Abstract
A crucial component of narrative identity development, the most contextualized aspect of personality, is the formation of socioculturally positive and negative identities. However, gaps remain in understanding how individuals develop these identities through their interactions with society. To uncover these processes, this mixed-methods study applied a master narrative approach to Japanese emerging adults who deviate from master narratives, or widely shared stories in society. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 104 Japanese emerging adults aged 18–24 years (75.96% women; Mage = 20.73, SD = 1.23). Quantitative analyses revealed that those who deviated from master narratives developed socioculturally positive identities by elaborating on alternative narratives that differed from or challenged the master narratives. Socioculturally negative identities were associated with connecting deviant experiences to a stable self-concept and finding others or groups who shared similar alternative narratives. The qualitative analysis provided nuance to these findings, suggesting that master narratives either enable or constrain the development of individuals’ socioculturally positive and negative identities. Additionally, individuals negotiated with master narratives in various ways based on their identity work. In these bidirectional pathways, individuals employed culturally relevant alternative narratives in Japan. These findings enhance the understanding of identity and personality development within sociocultural contexts.
Narrative identity, which provides a coherent sense of self across time and context, is an important aspect of personality that is inherently embedded in sociocultural contexts (McAdams & Pals, 2006; Syed, 2017). Individuals’ sociocultural contexts shape expectations for developing a socioculturally positive identity, that is, an identity characterized by desirable attributes in society, such as good relationships and a prosocial nature toward society (Erikson, 1968). Consistent with this idea, recent studies have shown that how individuals incorporate sociocultural values into their identities plays a significant role in their psychosocial adaptation (Hihara, Sugimura, et al., 2022; Umaña-Taylor et al., 2004). Importantly, this research has examined not only the implications of developing a positive sense of identity accepted by society, which has been studied extensively, but also the implications of forming a socioculturally negative identity, that is an identity marked by violation or defiance of societal expectations (Erikson, 1968). However, it remains unclear how exactly sociocultural contexts support or constrain the development of socioculturally positive and negative identities, and how individuals can, in turn, perpetuate or modify sociocultural contexts based on their identities. Consequently, the present mixed methods study used a master narrative approach, a framework that captures the intersection between the individual and the sociocultural context (McLean & Syed, 2015), to examine how Japanese emerging adults develop their socioculturally positive and negative identities.
Personality and Identity Development
McAdams’s (2015) three-level personality model posits that an integrated life story is a core component of personality. Narrating one’s life allows for feeling a sense of temporal and spatial continuity, providing a narrative identity. A rich array of studies has shown that identity is related to and predictive of well-being (Adler et al., 2016). Given this importance, identity development has been examined through Erikson’s (1968) developmental theory. Forming an identity that answers the questions “Who am I?” and “Where is my life going?” is a marker of healthy psychosocial development in adolescence and emerging adulthood.
Previous research has revealed important processes in constructing identity, with a focus on individuals’ personal motives and agency. For example, identity status studies have examined individuals’ engagement in identity exploration and commitment (Crocetti, 2017). Narrative identity studies have concentrated on autobiographical reasoning, in which individuals link their memories to their sense of self (Habermas & Köber, 2015). Greater involvement in these processes has been viewed as a manifestation of identity development.
Despite these findings, the body of research has overlooked a crucial component: the sociocultural context. Recent theorists emphasize the importance of a sociocultural lens in personality and identity development (Hammack, 2008; McAdams, 2006). Culture provides individuals with options for how to live and what their lives mean (McAdams & Pals, 2006). To fully develop identity, individuals need to both construct a sense of continuity and align their identities with societal expectations (Syed & McLean, 2016). A sense of becoming a positive or negative person in society plays a significant role in identity development (Erikson, 1968). Therefore, this study focused on socioculturally positive and negative identities shaped by values widely shared within specific contexts (Hihara et al., 2018).
