Cultural diplomacy from below: Cabo Verdean diaspora agency and international cultural relations in the United Kingdom

Abstract

Diaspora communities are increasingly recognised as active agents in international cultural relations. Drawing on qualitative research with the Cabo Verdean diaspora in the United Kingdom, this article explores how diasporic associations perform as cultural ambassadors and potential partners in Cabo Verde's cultural diplomacy. Through participant observation, interviews, and analysis of digital and community activities, the study shows how cultural identity and transnational networks enable diasporas from Small Island Developing States (SIDS) to operate as non-state actors, mediating between host and home societies. While the diaspora expresses strong affective and symbolic links to Cabo Verde, limited institutional support constrains its contribution to official diplomacy. The article situates this dynamic within Global South and SIDS perspectives on cultural diplomacy, highlighting the challenges small states face in leveraging cultural capital in asymmetric international systems. It argues that inclusive, network-based approaches could transform deterritorialised communities into key instruments of soft power and sustainable cultural development.

Introduction

For Cabo Verdeans abroad, preserving and performing culture are not merely traditions but acts of belonging that bridge generations across distance. As culture and identity remain closely connected, diaspora communities actively transmit tangible and intangible heritage to younger generations. These practices have become increasingly significant as diasporas gain visibility as influential non-state actors who shape perceptions, build connections and engage in forms of international cultural relations within host societies. Through community events, artistic production and everyday cultural expression, diasporas open new avenues for advancing the cultural diplomacy objectives of their homelands.

This article examines how the Cabo Verdean diaspora in the United Kingdom performs a dual role: it sustains cultural identity within a deterritorialised community and simultaneously projects the image of the homeland abroad. Using the lens of cultural diplomacy and public diplomacy, the article contributes to discussions on the expanding boundaries of diplomatic practice and the integration of non-state actors into cultural diplomacy frameworks, as suggested in recent scholarship on relational and networked diplomacy (Figueira, 2020; Zaharna et al., 2014). Cabo Verde offers an important case for this discussion. As a Small Island Developing State with limited institutional and material resources but extensive transnational networks, it illustrates both the opportunities and vulnerabilities that shape cultural diplomacy in Global South contexts.

Drawing on qualitative data that includes participant observation at cultural events and online forums between 2020 and 2025, interviews with association leaders such as Lopes, president of Cultura Cabo Verde UK, and Semedo, president of the Cape Verdean Association UK, as well as documentary and digital sources, this study asks:

How does the Cabo Verdean diaspora in the United Kingdom act as a cultural ambassador, and what does this reveal about the opportunities and constraints faced by Small Island Developing States (SIDS) in the field of cultural diplomacy?

This study makes three main contributions to scholarship on diaspora agency, international cultural relations and cultural diplomacy. First, it advances debates on diaspora agency by showing how Cabo Verdean associations in the United Kingdom carry out forms of diplomacy from below, thereby widening understandings of who practices diplomacy and how it is enacted in everyday cultural life. Second, it connects diaspora studies and international cultural relations by demonstrating how deterritorialised communities create cultural visibility, foster intercultural dialogue and mediate between host and home societies without direct state coordination. These activities operate in the space between international cultural relations and cultural diplomacy and therefore help refine conceptual boundaries between the two fields. Third, drawing on Global South and SIDS’ perspectives, the article offers an empirically grounded analysis of how small states with limited resources rely, often implicitly, on diaspora networks as extensions of cultural presence abroad. In doing so, the study shows that grassroots cultural work not only sustains identity but also generates forms of soft power that expand theoretical discussions on non-state actors in cultural diplomacy.

The argument unfolds in four parts. First, it revisits theoretical perspectives on diasporas as deterritorialised imagined communities and agents of cultural production. It then connects these insights to cultural diplomacy and the role of non-state actors. The analysis next turns to the empirical case of the Cabo Verdean diaspora in the United Kingdom. Finally, it evaluates how infrastructural limitations affect expression and sustainability, offering policy recommendations for leveraging diaspora networks to enhance Cabo Verde's soft power and cultural diplomacy beyond the nation-state.

Theoretical framework: Diasporas as deterritorialised communities and cultural producers

The concept of diaspora, rooted in the Greek diaspeirein meaning to scatter, traditionally refers to the dispersion of people from a homeland while maintaining symbolic and material ties (Vertovec, 2009). Contemporary scholarship reframes diasporas as socially constructed formations grounded in shared consciousness, memory and cultural practice (Clifford, 1994; Vertovec, 1997). For Cabo Verdeans, whose national identity has long been shaped by historical mobility, circulation and contact, diaspora identity is inseparable from wider processes of creolisation. Creolisation refers to the emergence of new cultural identities through continuous processes of encounter, mixture and transformation across the Atlantic world, and cannot be reduced to a simple synonym for hybridity (Murdoch, 2023). It is rooted in specific histories of enslavement, colonialism and cultural exchange in the Caribbean and Atlantic regions and has been widely theorised as a foundational dynamic of New World cultural formation (Glissant, 1997; Hall, 2015). These processes of creolisation and historical mobility also shape the forms of cultural production and transnational engagement through which Cabo Verdean diasporas participate in international cultural relations and might contribute to cultural diplomacy objectives.

