Abstract
The Hallyu (Korean Wave) phenomenon reveals a distinctive migration trend driven predominantly by female and LGBTQ + fans. While scholars have framed this through “fan nationalism,” this perspective overlooks crucial elements: the gendered nature of the fandom and the central role of new media in facilitating both cultural engagement and migration decisions. This study explicitly examines how new media platforms—including streaming services, social media, and fan communities—enable fans worldwide to discover, consume, and engage with Korean content in ways fundamentally different from traditional broadcast media. Through grounded theory and semi-structured interviews with Hallyu fan migrants in South Korea, we reveal that new media creates transnational spaces where fans construct imagined homelands and form weak-tie networks that facilitate migration. Unlike traditional media consumption, new media allows for interactive, participatory engagement that shapes migration motivations. Rather than fan nationalism, we identify “gendered pop culture migration”—enabled and amplified by new media—as the core phenomenon, where women and sexual minorities seek empowerment and cultural freedom through migration to an imagined safe space.
Introduction
The relationship between foreign pop culture and migration is complex, involving both push and pull factors. Hallyu (the Korean Wave) serves as a significant pull factor, particularly for female K-pop and K-drama fans who are drawn to South Korea (Korea) for various reasons, including cultural affinity and personal aspirations. However, understanding this phenomenon requires explicit examination of how new media technologies have fundamentally transformed the landscape of cultural consumption and fan migration.
Unlike previous waves of cultural migration driven by traditional broadcast media, Hallyu migration is distinctively mediated through new media platforms (Jin, 2016; Ju, 2020). Where traditional media required geographical proximity or expensive international distribution channels, new media has democratized access to Korean content globally (Jin, 2023; Lee & Nornes, 2015). Streaming platforms like Netflix, Viki, and YouTube (Ju & Lee, 2015; Kang, 2024); social media platforms including Twitter/X, Instagram, and TikTok (Abidin & Lee, 2023; Ahn et al., 2013; Jin & Yoon, 2016); and fan community platforms (Booth, 2010; Jenkins, 2006) enable instantaneous, interactive engagement with Korean content regardless of geographic location. This represents a fundamental shift from the one-way, scheduled broadcast model of traditional television to an on-demand, participatory model that shapes how fans discover, consume, and engage with Hallyu content (Jenkins, 2006; Ju, 2020; Papacharissi, 2015).
The consequences of this new media environment are profound. First, new media enables the formation of transnational fan communities through weak ties that would be impossible in a traditional media landscape (Jenkins, 2006; Jin & Yoon, 2016). Fans in diverse countries can connect instantly, share content, create translations, and build collective identities around Korean pop culture (Booth, 2010; Lyan, 2019). Second, new media platforms provide interactive spaces where fans actively participate rather than passively consume—creating cover videos, writing fan fiction, engaging in real-time discussions during drama releases, and participating in global streaming parties (Jenkins, 2006; Jung, 2011; Papacharissi, 2015). Third, algorithmic recommendations and social sharing mechanisms expose potential fans to Korean content in ways that traditional broadcast scheduling never could (Ju, 2020; Kang, 2024). A teenager in Brazil discovers K-pop through a TikTok recommendation; a professional woman in France encounters K-dramas through Netflix's algorithm; a student in Morocco finds Korean variety shows through YouTube's suggested videos (Abidin & Lee, 2023; Jin, 2023). These discovery mechanisms, unique to new media, have enabled Hallyu's unprecedented global reach (Jin, 2016; Lee & Nornes, 2015).
While Hallyu has undoubtedly resonated with diasporic Koreans in regions such as China, Japan, Central Asia, and North America, the new media environment has expanded its audience far beyond ethnic connections. The migration of these individuals—sometimes referred to as “U-turning”—can be influenced by both Hallyu and a sense of diasporic nationalism, but the phenomenon encompasses a much broader audience enabled by digital connectivity. The recent surge in foreign migrants to South Korea (see Figure 1), coinciding with the Hallyu boom since the early 2000s and accelerating with the proliferation of streaming platforms and social media in the 2010s, suggests that this cultural movement, amplified through new media, has created a compelling narrative that attracts individuals from diverse backgrounds.
Foreign population in Korea (1988–2024; Stock Data).
To better conceptualize and explain the migration of female K-pop and K-drama fans to Korea, we must consider the intersections of cultural identity, empowerment, community, and crucially, the new media environment that facilitates these connections (Jin, 2016; Jung & Shim, 2014; Lee & Nornes, 2015). Female and LGBTQ + fans, in particular, are often motivated by a desire for safe spaces and opportunities for self-expression, which they find both in Korea's vibrant pop culture scene and in the online communities formed around it (Cho, 2011; Jung, 2011; Oh & Park, 2012). This influx has transformed Korea into a focal point for those seeking cultural connection and personal fulfillment, particularly among women and sexual minorities who are drawn by the promise of acceptance and empowerment within the pop culture landscape (Kim, 2018; Lyan, 2019)—a landscape they have already virtually inhabited through new media platforms before physical migration (Jin & Yoon, 2016; Ju, 2020; King-O’Riain, 2021).
Culturally motivated migration has long been driven by diverse beliefs and values, from those seeking religious freedom in the past to contemporary movements influenced by national liberation and imagined nationalism. Scholars highlight how diaspora communities engage with these concepts, particularly in the context of modern and postmodern history (see inter alia, Anand, 2000; Andersson, 2010; Callahan, 2003; Chan, 2005; Giri, 2005; Kaldor-Robinson, 2002; Lie, 2001; Mishra, 1996; Oh, 2012). For instance, Irish migrants in England and various African and Islamic immigrants in Europe and North America have often connected their struggles for identity and independence to the cultural tenets of national liberation. These groups fought for the independence of their imagined homelands—be it Ireland, regions in Africa, or the Middle East—while simultaneously creating literary and artistic works that articulated their nationalistic ideologies (Accad, 1992; Eagleton, 2016; Gershoni, 1997; McAlister, 1999).