The Development of Socioculturally Positive and Negative Identities
Erikson’s theory assumes that individuals develop socioculturally positive and negative identities, which allow the “anchoring of man’s transient existence” in society (Erikson, 1968, p. 42; Hihara et al., 2018; Umaña-Taylor et al., 2004). These identities are affected by desirable and undesirable images spread in society, such as ideal and evil, good and bad, and superior and inferior (Erikson, 1964). Specifically, socioculturally positive identity is characterized by desirable attributes in society, such as good relationships (e.g., “I live a life with great friends”) and prosocial nature toward society (e.g., “I have spent my career helping sick people”). Meanwhile, socioculturally negative identity is marked by undesirable attributes in society, such as bad relationships (e.g., “I have been selfish and others have abandoned me”) and defiant nature toward society (e.g., “I have lived without trusting anyone”) (Erikson, 1968; Way & Rogers, 2015). Most studies on identity have not examined socioculturally positive and negative attributes separately from personal attributes (positive and negative meaning-making; McLean et al., 2018). However, recent quantitative studies focusing on Japanese emerging adults (N = 2,313) have demonstrated that both socioculturally positive and negative identities are associated with psychosocial adaptation (Hihara et al., 2019; Hihara, Sugimura, et al., 2022). Nonetheless, the processes by which individuals clarify their socioculturally positive and negative sense of identity through interaction with society remain unclear.
The development of socioculturally positive and negative identities can be understood through the bidirectional pathways between individuals and society (Galliher et al., 2017). Societal contexts either promote or restrict one’s sense of socioculturally positive or negative identity. A longitudinal quantitative study of Japanese emerging adults indicated that prosocial behaviors predicted high levels of socioculturally positive identity, suggesting that desirable behaviors provide positive identity options accepted by society (Hihara, Sugimura, et al., 2022). In contrast, this study also revealed that social withdrawal and suicidal ideation lead to high levels of socioculturally negative identity. Since individuals who exhibit maladaptation are less likely to be accepted by societies, they may focus on socially undesirable negative identity possibilities. Consistent with these findings, some qualitative studies of adolescents in the United States (N = 22 and 40, respectively; Hauser, 1972; Way et al., 2013) and a quantitative study of Australian adolescents (N = 420; Mak et al., 2003) suggest that individuals in marginalized positions within society (e.g., ethnic minorities, low-income families, and delinquent group) often have limited access to socioculturally positive identity options. Instead, they are more likely to perceive socioculturally negative identity options that they want to avoid. For such individuals, adopting socioculturally negative identities may be a realistic alternative. Thus, individuals develop their identities by managing the possibilities of socioculturally positive and negative identities provided or restricted by their societal contexts.
Meanwhile, individuals have the potential to perpetuate or modify society based on their socioculturally positive or negative identities. For instance, quantitative studies of Japanese emerging adults have shown that individuals with negative identities tend to display hostility and defiant behaviors that violate societal expectations (Hihara et al., 2019; Hihara, Sugimura, et al., 2022). A case study focusing on eleven homeless youth in the United States indicated that those with a homeless identity resisted dominant negative images of homelessness by critiquing social structures and figures in power (Toolis & Hammack, 2015). Similar challenges to social norms have been observed in gender identity movements aimed at addressing gender inequality among children and early adolescents in the United States (Rogers, 2020).
Overall, to fully understand the development of socioculturally positive and negative identities, it is necessary to unpack the bidirectional pathways by which individuals relate to societal expectations. However, most studies (e.g., Hihara et al., 2021) have overlooked how individuals internalize, negotiate with, and resist societal expectations. Existing research is primarily quantitative, which does not adequately provide a deep and nuanced understanding of the processes by which individuals clarify the meaning of their identities in relation to context.
Master Narrative Approach
This study addressed these gaps using the master narrative approach. Master narratives are socially shared stories that guide individuals’ construction of personal narratives (McLean & Syed, 2015). Since master narratives are widely spread in society, individuals often unconsciously conform to them. However, those who deviate from master narratives are likely to be marginalized in society. These social sanctions make them acutely aware of master narratives (McLean et al., 2017). Such individuals construct personal narratives based on alternative narratives, which differ from or resist master narratives (Hammack, 2008). While master narratives are supported by structural power, alternative narratives can modify master narratives over time with considerable effort (McLean & Syed, 2015).