Stuart Hall argues that creolisation provides a conceptual lens for understanding cultural identity as an ongoing process shaped by complex historical encounters rather than a fixed essence shaped solely by origins (Hall, 2015). This view resonates strongly with Cabo Verde, where the Kriolu language (a Portuguese-based Creole language shaped by African and European influences), musical traditions and social identities developed through multi-layered exchanges between Africa and Europe. Scholarship on creolisation also emphasises that its meaning is historically and geographically situated, particularly within Lusophone contexts such as Brazil, Portuguese colonial Africa and the Cabo Verdean archipelago (Stewart, 2007; Vale de Almeida, 2007). These insights help illuminate the Cabo Verdean diaspora as a community shaped not only by displacement but also by long-term cultural mixing and continuity.

Building on this foundation, Stuart Hall's wider work on cultural identity conceptualises identities as fluid processes of becoming, shaped through ongoing negotiations between history, memory and contemporary experience (Hall, 1990, 1993). Homi Bhabha's notion of the “third space” (1990: 211) similarly emphasises that diasporic identities emerge through hybrid cultural practices that rearticulate boundaries of nation, culture and belonging. These perspectives align with Global South scholarship that frames cultural expression as a site of resistance and political agency. Cabral (1979) conceptualises culture as an instrument of liberation, while Kilomba (2010) exposes the epistemic hierarchies that marginalise diasporic voices. Mbembe (2001) further situates relational identity within post-colonial power structures, highlighting how diasporic networks challenge dominant representations.

In this context, Cabo Verdean diaspora associations become crucial sites of cultural production and negotiation. Scholars of collective memory note that associations often act as public stages of belonging, converting private memories into shared narratives (Halbwachs, 1992). Faist (2010) interprets diasporas as connective links and living cultural spaces that bridge home and host societies. This connective role is especially salient for Cabo Verde, where the diaspora population exceeds that of the homeland. Migration is therefore not a peripheral experience but a central component of national identity (Góis, 2008), and diasporic cultural reproduction is both a continuation of historical creolisation and a contemporary practice of identity-making.

Cultural diplomacy and non-state actors

Diplomacy has traditionally been understood as a state-led activity carried out through formal institutions such as Ministries of Foreign Affairs and embassies, using dialogue, representation and negotiation to advance foreign policy objectives (Mark, 2009). This classical model positions states as the primary agents of international communication and cultural exchange. However, globalisation and technological advances have disrupted this paradigm, expanding the diplomatic arena to include civil society organisations, individuals and transnational communities. Non-state actors have transitioned from objects of action to subjects of action (Figueira, 2020), actively shaping international agendas and influencing perceptions through cultural and social engagement. While the state retains legitimacy in formulating foreign policy, non-state actors increasingly operate within the public sphere of diplomacy, sometimes complementing and sometimes diverging from official objectives.

Public diplomacy, as Leonard et al. (2002) argue, seeks to influence foreign publics through dialogue and cultural exchange rather than coercion. Within this framework, cultural diplomacy constitutes a more focused strand that employs arts and heritage to foster mutual understanding (Arndt, 2005; Gienow-Hecht and Donfried, 2010). Although states have historically orchestrated such initiatives, diaspora organisations frequently enact similar functions informally. Fox (1999) highlights the distinction between cultural diplomacy, which is state aligned, and international cultural relations, which are society driven, reciprocal and often autonomous from official policy. The cultural activities of the Cabo Verdean diaspora operate between these two spheres, combining community-led creativity with outcomes that enhance the homeland's visibility.

Within the social space created by migration dynamics, diasporas emerge as agents who actively transform cultural landscapes. Appadurai (1996) calls for a redefinition of landscapes of group identity, referring to the development of ethnoscapes through acts of cultural production, transmission and dissemination (Oonk, 2007). These actions reproduce cultural markers in the host country while maintaining ties to the homeland, positioning diasporas as pathways that connect two sites, the homeland and the host land. Through these ongoing practices, diasporic groups reshape both their places of departure and arrival, generating a fluid here and now cultural landscape that fosters dynamic relationships with host societies.

Diaspora communities operate as influential mediators within this space. Embedded in the social and cultural life of their host societies while maintaining emotional and symbolic ties to their homelands, they engage in activities that both reproduce cultural traditions and communicate them to wider publics. Through festivals, artistic collaborations, language teaching, digital storytelling and community organising, diasporas generate forms of cultural expression that shape how nations are perceived abroad, situating these practices firmly within international cultural relations, even when they are not formally part of state cultural diplomacy.