Historical migration patterns help us understand contemporary movements to Korea. During the Cold War, national liberation struggles became ideological battles fought through “proxy wars,” forcing political refugees and migrants to flee from former colonies to their former imperial nations (Keely, 2001; Meissner, 1992; Weiner, 1996). In the post-Cold War era, a different pattern emerged. While economic and political factors remained important, identity-based movements gained new prominence—particularly in the former Eastern bloc and Islamic regions (Fukuyama, 2006; Kaldor-Robinson, 2002; Salih, 2004).
This historical context of imaginary homelands and diasporic nationalism (Lie, 2001, 2014; Seol, 2025; Seol & Skrentny, 2009) raises an important question: Is the current migration boom to Korea driven by what we might call “fan nationalism”? Under this framework, Hallyu fans worldwide treat Korea as an idealized homeland worthy of devotion—similar to cultural or religious pilgrimages. These fans, spanning Asia, Europe, North America, South America, and Africa, often embrace a comprehensive “K” ideology that encompasses K-pop, K-drama, K-food, K-beauty, and even K-quarantine practices during COVID-19 (Jin, 2021; Lyan, 2019; Mihelj & Jiménez-Martínez, 2021; Morimoto & Chin, 2017). For some fans, this cultural identification goes beyond appreciation—they actively aspire to become Korean themselves, whether symbolically through cultural adoption or literally through migration.
However, the decision to migrate is complex and fraught with challenges. Successfully relocating requires a solid plan, adequate financial resources, a robust social network in Korea, or highly sought-after qualifications. Without these, moving to Korea—often an unfamiliar environment—can pose significant risks, particularly for women, who constitute the majority of the Hallyu fandom. In this context, one might interpret fan nationalism as a form of fanaticism that contributes to the “Korea or bust” mentality among female Hallyu fans. This mindset drives them to pursue their dreams in Korea despite the uncertainties involved, revealing the powerful influence of cultural attachment and the longing for belonging that characterizes this modern migration phenomenon.
New media and the Hallyu experience: beyond traditional broadcasting
Before examining whether fan nationalism drives Hallyu migration, we must explicitly address how new media technologies have fundamentally reshaped the Hallyu experience and created conditions for this migration phenomenon. This section examines three critical dimensions: how fans discover and access Korean content through new media, how new media enables transnational fan communities, and how this differs from traditional media consumption patterns.
Discovery and access through streaming platforms
The pathways through which potential fans encounter Hallyu content have been revolutionized by new media platforms. In the era of traditional media, accessing Korean content required either residing in areas with Korean television broadcasts, purchasing expensive imported DVDs, or relying on fan-subtitled videos of questionable legality (Dwyer, 2012, 2017; Lee, 2011). Today, streaming platforms have democratized this access fundamentally (Jin & Yoon, 2016; Ju, 2020). Netflix's global expansion and investment in Korean content (Ju, 2020; Kim et al., 2023; Kuo, 2024), platforms like Viki and Rakuten offering professionally subtitled Korean dramas through crowdsourced fan translation (Dwyer, 2012, 2017; Messerli & Locher, 2023), and YouTube providing free access to music videos, variety shows, and fan-created content (Jin & Yoon, 2016; Song & Jang, 2013) have eliminated geographical barriers to content consumption. This shift has profound implications for migration motivations. Fans no longer need to migrate to Korea simply to access content—they can consume unlimited Korean media from anywhere (Jin & Yoon, 2016; Ju, 2020). Instead, new media consumption creates a different motivation: having virtually inhabited Korean culture through these platforms, fans desire to physically experience the culture they have already extensively engaged with online (Kim et al., 2009; Lyan & Levkowitz, 2015; Stewart, 2020). Migration is thus not to access content, but to translate virtual cultural participation into physical presence.
Algorithmic recommendations and viral spread
New media's algorithmic recommendation systems create discovery pathways impossible in traditional media. A viewer watching anime on Netflix may receive recommendations for Korean dramas; a TikTok user engaging with fashion content may encounter K-pop dance challenges; a YouTube viewer of one music video finds themselves in an algorithmically generated playlist of Korean content (Abidin & Lee, 2023; Jin, 2023; Kuo, 2024). These mechanisms exponentially expand Hallyu's reach beyond demographics traditionally targeted by Korean broadcast media (Jin & Yoon, 2016; Kim et al., 2023).
Traditional media required intentional seeking—tuning into specific channels, purchasing specific publications. New media enables serendipitous discovery that draws diverse audiences into Hallyu fandom (Jenkins, 2006; Papacharissi, 2015). This explains the unprecedented demographic diversity of Hallyu migrants: they come from countries with no historical connection to Korea, no Korean diaspora populations, and no traditional media exposure to Korean content (Cho, 2011; Jung, 2009). The algorithm, not geography or ethnicity, has become the primary vector of cultural transmission (Mihelj & Jiménez-Martínez, 2021; Möllers, 2021).
Transnational fan communities and weak ties
Perhaps most significantly, new media enables the formation of transnational fan communities that serve as crucial infrastructure for migration. Twitter/X hashtags connect fans globally around real-time events; Instagram allows fans to share and consume fan-created content; Discord servers and WhatsApp groups facilitate intimate communities; Reddit forums enable knowledge sharing about migration processes; and YouTube comment sections create spaces for collective identity formation (Baym & Burnett, 2009; Booth, 2010; Jin, 2016; Morimoto & Chin, 2017).
These weak-tie networks serve multiple functions in facilitating migration. First, they normalize the idea of migration to Korea by providing numerous models of successful fan migrants. Second, they offer practical information about study programs, visa processes, housing, and cultural adaptation. Third, they provide emotional support and validation for migration aspirations that families and local communities might not understand. Fourth, they create a sense that Korea is not entirely foreign—fans arrive having already formed friendships with other international fans online, reducing the isolation of migration (Ju & Lee, 2015; Jung, 2011; King-O’Riain, 2021; Lyan, 2019).
This represents a fundamental difference from traditional media-driven migration. Historical cultural migrations often relied on strong ties—family networks, ethnic communities, religious organizations. Hallyu migration operates through weak ties formed in digital spaces, demonstrating how new media technologies enable new forms of cultural migration previously impossible.