Master narratives represent what is considered desirable according to societal norms (Syed et al., 2020). As narratives help individuals make sense of their experiences, constructing alternative narratives allows individuals to interpret their deviations in relation to society. Those who deviate from master narratives may develop positive identities accepted by society through finding socioculturally positive meanings in their alternative narratives (e.g., being accepted and contributing to society) in ways that differ from master narratives. For example, a quantitative study of U.S. adults (N = 1,872) found that some people with trauma develop identities that enable them to help others with similar experiences (Delker et al., 2020). Conversely, others may construct negative identities unaccepted by society through clarifying socioculturally negative meanings in their alternative narratives (e.g., being undesirable and feeling hostility toward society), which violate master narratives. Indeed, one qualitative study focusing on twenty-six young inmates in Cyprus reported that youth who drop out of school can form socioculturally negative identities that resist societal expectations (Solomontos-Kountouri & Hatzittofi, 2016).
Socioculturally positive and negative alternative narratives may contribute to modifying master narratives. Those who believe that their alternative narratives are positive in society may resist master narratives. For instance, a qualitative study found that U.S. youth whose alternative narratives deviate from gender stereotypes may view their identities based on gender equality as positive and seek to challenge and change these stereotypes (Rogers, 2020). Conversely, those with socioculturally negative alternative narratives may also violate master narratives. For example, youth with alternative narratives as members of a delinquent group may resist master narratives out of hostility toward society (Erikson, 1968). To understand identity development through the interplay between individuals and society, this study focused on the socioculturally positive and negative meanings in alternative narratives among those who deviate from master narratives.
Identity Processes and Socioculturally Positive and Negative Alternative Narratives
To explore how individuals incorporate sociocultural values into their identities and negotiate with society, we examined three identity processes that theoretically promote these bidirectional pathways. First, we focused on the elaboration of master and alternative narratives (McLean et al., 2018). A mixed-methods study of emerging and midlife adults in the United States (N = 512) indicated that individuals who engage with master and alternative narratives proactively form meanings around their deviations (McLean et al., 2018). Through these processes, individuals gain a deeper understanding of what constitutes the good life and how their alternative narratives can be evaluated. Thus, elaborating on master and alternative narratives may clarify the socioculturally positive and negative meanings within these alternative narratives.
Second, we examined self-event connections, which link past experiences to self-concepts (Pasupathi et al., 2007). Stability connections include explain/illustrate (self-concept explains or is illustrated by the event) and discount links (explanations are provided to prevent the audience from having a particular understanding of one’s trait). Change connections include induce (self-concept was caused by the event) and reveal links (self-concept was revealed by the event). Previous qualitative studies have described individuals with acquired disabilities in the United States (N = 13; Adler et al., 2019) and young inmates in Cyprus (Solomontos-Kountouri & Hatzittofi, 2016) who link their deviation to socioculturally positive identities that help and contribute to others. Furthermore, a qualitative study examining fifty-six online narratives of non-suicidal self-injury highlighted individuals who adopt socioculturally negative identities by linking their self-injurious experiences to the undesirable self-label of “self-injurer” (Breen et al., 2013). Thus, self-event connections may help individuals develop socioculturally positive and negative meanings in alternative narratives.
Third, we examined the sharing of alternative narratives. A cross-cultural qualitative study of Swedish and U.S. youth indicated that individuals form alternative narratives by finding others or groups that share the same narratives (Svensson & Syed, 2019). Such individuals or groups may provide a model for clarifying the meaning of alternative narratives and help challenge society (Hihara et al., 2018). Thus, finding others or groups that share similar alternative narratives may clarify one’s socioculturally positive and negative meanings within these narratives. However, prior studies have not examined the roles of these identity processes. The present study addressed this research gap.
Japanese Sociocultural Context
Master and alternative narratives depend on cultures (McAdams & Pals, 2006). For example, redemption narratives, which refer to positive change following negative events, are widely used in North America but are not necessarily dominant in other cultures (Blackie et al., 2023). However, most studies have focused on Western contexts while neglecting Eastern ones. Therefore, this study focused on emerging adults attending a university in Japan, one of the Eastern countries (Sugimura et al., 2022). Emerging adulthood is a critical period during which Japanese individuals engage in identity formation. In Japan, this period involves preparing to enter labor market and making career choices, both of which can exacerbate identity conflicts (Sugimura & Mizokami, 2012). Indeed, a multi-cohort longitudinal study (N = 5,047) found that emerging adults in Japan experience a more intense sense of identity confusion than adolescents, which may prompt them to actively work on their identity formation (Hatano et al., 2022). Most high school students in Japan (59.1%) proceed to university after graduation (Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology in Japan, 2024). Furthermore, the university environment provides substantial opportunities for identity exploration, including consideration of future career paths before entering the workforce (Shirai et al., 2012; Sugimura & Mizokami, 2012). Thus, the sample of emerging adults in a university is well-suited for examining identity development in Japan.