The employment of diasporic communities as catalysts of interaction has become increasingly important for cultural diplomacy. Operating in deterritorialised environments that recreate homelands, diasporas also function as channels of creative exchange, cultural innovation and new value formation (Carling and Batalha, 2008). These groups can provide strategic foundations for cultural diplomacy by forging links with host institutions and other non-state actors through culture, offering opportunities and benefits for both migrants and their countries of origin. Their reinforced ties to the homeland position them uniquely to interpret and practise culture within immigration contexts. As simultaneous centres of diffusion and contact, they bridge homeland and host country and often act as trusted people-to-people conduits. Cultural agendas led by civil society are perceived as less politicised and therefore more credible (Gienow-Hecht and Donfried, 2010).

This article adopts a relational perspective (Zaharna et al., 2014), viewing diplomacy as a networked process in which non-state actors mediate between publics. Diasporas, as “here and there” actors (Clifford, 1994: 318), exemplify such mediation. They are simultaneously embedded in host societies and oriented towards homelands, enabling cultural and social flows across borders. For Small Island Developing States such as Cabo Verde, which face constraints of scale and resources, these dispersed networks can become vital extensions of diplomatic reach (Cooper and Shaw, 2009). Yet cultural action is never neutral. Cabral (1979) emphasises that culture is a site of both resistance and liberation. Similarly, Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o (1986) draws attention to the role of language and cultural production in dismantling colonial epistemologies, while Mbembe (2001) situates relationality within post-colonial power structures, illustrating how diasporic networks challenge hierarchies of knowledge and representation. This article contributes to these debates by showing how diaspora-led cultural practices, while not constituting formal diplomatic action, nonetheless advance cultural diplomacy interests through their role in international cultural relations.

The ‘here and now’ (Clifford, 1994: 318) context in which diasporas operate provides the conditions in which cultural diplomacy can function as soft power, shaping perceptions across both centres of belonging (Bhabha, 1994). As Nye (2004, 2011) and Arndt (2005) argue, soft power and cultural diplomacy influence international relations through attraction and cultural resonance. Recognising that diasporas produce new cultural landscapes and act as instruments of identity and cultural affirmation, they can be leveraged as mechanisms of soft power. By mobilising intangible resources such as language, arts and heritage, diasporas increase awareness of their culture, shape host-country perceptions of their homeland and encourage positive attitudes towards cultural diversity. However, the images associated with diasporic communities are neither stable nor uniformly positive. They are often shaped by powerful external forces such as media narratives, political discourse and racialised public anxieties. As Osman (2017) demonstrates in her work on Somali diasporic visibility, media framings frequently construct migrant communities through securitised, crisis-driven or deficit-based narratives that overshadow their cultural and social contributions. Similar dynamics can be observed in UK press portrayals of the Romanian diaspora, where stories of crime, welfare dependency and social disorder have contributed to negative public perceptions (Cheregi, 2018). These examples show that the image of a homeland abroad is influenced not only by diaspora-led cultural practices but also by wider representational structures that lie beyond the control of diasporic actors. In this triangulated relationship, three actors remain pivotal: the diaspora, the host state and the homeland (Scheffer, 1986). Diasporas are therefore able to support the projection of a positive image of their countries of origin and complement governmental efforts to cultivate soft power in host societies, while simultaneously navigating media environments that may challenge or complicate these efforts.

For states to engage diasporas effectively through cultural diplomacy, they must demonstrate a willingness to build collaborative relationships. Mitchell (1986) suggests that diasporas often serve as the first point of contact with foreign publics, creating avenues for broader cooperation. Effective soft power deployment requires diaspora-homeland engagement grounded in robust communication networks and shared cultural meaning, generating mutual benefits. The level of interaction is therefore critical. Shuval (2002) outlines four types of diasporas-homeland communication networks: nominal, where ties are largely symbolic; symbolic, where identification with the homeland is strong but practical engagement remains limited; valued, where emotional and cultural ties are accompanied by consistent interaction; and expressive, characterised by sustained, multidimensional involvement. The Cabo Verdean diaspora in the United Kingdom aligns most closely with the symbolic category. There is strong diasporic self-identification and some institutional recognition by the homeland but limited substantive collaboration. As a result, the diaspora's potential within cultural diplomacy continues to be under realised (Tölölyan, 2012).

The author's positionality is shaped by her own background as a Cabo Verdean researcher based in the United Kingdom and as a member of the Cabo Verdean diaspora. Her long-standing involvement in cultural events, community associations and diasporic networks provided a level of access, trust and cultural familiarity that enriched the research process. This insider perspective facilitated deeper insight into the meanings attached to cultural practices such as music, language, heritage transmission and community organising. At the same time, the author maintained analytical distance throughout the study, reflecting critically on how her embeddedness might influence interpretation, particularly in relation to issues of representation, belonging and state-diaspora dynamics. This dual positionality, both situated and reflexive, informs the relational approach adopted in the article and underpins the analysis of how diaspora-led cultural practices may support cultural diplomacy objectives without constituting formal diplomatic action.