Participatory culture versus passive consumption
New media transforms fans from passive consumers into active participants in ways that shape migration motivations. Fans create cover dance videos posted to YouTube and TikTok; write and share fan fiction; create fan art shared on Twitter and Instagram; translate content for international audiences; organize streaming parties to support new releases; and participate in digital activism supporting their favorite artists (Abidin & Lee, 2023; Baym & Burnett, 2009; Booth, 2010; Dwyer, 2012; Song & Jang, 2013). This participatory culture creates deeper investment in Korean pop culture than traditional media consumption ever could (Jenkins, 2006; Jin, 2016).
Moreover, this participation often requires learning Korean language and culture, creating practical skills that facilitate migration. Fans studying Korean to understand lyrics without subtitles, learning cultural references to appreciate variety show humor, or understanding social hierarchies depicted in dramas are building cultural capital that makes migration more feasible (Ju, 2020; Ju & Lee, 2015; Kim et al., 2013; Oh & Kim, 2023). The interactive nature of new media thus directly supports the acquisition of migration-relevant knowledge and skills (Jenkins, 2004; Jin, 2023).
Constructing imaginary homelands in digital spaces
New media enables a unique form of imaginary homeland construction. Through following Korean influencers on Instagram, watching Korean YouTubers’ daily life videos, viewing street scenes in music videos and dramas, and participating in virtual tours of Korean locations, fans construct detailed mental maps of Korea before ever visiting. They develop parasocial relationships with not only celebrities but with the places, practices, and aesthetics of Korean life.
As we have explained so far, this digital construction of an imaginary homeland differs fundamentally from traditional media-driven imaginaries. Traditional media presented edited, curated representations of foreign cultures. New media, especially social media and user-generated content, provides more diverse, mundane, and seemingly authentic glimpses of daily life in Korea. This creates a sense of familiarity and belonging that motivates physical migration to realize the virtual homeland they have already inhabited.
Furthermore, new media allows for ongoing connection to both home and host cultures simultaneously, reducing migration risks. Fans can maintain connections to their original communities through social media while building Korean connections before migration, creating a transnational identity that makes migration psychologically and socially feasible.
For fan nationalism to effectively explain cultural migration, it requires accepting several contentious assumptions. Firstly, one would have to believe that the architects of Hallyu fan nationalism—primarily within the Korean government—specifically targeted women as passive recipients of this ideology through new media platforms. Secondly, there is an implicit assumption that all women worldwide share a universal susceptibility to Hallyu fan nationalism, irrespective of their diverse racial, ethnic, gender, sexual, class, or status identities—an assumption that ignores how different new media algorithms and platforms create differentiated pathways to Hallyu engagement. Finally, to align with the notion of fan nationalism, one would have to accept that the motivations expressed by female and LGBTQ + fans engaged through new media are essentially aligned with a broader Korean nationalism. This includes aspirations for Korea's complete political and economic independence from major powers like the US, China, and Japan, as well as ambitions for Korea's future global supremacy in various domains—political, economic, cultural, and military.
Upholding all three of these assumptions simultaneously is both theoretically and empirically problematic. Consequently, we must seek alternative explanations for the recent surge in Hallyu migration. Rather than viewing fan nationalism as a monolithic force driving all female and LGBTQ + fans, we should consider how individual motivations, cultural contexts, the dynamics of empowerment and identity, and critically, the new media environment, play crucial roles in shaping these migration experiences. This approach allows for a more nuanced understanding of why fans are drawn to Korea and the complex factors influencing their decisions to migrate.
We adopt a partially inductive approach by utilizing grounded theory (GT) methodology and its epistemological framework to explain this migration phenomenon. Rather than beginning with a preordained theory and testing it against fan migration data—whether quantitative or qualitative—we employ GT to derive theoretical propositions that can illuminate the complexities of this phenomenon. This approach allows us to engage with empirical data in a way that avoids imposing broad theoretical generalizations on our specific findings. Our analysis emphasizes that gender and the concept of gender empowerment, facilitated and amplified through new media engagement, are critical to understanding the motivations behind migration to Korea. Our research reveals that fan nationalism, often assumed to be a driving force in Hallyu fandom and migration, is largely absent. Instead, we identify “gendered pop culture migration”—enabled by new media technologies—as the core category that encapsulates this unique phenomenon.
This paper outlines the theoretical framework, presents detailed GT analysis and findings derived from in-depth interview data, and culminates in final theoretical propositions. By focusing on gender dynamics within the context of pop culture migration mediated through new media, we aim to provide a more nuanced understanding of the motivations behind the recent influx of fans to Korea, highlighting the intersection of cultural identity, gender empowerment, and digital connectivity as pivotal factors in this migration landscape.
Female Hallyu fans: a new category in migration studies
To set the theoretical foundation for understanding Hallyu-related migration to Korea, we first need to define what Hallyu fandom entails in terms of gender and discuss its importance in contemporary migration studies, both within Korean and global contexts. Briefly, Hallyu exhibits the following characteristics: (1) K-pop and K-drama are its two most successful genres, both heavily distributed through new media platforms; (2) these genres share a significant fan base despite their differences, with many K-pop artists also crossing over as actors in K-dramas; (3) Hallyu is a global phenomenon, ranking among the most popular cultural exports worldwide, with its reach exponentially expanded through streaming platforms and social media; (4) while multiple factors contribute to its success, one of Hallyu's most distinct features may be its alternative stance to male-dominated narratives prevalent in many societies (Oh et al., 2023a; Oh et al., 2023b); and (5) crucially, Hallyu's fanbase is predominantly female, spanning all ages and diverse racial, ethnic, national, and economic backgrounds (see Table 1), connected through new media networks rather than traditional fan club structures.
Hallyu Fandom Census (Estimates, 2022).
Source: ARMY Homepage: https://www.btsarmycensus.com (2023); Korea Tourism Organization (2019).