Japan is characterized by collectivism and philosophies such as Confucianism and Buddhism. Individuals in Japan, shaped by collectivistic values, are expected to maintain harmonious social relationships with others (Markus & Kitayama, 1991). Those who deviate from these expectations may develop socioculturally positive or negative meanings in alternative narratives in ways other than maintaining relationships. Meanwhile, Confucianism and Buddhism may offer individuals a way to find a coherent worldview (King, 2003) and meaning in life (Levesque, 2002). Quantitative evidence (N = 969) supports this idea, indicating that Japanese youth have used religious beliefs to form a clear sense of identity (Sugimura et al., 2019). Confucianism and Buddhism may help individuals clarify socioculturally positive and negative meanings in alternative narratives.
The Present Study
This exploratory mixed-methods study aimed to reveal how individuals who deviate from master narratives develop socioculturally positive and negative meanings in alternative narratives. Based on theoretical postulations (McLean et al., 2018; Pasupathi et al., 2007; Svensson & Syed, 2019), we focused on three identity processes: the elaboration of master and alternative narratives, self-event connections, and finding others or groups that share similar alternative narratives. By integrating the results of quantitative and qualitative analyses, we sought to gain a rich understanding of the complex processes through which individuals relate to society (Johnson et al., 2007). This is especially important given that research on socioculturally positive and negative identities is still in its early stages. Quantitative analyses were guided by three research questions:
In the qualitative analysis, we explored how individuals negotiate master narratives through these processes. This adds a fresh and deeper understanding of the results from the quantitative analysis. Beyond the extent of the role of identity processes in developing socioculturally positive and negative alternative narratives, we examined the dynamics of how individuals interact with society in these processes.
Since the main focus of this study was on the person-society integration in identity development (Erikson, 1968; Syed & McLean, 2016), we separately analyzed the socioculturally and personally positive and negative meanings in alternative narratives. Previous studies have shown the effectiveness of separating social and personal aspects of individuals’ narratives (e.g., agency and communion themes; Bauer & McAdams, 2004; McAdams & McLean, 2013), and this approach is useful for highlighting the unique characteristics of sociocultural meanings in alternative narratives. Socioculturally positive and negative meanings refer to alternative narratives that lead to good (or bad) relationships with others, contributions (or defiance) to society, high (or low) evaluations from others, and so on. Meanwhile, personally positive and negative meanings represent alternative narratives that lead to one’s own positive (or negative) feelings, personal profit (or loss), the achievement (or prevention) of self-fulfillment, and so on. The personally positive and negative meanings were examined as ancillary analyses.
Methods
Participants
Demographic Information of the Present Sample (N = 104)
Procedure
All participants attended in-person interviews after providing signed informed consent. The first, fourth, and fifth authors collected data in a laboratory setting on the university campus from August 2018 to December 2019. All interviews were conducted in Japanese, and the selected interview quotes were translated into English before the manuscript was written. Participants were paid JPY 1,000 (about USD 6.54) for their participation. This study was approved by the Ethics Review Board of Hiroshima University in Japan. This study was not preregistered.
Narrative Interview
First, participants responded to the master narrative deviation prompt, providing a narrative about their deviation from master narratives (McLean et al., 2018; Yasui et al., 2025): We all have our own personal life story made up of our experiences and interpretations of those experiences. Sometimes, stories from our lives, or aspects of our lives, don’t completely match the storyline that others (society, culture, family, friends, etc.) expect us to have, or what is considered appropriate, normal, or accepted. Have you ever felt that your story diverged from what was considered to be normal, expected, or accepted? Please describe it in the space provided below, including how it made you feel, and its significance to you (if any). This could be something that was a discrete event, something more general about yourself or your life, or anything in between.