Cabo Verdean diaspora: Historical context and community formation

Cabo Verde's relationship with migration has deep historical roots. During the colonial period, limited natural resources, recurrent droughts and economic precarity prompted continuous outward movement, shaping a society in which mobility became central to everyday life (Carling and Batalha, 2008). Since independence from Portugal in 1975, successive generations expanded these pathways, establishing communities across Europe, North America and Africa. In the United Kingdom, early Cabo Verdean arrivals included maritime workers in Welsh ports and labourers in London during the early twentieth century, forming the beginnings of what would become a small yet culturally active diaspora. Contemporary estimates suggest that approximately 3000 to 4000 Cabo Verdeans reside in United Kingdom, with concentrations in London's north and east (Lopes, pers. com. 2021).

A widely used expression in the Cabo Verdean oral poetry incorporated by Eugénio Tavares, ‘Corpo qui é nego, sa ta bai / Coraçom, q’ê forro, sa ta fica’ – meaning the body departs, but the heart remains rooted – beautifully captures the affective layers of Cabo Verdean mobility and belonging (quoted in Cagliani, 2019: 113). This sentiment resonates with the literary tradition shaped by writers such as Baltasar Lopes da Silva, whose work evokes the emotional and symbolic duality that characterises Cabo Verdean experiences of migration. This quote serves as an apt metaphor for the affective-expressive elements that characterise this diaspora. With a nation's history shaped by migration, Cabo Verdeans have always been proactively engaged in preserving their cultural heritage within host societies. Therefore, to understand how the Cabo Verdean diaspora can be considered a non-state actor in Cabo Verde's cultural diplomacy, a contextualisation of the country's deeply rooted migration history is required.

Located off the West African coast in the central Atlantic, Cabo Verde is an archipelago whose history has been defined by creolisation, Atlantic exchange and sustained mobility (Green, 2009). Initially shaped as a strategic point within the transatlantic slave trade, the islands developed a mixed cultural identity that has endured into the postcolonial era. Migration patterns that intensified from the 1960s onward contributed to what scholars describe as a deterritorialised nation, in which the diaspora population exceeds that of the resident homeland (Carling and Batalha, 2008). While migration lies at the centre of Cabo Verde's identity formation, Cabo Verdeans maintain a profound connection to the homeland, evident in their efforts to preserve and transmit intangible heritage such as language, music, gastronomy and ritual practice as legacies for future generations. They act as carriers of cultural capital, sustaining and revitalising cultural practices through both collective and individual initiatives. The Cabo Verdean diaspora in London exemplifies this dynamic, functioning as a social construction united by shared consciousness and cultural production (Vertovec, 1997).

Two main association's structure community life for Cabo Verdeans in the UK: Cultura Cabo Verde UK (known as Cultura CV) and the Cape Verdean Association UK (CVA). Both operate as cultural and social hubs but articulate distinct strategies. Cultura CVUK, founded in 2012, emphasises cultural education and youth empowerment through dance, theatre and language. The CVA, formally registered in 2020, combines cultural promotion with social advocacy and transnational networking.

The experiences of community leaders such as Lopes and Semedo, and the collective work of these associations, reveal that Cabo Verdean cultural activism abroad functions as more than community outreach; it constitutes a practice of representation and negotiation between homeland and host land. These initiatives illustrate how cultural work in the diaspora blurs the boundaries between community engagement and international cultural relations, creating informal networks that foster dialogue and visibility. While these practices do not amount to formal cultural diplomacy, they advance many of the same objectives, including mutual understanding, cultural promotion and soft power, thus complementing state-led strategies (Figure 1). Yet they also expose persistent challenges, including fragmented communication with government, limited institutional support and the absence of a formal policy framework linking diaspora initiatives to national strategies. The next section examines these dynamics in depth, situating them within broader debates on cultural diplomacy, international cultural relations and Global South perspectives.

Figure 1.

Conceptual relationship between Cabo Verdean diaspora, international cultural relations and cultural diplomacy objectives. Diaspora-led cultural initiatives operate within international cultural relations but support and advance state cultural diplomacy goals.

Diaspora and cultural diplomacy

Cultural diplomacy has often been theorised as a state-centric process in which governments use cultural exchange to pursue foreign-policy goals (Mark, 2009; Bound et al., 2007). However, in small-island developing states such as Cabo Verde, where economic and diplomatic resources are limited, diasporic communities play an equally strategic role in shaping international perceptions and sustaining the national imaginary abroad. The state's external cultural representation depends not only on formal diplomatic channels but also on dispersed networks of artists, associations and entrepreneurs who enact international cultural relations on their own initiative (Arndt, 2005).