Beyond a predominantly female fanbase, Hallyu fandom includes a visible LGBTQ + presence and distinguishes itself from typical pop culture consumption through active engagement in fan-driven activities mediated primarily through new media platforms. Many Hallyu fans dedicate themselves to learning the Korean language through apps like TOPIK Guide and Duolingo, accessing Korean teachers through online platforms, travelling to Korea on Hallyu-themed tours organized through social media groups, and participating in fan activities in their home countries facilitated by digital networks. These activities include joining online fan clubs, organizing virtual and physical fan meetings, creating cover dance videos posted to YouTube and TikTok, offering free translations for K-dramas shared through platforms like Viki, and frequenting Korean shops and restaurants in Koreatowns discovered through Google Maps and Instagram (Hu, 2010; Kim, 2018; Kim et al., 2009; Kim et al., 2013; King-O’Riain, 2021; Lyan & Levkowitz, 2015; Oh, 2011). By 2023, the global membership of Hallyu fan clubs reached 224 million, with China and the United States leading in numbers, connected predominantly through social media platforms like Weibo, Twitter/X, and Facebook. These new media-enabled fan activities have fostered both local and global fan communities—whether physical or virtual—and have contributed to a shared culture among fans. Notably, Hallyu fans continue to uphold and engage in an alternative narrative of “female universalism,” which promotes solidarity and empowerment among women through a radical empathy for femininity and humanism, countering male-dominated narratives in their own societies (Oh et al., 2023a; Oh et al., 2023b; Oh & Kim, 2023).
Fan tourism, or “Hallyu pilgrimage,” has played a significant role in fostering both physical and virtual bonds among female Hallyu fans globally, rooted in what is often described as female universalism. Critically, new media platforms have transformed how these pilgrimages are organized, experienced, and shared. This phenomenon traces back to the early 2000s, when Japanese middle-aged women began travelling to Korea in the wake of the “Yon-sama” craze (Jung, 2009; Oh, 2011). However, even in this early period, online fan forums and websites played crucial roles in organizing tours and sharing information. Intended initially as short visits to TV drama filming locations, these tours quickly evolved into immersive learning experiences that introduced fans to Korean culture, language, and history. Such engagement helped mitigate historical tensions between Japan and Korea, fostering cross-cultural understanding (Oh, 2009).
What distinguishes contemporary Hallyu tourism from this early wave is the central role of new media in every phase of the experience. Fans use Instagram and Pinterest to research locations, Google Maps to plan itineraries, Twitter/X to coordinate with other fans, and YouTube to preview experiences. During visits, they share real-time updates through Instagram Stories and TikTok videos, creating content that inspires others to make similar pilgrimages. Post-visit, fans share comprehensive travel guides through blogs, YouTube videos, and social media posts, creating a crowdsourced infrastructure of pilgrimage knowledge that reduces barriers for future visitors. For many Japanese fans, these initial visits—coordinated and documented through new media—highlighted the desire for deeper connections, prompting them to organize frequent group tours through social media or even pursue extended stays through study-abroad programs at major Korean universities.
Following the initial wave of Japanese middle-aged women, Hallyu tourism attracted a younger generation of Asian women, beginning with those from China and Singapore, and later expanding to include young women from Southeast Asia, particularly Thailand, Indonesia, the Philippines, and Vietnam (Kim et al., 2013). This expansion coincided with the proliferation of smartphones and social media, which enabled younger, more digitally native fans to access Korean content and organize travel more easily than previous generations. Korean universities, responding to this demand and actively promoting through YouTube channels, Instagram accounts, and partnerships with educational platforms, offered an array of Korean language programs, summer courses, exchange programs, and degree programs that became increasingly popular with international students from Asia, as well as North and South America and Europe (Stewart, 2020). These students were predominantly female Hallyu fans seeking a deeper cultural immersion, having already virtually experienced Korean culture through years of new media engagement (see Table 2).
Gender Composition Among Foreign Students in Korea (2020).
Source: Ministry of Justice (2020), Yearbook of Korean Immigration Statistics 2019.
Note. The figures are as of Jan. 1, 2020.
The rise in Hallyu pilgrimage tours and study-abroad programs in Korea has paralleled an increasing trend in marriages between migrant women and Korean men (see Table 3). New media platforms have created new pathways for these connections, with couples meeting through language exchange apps, online fan communities, and social media platforms—a phenomenon impossible in the traditional media era. Notably, data from the Hallyu boom period (2010–2024) reveals a significant rise in marriages involving Japanese, American, and Thai women who met their Korean spouses while living in Korea, adding to the more established pattern of marriage migration from countries like China, Vietnam, and the Philippines. Interestingly, the periodic surges in foreign brides from non-traditional countries in 2010 and 2024 suggest that women from Europe, Australasia, and South America have also tripled in numbers over the years. Compared to traditional marriage migrants from neighboring countries, women from North America, Europe, South America, and Thailand represent a more recent arrival. This pattern reflects the gradual impact of the Hallyu ripple effect on distant and economically advanced regions, enabled by new media's ability to transcend geographical boundaries, indicating that Hallyu's influence endures over extended periods and expands in broad waves.
Number of Female Marriage Migrants in Korea (2010–2024).
Source: Ministry of Justice, Yearbook of Korean Immigration Statistics (each year).
Note. The figures are as of Jan. 1 each year.
Hallyu migration to South Korea: theoretical significance
When employing GT, it is essential to exercise caution with existing theories on the research topic, as GT is an inductive methodology designed to generate new theories through iterative analysis. However, some GT scholars, notably within constructivist GT (Charmaz, 2006), have recognized the value of consulting prior theoretical studies to avoid entering fieldwork without sufficient guidance. Additionally, assessing the topic's theoretical background before undertaking inductive inquiry with qualitative data is important. In this paper, we conduct theoretical reviews to affirm the relevance of our research questions and to guide the construction of semi-structured interview questions, as well as to support the theoretical coding process.
Debates around diasporic and imagined nationalism as potential threats to national security form a critical foundation for examining fan nationalism in the context of migration. Deleuze (1986), for instance, suggested that it would be rare to find non-political literature by minority migrant writers, noting that such literature often engages with the political underpinnings of migration and identity (Deleuze & Guattari, 2009; Deleuze et al., 1983). This perspective aligns with the notion that much Islamic and postcolonial literature in Europe and North America is imbued with political themes tied to national liberation (Eagleton, 2016). Consequently, migrant writers and artists can be perceived as security risks if their liberation ideologies inspire political activism or, in extreme cases, terrorism (Kastoryano, 2007).
