them’, they know best […] you’re just a parent. They don’t care what you know.” [Adama]

“A parent’s view sometimes can be diluted by professionals and processes, it is not really respected or considered that much.” [Masimba]

As ‘experts’, Shola quite cleverly articulated how professionals could view the role of the parent:

“We form the bridge between who Tosin is, and the school’s ability to see him for who he really is.” [Shola]

Masimba, saw himself as a partner in Tendai’s education now, but not initially. Masimba believed that the statutory processes that coincided with his son’s EHCP mandated his parental view to be recognised, and his voluntary role in the SEND-focused charity had helped him to understand the collaborative principles of the Children and Families Act, 2014:

“Yes, I do [think that I am a partner]. The first part for the EHCP actually stipulates my views and for my son. Also, the 2014 Children and Families Act.” [Masimba]

He referred to the information he had learnt from his charity role as ‘insider knowledge’, which articulates that he did not believe this was information that everyone else had.

Sub-theme 3b: Fear of perceived battle

All parents used the word ‘fight’ or ‘battle’ in their interviews repeatedly to highlight the unequal power that they strived to push back against to have a voice in their child’s education.

Shola was so concerned about the battle that it caused her to shy away from discussions about Tosin’s education even though she knew it was inevitable. When reflecting on her experience of getting Tosin into a special primary school, she felt drained by the experience. This impacted her attitude towards a discussion with the local authority about what secondary school he might attend:

“My experience of trying to get him into [primary] school really affected me psychologically. And what I found is subsequently is I have tried to minimise my interactions, so that I toe the line of least resistance.” [Shola]

This is also an approach that Adama used at the early stages of Daniel’s education:

“The push from the school was very overbearing […] I never argued, I just went along like, okay.” [Adama]

However, over time Adama changed her approach and became more assertive and hostile in anticipation of a battle for Daniel’s education. She did not want to but felt it was the only way to get the right support as she felt Daniel was intentionally being discriminated against by his school:

“They weren’t following the advice of their educational psychologist […] I became a mother bear, or a lion […] that was not intentional, they [the school] pulled that out of me, it was the battle that pulled it out of me. I’m not going to sacrifice my child on the altar of expediency.” [Adama]

They also perceived the colour of their skin had made the battle greater as they battled racial tensions in addition to their child’s needs:

“I was 100% sure that we were not being given an audience because of the colour of our skin. And I would stand and say it anywhere. And I also sense that they [the school] believed we didn't have a voice. So anything that had to do with Tosin was usually just sidelined.” [Shola]

The dynamic between parents and professionals continues to be a barrier to effective partnership for Black African children with SEND. Professionals continue to hold the power in education (Armstrong, 1995), whether conscious or unconsciously. It is unlikely that professionals intend to be disempowering or non-facilitative in their interactions. Nonetheless, it is something that all participants in this study felt and is in line with existing literature from Akbar and Woods (2020), who also found that minority parents have negative experiences with professionals due to power imbalances. Lawrence (2014) hypothesised that the ‘diagnostic language’ and fear of cultural stereotyping may lead parents to feel like White professionals hold ideologies about their Black children. Whilst the participants admitted that they did not understand all the jargonistic language and processes associated with the SEND system, they were very aware of what partnership meant and could quite clearly articulate the essence of the term.

Power struggles occur when there is a difference between what the parent sees as the best option for their child and what the professional believes (Armstrong, 1995). The danger for professionals is not to view Black African parents as the ‘problem’ when they do not take their advice, which legitimised the participants’ feelings of disempowerment, or in their minds at least. Black African parents are likely to feel already disempowered through their position as a minority within British society due to their skin colour, accents and cultural beliefs that differ from the White British majority (Crozier, 2001; Okpokiri, 2021). The added complexity of having a child with SEND that they are still trying to understand multiplies this feeling of disempowerment for Black African parents, like Mary, making them feel inferior in decision-making conversations (Lawrence, 2014). The stigma of having a child with additional needs differs between Black Caribbean and Black African parents residing in England as research into African disability studies shows the stigma experience is consistent across both African parents residing in African countries and in the United Kingdom.

Over time, some parents like Adama and Shola will choose to regain power as they gain social capital through the number of interactions they have with professionals and the knowledge they gain through experience (Cleland and Lumsdon, 2021). Professionals should be prepared for appropriate challenge to negotiate the best outcome for children as arguably professionals are not able to make informed judgements about children’s needs and provision without parental expertise (Armstrong, 1995). However, a struggle will continue if professionals consider their advice to be superior to the parents. Masimba was able to find the best level of power-sharing, but he was very clear that he was only able to do this as a result of the knowledge he had gained through adverse experiences with his son’s professionals.

Racial tensions are not central to Black African parental experiences, but Shola’s experience highlights that race is a factor that all Black African families must navigate. It is therefore important for this research to also acknowledge how race impacts the experience of Black African families. Literature shows us that racism affects the education system in the UK (Arday and Mirza, 2018; Bhopal, 2018; Gillborn, 2015; Mahmud and Gagnon, 2020). Black African children perform well in English schools compared with other ethnicity types (Demie, 2013), but in the back of some of the parents’ minds like Shola, their experiences of race in society were not something that they could disaggregate from their interactions with anyone in a place of power, including those who are responsible for educating or assessing their children. Black parents have a role in resisting racism and ableism against their children with disabilities by challenging the concepts of parental involvement through questioning the school’s actions and expectations (Love et al., 2021). This may at times feel like a battle, but it is not ill-mannered. It is a consequence of unequal race and disability power relations in society that have remained consistent over many decades, and unless and until systematic change happens, will continue to be a barrier for the majority of disadvantaged and minoritised families and communities.

Conclusion

This study aimed to examine the experiences of Black African parents working in partnership with education professionals. Firstly, the communication barriers that exist for Black African families can make it difficult for them to feel like a partner in their child’s education. Secondly, their unique experience as Black African parents living in England brought up the cultural differences that impact on their interactions with education professionals. Lastly, the issues of power which affect the relationship between parents and professionals which undermine their confidence and sense of empowerment.

Implication for professional practice and future research

Practitioners working directly with Black African families should consider the communication barriers that Black African parents’ experience. Written information should be made available well in advance of any meeting where their involvement is required, and the use of jargon should be minimised where possible.

Professionals should recognise that in most interactions with Black African parents, they hold the power in discussions about support or services influencing the way parents interact with them. It is advisable to invest time in building trust with Black African parents by recognising and understanding the family background and cultural context of Black African pupils which helps their parents feel reassured that their child’s education is a priority. This is a prerequisite requirement if professionals are to maintain a good enough relationship with the family to sensitively reshape their views on disability and education, without pushing the parent before they are ready. Tailored training about culturally competent practice and communication could be developed to increase professional self-awareness, particularly when working in a highly diverse community.

For local authorities, information, advice and support services should consider the diversity of the population in which the service operates. Local authorities with a relatively significant proportion of Black African pupils should question how accessible their services are for minority families, including Black Africans.

From a wider policy perspective, the current SEND system in England places great emphasis on engaging with ‘gatekeeping’ professionals and assessments before services and support can be accessed. If this is going to continue to be the case, greater consideration should be given to children and families who are disproportionately disadvantaged by social factors.

All the participants in this research were from different African countries and cultural backgrounds. Future research focussing on specific African regions might further contribute to the experiences of families from across the diverse continent. In addition, none of the participants in this study had children with significant intellectual or physical disabilities. A comparative study of Black African parental experiences across different types of SEND or school types would be of importance. It would also be worthwhile to gather the views of professionals and young people to triangulate the findings and data.