Drawing on African and Global South perspectives, cultural diplomacy here is understood as both a practice of power and a practice of relation (Cabral, 1979; Mbembe, 2017; Nkrumah, 1963). Cabral framed culture as the seed of liberation, arguing that political independence is meaningless without cultural self-determination (1979). This idea reverberates through Cabo Verde's diaspora, where every day acts of cultural production such as music, dance, food and storytelling perform the work of diplomacy from below. In this sense, cultural diplomacy extends beyond embassies and ministries to the embodied experiences of diasporic life. The two spheres intersect because diaspora communities informally advance many of the same objectives that formal diplomacy seeks to institutionalise, including mutual understanding, national visibility and cultural development, while doing so independently of state orchestration. The cases below illustrate how Cabo Verdean communities in the United Kingdom, and specifically in London, practise informal cultural diplomacy from below and contribute to cultural diplomacy objectives while operating within international cultural relations.

Cape Verdean Association UK: Community diplomacy and diaspora leadership

Established in September 2020 to serve the growing Cabo Verdean community in Britain, the CVA has become a central platform for cultural expression, civic engagement and diasporic advocacy (Cape Verdean Association UK, 2025). Between 2021 and 2025, it strengthened its position as one of the most active Cabo Verdean organisations in the United Kingdom. Activities included celebrations of Dia da Mulher Cabo-Verdiana (Cabo Verdean Women's Day), literary events, youth programmes and humanitarian mobilisation in response to floods that affected São Vicente, Santo Antão and São Nicolau (2025). The Association also supported the first-ever EU Minorities Summit in June 2025, affirming its role in transnational advocacy and minority representation.

Cultural programming has played a central role in strengthening community identity and intergenerational connection within the Cabo Verdean diaspora. During the Cabo Verdean Women's Day celebration in March 2023, poems and literature honouring Cabo Verdean women were distributed throughout the community hall, accompanied by musical and dance performances. Cabral's documentary I am Criola (Cabral, 2018) also inspired intergenerational dialogue about identity and belonging. These events blended art and advocacy, reinforcing the idea that diasporic creativity operates as soft power, humanising national narratives and cultivating empathy in ways that formal diplomacy often struggles to achieve (Nye, 2004).

The Association's cultural work increasingly intersects with the corporate and creative industries, illustrating how community-led initiatives can partner with businesses to enhance diasporic visibility. Its collaboration with local partners extended to the launch of Lauryn Rose Teixeira's book in June 2023, supported by CURLYTREATS and Crayola UK, whose involvement reflected a growing corporate commitment to Black representation in children's literature. This event highlighted diasporic youth leadership and connected Cabo Verdean heritage to wider African and Portuguese diasporic narratives, demonstrating how cultural programming can align with diversity and social impact priorities within the private sector. Through performances, food and storytelling, the Association translated cultural memory into public diplomacy (Author's fieldnotes, 2023). The Batukadeiras Di Reino Unido group continued the legacy of batuku, a women-led Cabo Verdean musical-dance tradition rooted in resistance and communal storytelling, characterised by polyrhythmic drumming and call-and-response singing, and widely recognised across the diaspora as a powerful symbol of cultural memory and resilience.

This cultural momentum was reinforced by organisational leadership that positioned the Association as a bridge between UK institutions and Cabo Verdean heritage. Under the presidency of Osvaldo Semedo (2020–2024), the Association expanded its civic and cultural footprint, engaging in partnerships with UK councils and universities to promote community development and cultural tourism in both the United Kingdom and Cabo Verde. These collaborations, combined with high-visibility cultural events in the United Kingdom, increased the exposure of Cabo Verdean heritage to wider audiences and encouraged greater interest in the archipelago as a cultural destination. Semedo (pers.com., 2021) advocated for sustainable tourism models that benefit local populations in Cabo Verde, contrasting these with resort-style tourism that often excludes community voices. As he explained, ‘If tourism is promoted, poverty can be reduced, but not the kind of resort tourism they know here’ (pers.com., 2021). His perspective situates the Association's work within broader debates on equitable development and highlights how diaspora-led organisations use cultural programming and institutional partnerships to influence narratives, policy discussions and community empowerment on both sides of the Atlantic.

Semedo (2021) also emphasised that in practice, it is diaspora associations and individuals who carry the burden of promoting Cabo Verdean culture abroad. ‘In practice, the ones doing the work of promoting are the associations and the individuals behind them’, (pers.com., 2021) he noted, highlighting the decentralised and community-led nature of cultural diplomacy. His critique of institutional disengagement aligns with Kilomba's (2010) analysis of exclusionary structures and the need for decolonial cultural production. Semedo (pers.com., 2021) further argued that the Cabo Verdean government's reluctance to engage the diaspora stems from political fears: ‘The government fears the diaspora because it is very large and could influence votes’ (pers.com., 2021). Taken together, Semedo's critique exposes a long-standing tension within Cabo Verdean politics, where the diaspora is celebrated rhetorically as a national asset yet remains politically marginalised, revealing how cultural diplomacy is shaped as much by community initiative as by state neglect.