Building on these early discussions of minority literature and nationalism is the contemporary phenomenon of cyber nationalism, particularly within fan communities (Jin, 2021; Lyan, 2019; Mihelj & Jiménez-Martínez, 2021; Morimoto & Chin, 2017; White, 2015). The rise of new media has transformed how nationalist sentiments can be expressed and mobilized, with social media platforms enabling rapid organization and expression of collective identities. Like minority literature, cyber fan nationalism is often viewed as a destabilizing force challenging traditional cultural and political structures. However, Jin (2021) applies this concept cautiously in the context of Hallyu fans, noting that new media-enabled fan nationalism may operate differently than traditional nationalist movements. Other scholars have argued that cyber nationalism can catalyze terrorism in the name of national liberation and may even contribute to new geopolitical tensions, such as a “new Cold War” between the US and China (Möllers, 2021; Wu, 2007).
Some previous studies have suggested that in contexts like Japan, minority literature and migrant communities show significantly less inclination toward political activism compared to their Islamic counterparts. This raises the possibility of a counterargument: it may not be minority or migrant status alone that drives political engagement, but rather the specific political contexts related to Islam within the global political economy (Lie, 2014; Oh, 2012). Similarly, fan nationalism—particularly among Hallyu fans in cyberspace—is seen as less threatening to mainstream society than other subcultures (Hwang, 2019; Jin, 2021). Werbner (2004, 2013) further suggests that postcolonial pop culture often has a moderating effect on nationalist sentiments. For many postcolonial migrants, performing and participating in this culture in developed countries becomes an economic strategy for adaptation and survival, rather than a challenge to the host country's mainstream identity.
Building on this theoretical foundation, this study raises a key question about the role of pop culture—and specifically, new media-enabled pop culture engagement—in influencing migration decisions to less traditional destinations, such as Korea. Our aim, along with others in this issue, is to explore how pop culture, amplified and distributed through new media platforms, serves as a motivating force in migration. Previous research has shown that pop culture can drive re-migration among second-generation migrants seeking a third-country experience (Yeh, 2014). Meanwhile, the phenomenon of “white cosmopolitanism”—the consumption of exotic pop culture that reinforces orientalist views to satisfy cultural diversity among white audiences—has actively contributed to the importation of migrant workers from developing nations as pop culture performers (see other contributions to this special issue). Central to analyzing the relationship between pop culture and migration is the concept of “imaginary homelands,” constructed by fans who aspire to realize their dreams by visiting—and ultimately relocating to—a new destination (Jenkins, 2004; see other contributions to this special issue). We extend these discussions by focusing specifically on the intersections of gender, new media engagement, and migration, as previously explored by Hwang (2019).
Grounded theory method
To reiterate, this paper aims to refine our theoretical framework by moving away from less relevant concepts, such as “fan nationalism,” and instead introducing a new core concept: “gendered pop culture migration enabled by new media.” We employ the GT methodology as outlined by Glaser and Strauss (1967). Specifically, we utilize directed content analysis, also known as constructive GT, which starts the research process from existing theories rather than purely from fieldwork. This approach allows us to develop codes defined before and during the fieldwork and data analysis phases (Charmaz, 2006; Makri & Neely, 2021).
According to Charmaz (2006), constructive GT offers numerous advantages, including the ability to acknowledge multiple realities, as opposed to assuming a single external reality. It emphasizes the construction of data rather than merely its discovery, enabling researchers to develop categories that arise from theoretical frameworks rather than being strictly derived from the data itself. This method encourages the integration of participants’ perspectives and voices into the analysis, as opposed to prioritizing the researchers’ viewpoints. Additionally, it aims for interpretive understanding rather than simplistic, parsimonious explanations, among other benefits. Through this approach, we seek to provide a more nuanced understanding of the interplay between gender, pop culture, new media engagement, and migration.
In this study, we employed the theoretical sampling method to select our interviewees, focusing on lower- and upper-middle-class female migrants enrolled in undergraduate and postgraduate programs at prestigious institutions in Korea (see Glaser, 2004; Qureshi & Ünlü, 2020). This targeted approach was intended to avoid irrelevant categories that could detract from our analysis, such as “brainwashed” fans influenced by the Korean government, under-educated fans with negative connotations, self-indulgent fans, those perceived as addicted to pop culture, or fans with mental health issues. Additionally, this sampling strategy enabled us to incorporate the constant comparative method, which entails comparing incidents to identify underlying patterns and varying conditions. By analyzing cases from 13 different countries, each with its distinct cultural, social, political, and economic contexts—and critically, different new media environments and digital literacy levels—we ensured that our research met the requirements of constant comparison (see Table 4).
The Demography of Participants.
In constructing our semi-structured interview questions (see Table 5), we utilized the concept of theoretical coding, which facilitates the application of advanced abstractions to enhance the explanatory power of GT (Birks & Mills, 2015, p. 181). By focusing on these advanced abstractions, we can refine our framework by discarding concepts derived from competing theories. For instance, categories such as “nationalism,” which encompasses diaspora and cyber nationalism, as well as “conventional migration,” which is often explained by economic, political, ideological, and social factors, can be set aside through the process of theoretical coding.
Semi-Structured Interview Questions.
Conversely, this method allows us to further refine and advance other categories, such as “fan diaspora,” “gender divide in pop culture,” “new media-enabled transnational communities,” and ultimately our core concept, “gendered pop culture migration.” Grounded in this understanding of theoretical coding, our interview questions are designed to explore each of these categories and concepts derived from competing theories. Importantly, we incorporated questions about how participants discovered Korean content, which new media platforms they used, how they connected with other fans online, and how these digital experiences influenced their migration decisions.
In-depth interviews were conducted either face-to-face or via video conferencing from July to October 2023. All sessions were recorded on video, allowing for detailed review and analysis. During the interviews, researchers meticulously coded each concept expressed by the interviewees on a coding sheet. While most concepts were coded directly based on the participants’ statements, some were rephrased into more familiar terminology to enhance clarity and understanding. The findings from the GT analysis are presented in the following section, which includes two key tables: the Conditional Relationship Guide (CRG) and the Reflective Coding Matrix (RCM). These tables provide a structured overview of the relationships and categories identified during the analysis, facilitating a comprehensive understanding of the data and its implications for our core concepts.
Conditional relationship guide
Our interviews with the 20 participants provided sufficient ethnographic data to achieve theoretical saturation. This indicates that the theoretical categories we selected for this study, grounded in existing theoretical debates and extended to include new media dimensions, have been thoroughly explored, and additional data collection would not yield new insights into the properties of these categories. This outcome confirms that our theoretical sampling successfully fulfilled its initial objectives (Charmaz, 2006). With the results from the interviews in hand, we proceeded to engage in the theoretical coding process to identify the core concept addressing our research question: Why do Hallyu fans migrate to Korea against all odds, and how does new media facilitate this migration? This inquiry will help us uncover the underlying motivations and dynamics driving this unique form of migration, allowing for a deeper understanding of the intersection between fandom, culture, digital connectivity, and mobility.
In summary, GT analysis emphasizes the foundational process of building relationships among the concepts gathered from participant interviews. A CRG serves as a table that systematically links these relevant concepts based on three key features: “conditions,” “actions-interactions,” and “consequences or outcomes” (Corbin & Strauss, 2015). This framework allows us to logically connect previously unassociated concepts, providing a clearer understanding of how they interact and influence each other. The CRG we developed illustrates these connections through questions such as: What is [fan nationalism, female Hallyu migration]? When does it occur? Where does it occur? Why does it occur? How does it occur? With what consequence?
Each category in our CRG Table (see Table 6) was derived from our constructive GT method, which allowed for a thorough exploration of the relevant literature on the topic. The categories included in the CRG encompass concepts such as Family Relationship, Sexism, Overcoming sexism, Final fantasy of fandom, Imagined homelands, Androgynous male idols, Beautiful girl bands, Fandom culture (both online and offline), Home (strong ties), Homeland, Racists, Sexists, Nationalists, Sasaeng, and the process that justifies migration through educational achievement. Critically, new media platforms emerged as a connecting thread through many of these categories, facilitating the discovery of content, formation of fan communities, construction of imagined homelands, and ultimately supporting the migration process.
Conditional Relationship Guide.
Reflective coding matrix
Using the insights and reasoning shared by our interviewees, we populated the dimensions and factors that link the identified processes to their respective outcomes. This method not only sheds light on the intricacies of Hallyu migration but also underscores the connections between gender dynamics, fandom culture facilitated through new media, and the personal aspirations of the participants. By clarifying these relationships, the RCM serves as a pivotal tool in identifying the central phenomenon of our research, enabling us to address our primary question: what motivates Hallyu fans to migrate to Korea, and how does new media enable and shape this migration? Through this comprehensive analysis, we can better understand the multifaceted motivations that drive these individuals to pursue their dreams within the context of Hallyu culture.
By initially focusing on the more straightforward connections in our data—what we refer to as “picking the low-hanging grapes”—we were able to distill the core concept of our research. Upon analyzing the interview data alongside the CRG and RCM, we identified a consensus among the fan interviewees regarding their motivations for migrating to Korea despite their varied backgrounds, nationalities, and ethnic identities. These motivations can be summarized in five key characteristics:
Awareness of Gender Identity: The participants were conscious of their gender identity, identifying as either women or LGBTQ + individuals. Desire to Migrate: All participants clearly and strongly desired to migrate to Korea. Levels of Fandom: The interviewees were either dedicated or casual fans of Hallyu pop culture, with their engagement mediated primarily through new media platforms. Distancing from Negative Influences: Many expressed a desire to distance themselves from their natural homelands, families, and experiences with racism, sexism, or nationalism. Sense of Fulfillment: Participants reported feeling fulfilled through their educational pursuits in Korea and aspiring to a successful career in the country.
These five characteristics collectively point to a singular concept: “gendered pop culture migration enabled by new media.” This core concept encapsulates the unique interplay of gender identity, fandom culture facilitated through digital platforms, and migration aspirations among Hallyu fans (see Table 7).
Reflective Coding Matrix.
Our findings strongly indicate that fan nationalism in the context of Hallyu migration is distinct from other forms of migratory or diasporic nationalism commonly discussed in national liberation literature or related to current Islamic terrorism. Specifically, fan nationalism does not appear to play a significant role in either Hallyu fandom or the migratory patterns observed among Hallyu fans. Instead, new media platforms facilitate a different form of transnational connection—one based on shared cultural interests and gender empowerment rather than nationalist ideology.
Moreover, the primary agents driving the Hallyu migration movement—characterized by the phrase “Korea or bust”—are predominantly female Hallyu fans. These individuals often find themselves as victims of sexism, facing the glass ceiling and various other forms of gender discrimination, whether overt or subtle, in their home societies. Even those who have not directly encountered sexism express concerns about the potential for sexual harassment in future job situations, indicating a pervasive awareness of gender-related challenges. Through new media platforms, these women discover and engage with Korean content that presents alternative narratives of gender relations, creating aspirations for migration to a society they perceive as offering greater gender equality and safety.
In this context, the concept of “Hallyu migration” calls for renewed attention from migration scholars. It offers an alternative perspective on cultural migration that diverges from the hostile nationalist diasporas typically discussed. Instead, it reflects a desire for empowerment among female fans, distancing themselves from both the constraints of “white” cosmopolitanism—an approach that often reinforces Orientalist narratives—and the pressures of imperialist cultural domination by seeking opportunities in core countries within the global system. Critically, this migration is enabled by new media technologies that allow fans to virtually experience Korean culture before migration, form supportive transnational communities, and access practical information about migration processes. This new understanding underscores the complexities of Hallyu migration as a unique phenomenon shaped by gender dynamics, personal aspirations within the framework of pop culture, and digital connectivity.
Gendered pop culture migration: an interpretive model
A GT analysis seeks to develop theoretical interpretations of observed phenomena. Our research aimed to provide a novel understanding of pop culture-motivated migration, specifically focusing on Hallyu migration mediated through new media. We believed this small project was significant because it would bridge a theoretical gap, connecting the often-disparate fields of migration, pop culture studies, and new media studies. We hypothesized that these three domains are closely intertwined, with new media serving as the critical infrastructure enabling both migration motivations and the subsequent development of migrant pop culture within host societies.