These reflections reveal the structural tensions between diaspora communities and homeland institutions, particularly around identity and representation. Semedo observed, ‘We are not Cabo Verde; we are the emigrants, we are the diaspora’ (pers.com., 2021), pointing to the symbolic and political distance often imposed on emigrant populations. Despite these challenges, the Association maintained regular communication with Cabo Verdean media and embassies, and Semedo contributed monthly to Rádio Nacional de Cabo Verde as a UK representative. His leadership emphasises the role of diaspora actors in sustaining cultural continuity and advocating for systemic change. As he warned, ‘If Cabo Verde does not start supporting culture, in 20 years it will begin to lose the diaspora’ (pers.com., 2021), his warning speaks to the broader risk of cultural dilution within migrant communities, where hybrid identities continually evolve, making it essential for both state and diaspora actors to actively sustain traditions, heritage practices and transnational ties if Cabo Verdean culture is to remain vibrant across generations.

These concerns about cultural continuity and political marginalisation also motivated the Association to build wider cross-diasporic connections, culminating in its participation in the Para Juntar (To Bring Together|) event at the Africa Centre in London in September 2023. This reflects a broader need for fairer and more equitable diaspora-state partnerships that recognise the diplomatic labour performed by community organisations. By engaging in multicultural networks such as the Africa Centre, the Association positioned itself not only as a cultural organisation but as an interlocutor between African diasporas and UK institutions. Its practices resonate with Mbembe's (2017) concept of Afropolitanism and Bhabha's (1990) third space, where hybrid identities generate new cultural meanings. These community-based initiatives complement the state's diplomatic objectives by nurturing intercultural understanding and strengthening Cabo Verde's visibility abroad. This is the essence of international cultural relations: a collective, bottom-up diplomacy animated by everyday actors.

Cultura Cabo Verde (UK): Creative industries and cultural continuity

Founded in June 2012 in London, Cultura Cabo Verde UK (Cultura CV) has become one of the most enduring cultural collectives of the Cabo Verdean diaspora. As founder Alda Lopes (pers. com., 2021) recounts, the group emerged from a grassroots desire to empower youth and sustain Cabo Verdean identity through artistic collaboration and education. Over more than a decade, it has organised music, plays and dance workshops, batuku and funaná (an energetic accordion-led genre from Santiago) performances, Creole-language classes, and exhibitions celebrating Cabo Verdean craftsmanship, fashion, and gastronomy. Its website (Cultura Cabo Verde UK, 2025) illustrates a wide network of creative and community projects, spanning the United Kingdom, France, Portugal, the Netherlands and Luxembourg.

Amílcar Cabral, leader of the independence struggle for Cabo Verde and Guinea-Bissau, placed culture at the centre of political liberation by arguing that cultural consciousness forms the foundation of autonomy and resistance. Cultura CV embodies this legacy. The collective reclaims heritage as both a resource and a means of self-definition, giving practical form to Cabral's (1979) assertion that culture is the seed of liberation. Its hybrid and transnational approach echoes Mbembe's (Mbembe et al., 2017) concept of Afropolitanism, a mode of African belonging that is globally mobile yet locally grounded, and Bhabha's (1990) idea of the third space, where hybrid identities generate new cultural meanings. The organisation's work also resonates with Kilomba's (2010) critique of epistemic violence and her call for decolonial narratives that centre marginalised voices. By using the ‘language of the oppressor’ (Lopes, pers. com., 2021) to empower the community, Cultura CV enacts a form of counter-discourse that challenges dominant representations and affirms diasporic agency.

Through intercultural events in London and collaborations with artists across Europe, Cultura CV performs a sustained form of creative diplomacy, projecting Cabo Verdean culture internationally while fostering dialogue within multicultural Britain. Its impact is particularly visible among youth, many of whom have undergone profound shifts in identity, moving from uncertainty to pride in their Cabo Verdean and African heritage. As Lopes notes, ‘the difference in mentality begins with children, as one child will multiply’. This pedagogical ethos reflects a commitment to cultural resilience and transformation, challenging what she describes as ‘mental slavery’ (Lopes, pers. com., 2021) and internalised oppression.