Historical examples, such as the 17th-century Puritan diaspora, pilgrimages to the Middle East, and the transatlantic movement of European pop artists to the US, illustrate the long-standing connection between culture and migration (Breen & Foster, 1973; Starr & Waterman, 2007; Wilkinson & Hill, 2017). However, these historical migrations operated through fundamentally different media environments. Where historical cultural migrations relied on letters, printed materials, and face-to-face community networks, Hallyu migration operates through instantaneous digital connectivity, algorithmic content distribution, and virtual community formation.
Furthermore, the emergence of ethnic restaurants, minority television broadcasting stations, pop culture performances, and countless other culturally conscious activities undertaken by migrants in societies across Europe, North America, and the rest of the world suggests the enduring cultural dynamism associated with human diaspora (Foner, 2024; Yilmaz, 2016). However, unlike postcolonial pop culture genres such as reggae, hip hop, or Bollywood—which spread primarily through traditional media channels and ethnic community networks—the recent rise of Hallyu from Korea has sparked a significant global migration trend facilitated primarily through new media platforms. This phenomenon has drawn not only ethnic Korean U-turners but also non-Korean fans of Korean pop culture who have been drawn to Korea since the early 2000s, with migration accelerating dramatically in the 2010s coinciding with the proliferation of streaming platforms and social media. As documented throughout this paper, a majority of Hallyu fan migrants to Korea are women who discovered and engaged with Korean content primarily through new media rather than traditional broadcasting. Despite its cultural significance and its demonstration of how new media technologies enable new forms of cultural migration, this Korean-originated phenomenon has been largely overlooked by scholars in cultural, migration, and new media studies.
By focusing on the concepts of femininity and gender empowerment within Hallyu fandom and migration, all mediated through new media engagement, we identified several theoretical tendencies among the study participants. These tendencies reveal how new media has fundamentally transformed the relationship between pop culture consumption and migration decisions, creating new pathways for cultural migration that operate independently of traditional ethnic, economic, or political motivations.
As Figure 2 demonstrates, the motivation for gender empowerment is closely intertwined with the motivation for migration, with new media serving as the enabling infrastructure for both. Scholars have rarely explored this theoretical combination, and even less frequently have they examined the role of new media in facilitating this interrelationship. Most existing research has focused on how women are often excluded from male-dominated migration decisions, examining questions of why, where, when, and how (Jones-Correa, 1998). In the context of Hallyu migration, this novel combination of motives—gender empowerment and migration—enabled through new media technologies is crucial for understanding the underlying dynamics. It helps address key questions such as “Why are women the majority of Hallyu fandom?” (answer: new media platforms provide spaces for alternative gender narratives and female-centered communities), “Why are women the majority of migrants to Korea as students, marital partners, or job seekers?” (answer: new media enables construction of Korea as an imagined safe homeland), and “How does new media facilitate this migration?” (answer: through content discovery, community formation, and practical information sharing).
A conceptual model of gendered pop culture migration.
We can conceptualize four possible combinations:
Pop Culture (Hallyu) Migration with Strong Motives for Migration and Gender Empowerment: This category encompasses individuals who migrate to Korea primarily due to Hallyu, seeking both cultural immersion and personal empowerment, enabled by extensive new media engagement. Traditional Migration with Strong Motives for Migration and Weak Motives for Gender Empowerment: This category includes individuals who migrate for traditional reasons like economic opportunities or family reunification, where gender empowerment and new media engagement may not be primary factors. Conventional Feminism with Weak Motives for Migration and Strong Motives for Gender Empowerment: This category includes individuals who prioritize gender empowerment through engagement with feminist content online but may not necessarily migrate due to cultural factors. Ethno-Gender Centrism with Weak Motives for Migration and Gender Empowerment: This category encompasses individuals who may have limited interest in both migration and gender empowerment, and limited engagement with transnational new media content.
By examining these four categories, we can gain a more nuanced understanding of the complex motivations driving Hallyu migration and the specific role new media plays in facilitating the first category—true gendered pop culture migration.
These are ideal-typical outcomes of the two-by-two combinations of motives, each highlighting representative characteristics of its cultural-migratory outcome. For instance, while Hallyu migration is conceptualized as an ideal-typical combination of strong motives for migration and gender empowerment, it can exhibit varying degrees of strength and weakness and diverse perceptions of gender empowerment and migration. In our sample, most participants defined gender empowerment as “educational” and “cultural” achievement, perceiving Korea as an ideal place to attain such empowerment. They viewed Korea as the “safest” place for women, where they could pursue their dreams without feeling vulnerable—a perception largely formed through their extensive engagement with Korean content and online fan communities via new media platforms. In this context, new media-enabled cultural engagement serves as the pathway to both gender empowerment and migration, rather than vice versa.
Furthermore, these four outcomes are not static but dynamic concepts that allow for intentional or unintentional movement between cells, often triggered by changes in new media engagement patterns. A woman may transition from an “ethno-gender centrist” position to a “traditional migrator” or “traditional feminist” one. Similarly, both traditional migrators and feminists can potentially evolve into Hallyu migrators through exposure to Korean content via new media algorithms, although this is not a guaranteed outcome. As noted earlier, other factors, such as gendered melancholia, can influence this process (Oh & Kim, 2023). Additionally, it is possible to regress from the Hallyu migration cell to the ethno-gender neutralism cell. For example, an Islamic female Hallyu fan who earnestly desired to migrate to Korea to fulfill her dreams, having built extensive connections through online fan communities, might lose all motivation if forced into an arranged marriage and prohibited from engaging in any Hallyu activities or accessing new media platforms. We propose that this dynamic process of cultural transformation, mediated through new media engagement, constitutes a semi-constant phenomenon within Hallyu migration among female and LGBTQ + Hallyu fans worldwide.
Based on the two-by-two table above, these implications can be further developed into testable hypotheses that can be explored through both quantitative and qualitative research. Future research should particularly examine: (1) how different new media platforms (streaming services, social media, fan forums) differentially affect migration motivations, (2) how changes in platform algorithms or content availability impact migration patterns, (3) how new media literacy and digital access shape who can and cannot become part of these migration flows, and (4) how new media-enabled transnational communities provide ongoing support for migrants after arrival. Such ambitious undertakings exceed the scope of this paper, but future research can undoubtedly leverage our conceptual framework to generalize pop culture migration, Hallyu migration, or any similar migratory phenomenon in the digital age. Having presented the interpretations of our GT analysis results, we conclude with the following final thoughts.
Conclusion
The global Hallyu boom, which began in the early 2000s and accelerated dramatically with the proliferation of streaming platforms and social media in the 2010s, continues to grow, and its fan base is expanding more than ever. While many scholars have attempted to explain this phenomenon, they have often overlooked crucial aspects of this postcolonial pop culture: the prominent role of women, not only among fans but also among creators and performers, and critically, the central role of new media technologies in enabling, shaping, and amplifying this phenomenon. These female fans, creators, and performers are driving another significant trend associated with Hallyu consumption: the conspicuous phenomenon of fan migration, encompassing pilgrimage tours, extended stays, study abroad visits, marriage, work migration, and more—all facilitated and organized primarily through new media platforms.
Since the emergence of modernism in Europe, the concept of minority literature has been employed to explain the success of Irish, Jewish, and, more recently, Islamic literature. For many scholars, the phenomenon of minority literature in Europe and North America reflects political struggles associated with radical ideologies of national liberation, socialism, and other revolutionary movements. Drawing on these literary and political studies, a few scholars in pop culture studies have labelled Hallyu fans as “fan nationalists,” implying that they are indoctrinated by Hallyu content, which is perceived as politically charged, similar to many postcolonial pop cultures. Consequently, Korean migrants to Europe and North America have been categorized as an Asian version of Irish or Islamic independence fighters. Conversely, sympathetic Hallyu fans who migrate to Korea have been viewed as fanatical followers of Korean nationalism. However, this perspective fails to account for how new media has fundamentally transformed the nature of cultural consumption and fan identity formation, creating forms of engagement and community that operate independently of traditional nationalist frameworks.
Amid the absence of systematic and empirical studies on fan nationalism among Hallyu migrants, and the lack of research on how new media shapes this migration, we opted to reconstruct their ideological and personal attitudes toward Hallyu, nationalism, fan nationalism, new media engagement, and their migration motivations to Korea through a GT approach. Contrary to the prevailing belief among scholars who associate fan nationalism with Hallyu migration, we propose an alternative interpretation that grounds the phenomenon in the concept of female empowerment within the pop culture movement, critically enabled and amplified by new media technologies. This perspective suggests that female and LGBTQ + fans construct an imaginary homeland through years of new media engagement—consuming content, participating in online communities, and forming transnational weak-tie networks—creating a vision of Korea as a safe haven to pursue their lifelong dreams.
Our semi-structured, in-depth interviews with several Hallyu fan migrants pursuing degrees in South Korea revealed that fan nationalism, as a form of hostile fan behavior toward regional security or pop culture (e.g., extreme right-wing fan movements that disrupt pure pop culture), was absent among our interviewees. Instead, these fans migrated to South Korea initially for academic purposes and subsequently for settlement, driven by their aspirations to become successful career women who are culturally sensitive and creatively inclined. Critically, all participants emphasized the central role of new media in their journey: discovering Korean content through streaming platforms and YouTube, connecting with other fans through social media, accessing practical information about studying in Korea through online communities, and maintaining transnational connections through digital platforms. This dream is rooted in their strong desire to overcome sexism in their home countries and realize their Hallyu dreams in Korea or elsewhere—a desire nurtured and facilitated through years of new media engagement. This tendency echoes the motivations of countless past migrants who sought cultural freedom and personal achievement in Europe and North America, particularly among racial, ethnic, or gender minorities, but with the crucial difference that new media technologies have enabled this migration to operate independently of traditional ethnic networks or geographical proximity.
The significance of new media in this phenomenon cannot be overstated. Where traditional broadcast media created one-way, geographically limited cultural flows, new media enables bidirectional, globally accessible cultural engagement. Fans do not passively consume Korean content; they actively participate in creating, translating, sharing, and discussing it through new media platforms. They do not encounter Korean culture through random exposure; algorithmic recommendations and social sharing mechanisms strategically introduce them to content. They do not migrate into an unknown environment; years of new media engagement have allowed them to virtually inhabit Korea before physical relocation. They do not arrive isolated; online communities provide both practical support and emotional connection throughout the migration process. This represents a fundamentally new form of cultural migration, enabled by technologies that did not exist in previous waves of cultural diaspora.
Although our GT method limits the generalizability of our findings, the research results presented in this paper provide a theoretical foundation for exploring concrete data to further understand, interpret, and draw implications. The explicit focus on new media's role in Hallyu migration offers new directions for migration studies, pop culture studies, and new media studies. Therefore, future research with a larger sample size, quantitative analysis of social media data, and comparative studies of other new media-enabled cultural migrations is warranted to derive more generalizable hypotheses and to understand how new media technologies are fundamentally reshaping the relationship between cultural consumption and human migration in the 21st century. While this study establishes how Hallyu fandom shapes gendered migration aspirations, future research tracking how these pre-migration imaginations of Korea evolve through post-migration lived experiences would yield deeper theoretical representations and material realities.
Footnotes
Ethical Statement
This research was conducted in accordance with established ethical principles for social science research involving human subjects. The research design and procedures were developed following international ethical guidelines for qualitative research, including principles outlined in the Declaration of Helsinki and standard protocols for interview-based studies. Prior to data collection, all participants were provided with comprehensive information about the research purpose, interview procedures, data usage, and their rights as participants. Written informed consent was obtained from each interviewee through digital consent forms, with participants explicitly acknowledging their voluntary participation, understanding of the research purpose, and right to withdraw at any time without consequence. Participant confidentiality has been protected through pseudonymization of all identifying information in this manuscript, and interview recordings and transcripts are stored securely in password-protected files accessible only to the principal investigator. The ethical implementation of this research prioritized participant autonomy, informed decision-making, and data protection throughout all stages of the study.
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.