Despite its achievements, Cultura CV faces persistent challenges in securing institutional support. The collective has often operated without state funding, relying on community fundraising and volunteer labour. While it has facilitated voter registration, supported over 200 individuals with Brexit-related settled status applications, and hosted official delegations, its relationship with government institutions remains uneven. Lopes recounts that the collective is frequently called upon for visibility but rarely supported in sustainable ways. These dynamics highlight the need for fairer and more equitable diaspora-state partnerships, as well as greater recognition of the diplomatic labour performed by cultural collectives.

Discussion and policy analysis

Both CVA and Cultura CV exemplify how cultural diplomacy extends beyond the formal apparatus of the state. These diaspora organisations perform the connective labour of what Hannerz (1996) calls cosmopolitan mediation, translating between home and host cultures through events, digital platforms and transnational collaborations. Their initiatives enable Cabo Verde to engage globally through non-official channels, amplifying its cultural presence far beyond institutional capacity. This aligns with Nye's (2004) theory of soft power and with Keohane and Nye's (1977) concept of transnational relations, where non-state actors become influential carriers of ideas and identity. For a nation with limited diplomatic resources, diasporic agency becomes a vital form of external representation. Through music, art and education, these collectives humanise national narratives and foster empathy, outcomes that formal diplomacy often seeks but struggles to achieve. Drawing on Hall's (1990) notion of cultural identity as a process of becoming, these diasporic efforts reflect dynamic negotiations of belonging and transformation. In bridging local and global cultural spheres, they embody both cultural resilience and diplomatic potential, creating intercultural dialogues that complement, and sometimes surpass, the state's diplomatic objectives.

State-diaspora relations and policy discourse (2021–2026)

The relationship between the Cabo Verdean state and its diaspora has historically oscillated between symbolic recognition and pragmatic partnership. While successive governments have acknowledged the diaspora as an eleventh island (as an extension to the 10 islands of the archipelago) institutional engagement has been uneven (Carling and Batalha, 2008). The re-establishment of the Ministry of Communities in 2021 signalled renewed commitment to dialogue. Recent initiatives such as the Global Diaspora Policy Alliance, launched by the International Organization for Migration (IOM), together with the Government of Cabo Verde (International Organization for Migration (IOM), 2024), the Diaspora Investor's Guide (2025) and the First International Congress of Cabo Verdean Professionals (2025) have sought to reposition the diaspora as a strategic development partner.

However, as interviews with diaspora leaders (Lopes, pers. com., 2021; Semedo, pers. com., 2021) reveal, communication channels remain fragmented. Diaspora leaders often report limited access to decision-making processes and unequal rights compared with residents, particularly regarding political representation. These asymmetries reflect broader tensions between diaspora participation and state sovereignty that are common across the Global South (Adamson, 2016). Building an effective state-diaspora ecosystem requires not only institutional reforms but also recognition of the diaspora's epistemic and cultural capital.

At the governmental level, the concept of cultural diplomacy occupies an ambiguous yet growing space. Although the 2021–2026 Government Programme and Confidence Motion explicitly mention economic, educational, scientific, technological and blue diplomacy, the term, cultural diplomacy, remains notably absent as a formal category. Nonetheless, the Programme repeatedly affirms that the cultural dimension of the diaspora is a priority for the Government (Governo de Cabo Verde, 2021). It emphasises the need for efficient and effective external representations, calling for stronger coordination between internal and external policies to position Cabo Verde as a relevant Mid-Atlantic actor in the fields of economy, security, diplomacy for peace, and the promotion of freedom and democracy. The document also commits to strengthening a dedicated diplomacy for Cabo Verdean communities abroad, expanding its scope beyond traditional approaches to include economic, cultural, knowledge-based and international-visibility initiatives. In addition, it pledges to increase the presence of Cabo Verdean culture abroad, particularly within the diaspora and in regional spaces such as the CPLP (Community of Portuguese Language Countries) and ECOWAS (Economic Community of West African States), recognising culture as a central instrument for enhancing Cabo Verde's global visibility (Governo de Cabo Verde, 2021).

These passages reveal that cultural diplomacy is recognised in practice even if it is not explicitly articulated in official policy. This dynamic reflects what Ahearne (2009) terms implicit cultural policy, where governments shape cultural fields through indirect measures, symbolic discourse and selective support rather than through clearly defined or formalised strategies. In the Cabo Verdean case, the absence of the term cultural diplomacy does not indicate a lack of activity, but rather a policy environment in which cultural actors and diaspora organisations operate without an explicit framework to guide or legitimise their work. Normalising cultural diplomacy as an expression in governmental discourse would therefore help formalise these ongoing practices, strengthen coordination with diaspora partners already performing such functions informally, and reinforce culture's role as a strategic tool for international engagement and soft power.

The 2025 Congress of Cape Verdean Professionals that took place in Cabo Verde, reinforced these observations, illustrating how implicit policy gaps materialise in practice. Speakers acknowledged both progress and persistent flaws, calling for a more coherent and sustainable ecosystem that enables consistent communication between the government and its diaspora (Author's fieldnotes, 2025). The Congress framed the diaspora not merely as a financial resource but as a key partner in knowledge exchange, innovation and nation-building. As one delegate noted, ‘Cabo Verde will only be fully developed when it transforms its diaspora into a strategic partner’ (Author's fieldnotes, 2025). Despite the government's growing rhetorical acknowledgment of the diaspora's importance, significant gaps remain in communication and representation. As Dr Silva emphasised in her closing address, Cabo Verde must ‘acknowledge its flaws while continuing to facilitate dialogue and create an effective ecosystem between government and diaspora’ (Author's fieldnotes, 2025).

One participant remarked that while the programme was well-structured, it felt like an academic conference with little space for questions or opportunities to give voice to the diaspora (Author's fieldnotes, 2025). This critique emphasises the need for participatory formats that move beyond symbolic inclusion towards genuine dialogue and co-creation.

Despite efforts to foster engagement, structural asymmetries remain, including the absence of direct political representation and limited institutional mechanisms for diasporic participation in policymaking. Consequently, diaspora members often operate through informal channels, where cultural organisations emerge as vital vehicles for international cultural relations and soft diplomacy. These collectives not only fill representational voids but also bridge cultural, economic and civic dimensions, demonstrating the potential of diasporic agency to advance cultural diplomacy objectives and shape Cabo Verde's global presence.

Global South and SIDS perspectives

Viewing Cabo Verde through a Global South and SIDS lens enriches the understanding of its cultural diplomacy and diaspora engagement. Post-colonial scholars such as Nkrumah (1963), Cabral (1979) and Mbembe (2001) argue that culture is not merely ornamental but a strategic resource for sovereignty and international positioning. For small island states, cultural diplomacy becomes both a strategy of survival and a tool for visibility in asymmetric global systems where material power is limited.

SIDS face structural vulnerabilities, such as geographic isolation, economic dependence and climate risks, that constrain traditional diplomacy. In this context, diasporic networks emerge as critical assets, transforming deterritorialisation into diplomatic capital. Cabo Verde exemplifies this dynamic: its diaspora population exceeds the resident population, creating a transnational social field that amplifies cultural presence beyond territorial borders. This relational strength allows Cabo Verde to project identity and values through international cultural relations, even when formal diplomatic infrastructure is minimal.

Global South perspectives also highlight the epistemic dimension of cultural diplomacy. As Kilomba (2010) and Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o (1986) remind us, cultural production challenges colonial hierarchies of knowledge and representation. Diasporic initiatives such as Batuku performances, Kriolu language classes and Afropolitan collaborations constitute acts of decolonial agency, asserting Cabo Verdean identity in global cultural circuits. These practices resonate with Mbembe's (2017) concept of Afropolitanism and Bhabha's (1990) third space, where hybrid identities generate new meanings and foster intercultural dialogue.

For SIDS, leveraging diaspora-led cultural initiatives is not optional but strategic. They offer low-cost, high-impact mechanisms for soft power, enabling states to cultivate trust, empathy and recognition in international arenas. However, as Cabo Verde's case shows, this potential remains under-realised without institutional frameworks that integrate diaspora contributions into national cultural diplomacy strategies. Formalising these linkages would align grassroots cultural action with state objectives, creating a networked model of diplomacy that reflects Global South realities – relational, participatory and culturally grounded.

Conclusion

Cabo Verde's case demonstrates that cultural diplomacy is not confined to state institutions but is co-constructed through diasporic practices of international cultural relations. Associations such as the Cape Verdean Association UK and Cultura Cabo Verde UK exemplify how grassroots initiatives advance objectives traditionally associated with cultural diplomacy, such as mutual understanding, cultural visibility and soft power, while operating independently of formal diplomatic structures.

This article contributes to Global South and SIDS perspectives by showing how small states can leverage transnational cultural networks as strategic assets within an asymmetric international system. Diasporic cultural production, expressed through music, language and creative industries, functions as a decolonial practice that challenges epistemic hierarchies and expands the spaces of diplomacy beyond embassies and ministries.

Yet the potential of these networks remains under-realised without institutional frameworks that recognise and integrate diaspora contributions. Formalising cultural diplomacy within Cabo Verde's policy discourse and creating participatory mechanisms for diaspora engagement would position the country to transform fragmented initiatives into a coordinated ecosystem of networked diplomacy. Such an approach aligns with contemporary relational models of international cultural relations, highlighting how small states can strategically harness their global communities.

Ultimately, sustainable cultural diplomacy for small states depends not only on material resources but on inclusive strategies that mobilise the creativity and agency of their global communities. Rather than offering a definitive blueprint, Cabo Verde's experience provides an illustrative example of how diplomacy from below can emerge through cultural practice – where culture becomes both a tool of representation and a space of negotiation, shaping futures beyond borders.