Participants then answered additional questions intended to further understand how they negotiate with master narratives. The following questions were asked: (a) “What does your deviation mean to you? Do you think your deviation has a great influence on your whole life?”; (b) “What does a good life story mean to you?”; (c) “What kind of people do you think share such a good life story? For example, is it shared only around you, or generally in Japanese society?”; (d) “How did you become aware of these expectations or beliefs?”; (e) “Have you ever talked about your deviation with others? If you have, please describe the other person’s response in detail”; (f) “What do you think against a good life story itself shared in society and those who expect you to align with it?”; (g) “In what ways does your deviation enable you to enrich your future life or to make some kind of contribution to others and society?” The full interview questions are shown in the supplemental materials.
Narrative Coding
Sample Cases of Coding Categories
Master Narrative Elaboration
Elaboration of the master narrative was coded for when the participant elaborated on good or valued stories in sociocultural contexts. We utilized an adapted version of the coding system developed by McLean et al. (2018). The original version of this coding system was scaled from 1 to 4. However, in the preliminary examination to apply the original coding scheme to the present study, we found that the difference between a score of 3 (clear reference to a master narrative) and 4 (detailed and well-developed description of a master narrative) was unclear. Therefore, we used a scale of 1 to 3, with 1 indicating no evidence whatsoever for reference to the master narrative, 2 indicating very minimal or suggestive reference to the master narrative, and 3 indicating a clear and well-developed or detailed explanation of the master narrative. Interrater reliability (intraclass correlation; ICC) was acceptable (ICC = .83).
Alternative Narrative Elaboration
The degree to which the participant elaborated on the alternative narrative in their personal narrative was coded using a coding scheme developed by McLean et al. (2018). A well-developed alternative narrative is assumed to have a sense of agency in challenging the master narrative and to be elaborated (McLean & Syed, 2015). Thus, we rated this scale considering both elaboration and agency in the alternative narrative. Alternative narrative elaboration was scaled from 1 to 4. A score of 1 represents no evidence of an alternative narrative, and a score of 2 indicates very minimal or suggestive evidence of an alternative narrative. A score of 3 was given when the alternative narrative was clearly present but only somewhat developed, or if developed, lacked agency. A score of 4 represents that the alternative narrative is fully developed and expressed with agency. The interrater reliability was acceptable (ICC = .81).
Socioculturally Positive and Negative Meanings in Alternative Narrative
Following the guideline offered by Syed and Nelson (2015), we developed a coding scheme for these constructs based on a deductive theory-driven approach. According to the concepts of socioculturally positive and negative identities in Erikson’s (1968) theory, we intended to code the degree to which the participant recognized a socioculturally positive or negative meaning in their alternative narrative. First, to be familiar with the data, the first, second, and last authors carefully read the interviews. Second, the first author created an initial coding manual based on the theoretical framework (Erikson, 1968; Hihara et al., 2018; Way & Rogers, 2015) and an existing coding manual for positive and negative meaning-making (McLean et al., 2018). Third, through the discussion of the first, second, and last authors, this preliminary coding schema was applied back to several randomly selected interviews to ensure appropriate specificity and accuracy. Refinements were made to the working manual when it did not work to code the data appropriately. Fourth, once the first, second, and last authors determined that no changes to the working coding scheme were necessary, the documents were finalized as a static coding scheme.
A code for socioculturally positive and negative meanings was provided for participants who scored 2 or higher on alternative narratives. These sociocultural meanings were rated from 1 to 4. To differentiate these from personally positive or negative meanings, raters were careful not to overlook phrases suggesting references to others or society. Specifically, raters looked for participants’ expressions of positive or negative meaning or evaluative statements in their alternative narratives, such as (1) contributing to others or society (not to their own advantage), (2) being accepted or highly evaluated by others or society, and (3) serving important roles in the community or society. A rating of 1 indicates that socioculturally positive or negative meanings are not present at all. A score of 2 represents that socioculturally positive or negative meanings are very minimal or suggestive. A rating of 3 indicates that socioculturally positive or negative meanings are clearly present, but vague or unelaborated. A rating of 4 indicates that socioculturally positive or negative meanings are clearly present and elaborated. The interrater reliability was acceptable (ICCs = .76 for both positive and negative meanings).
Personally Positive and Negative Meanings in Alternative Narrative
We developed a coding scheme for personally positive and negative meanings in the alternative narrative, following the steps suggested by Syed and Nelson (2015). Based on a top-down, theory-driven approach, we intended to code the extent to which participants perceived their alternative narrative to have positive or negative meanings for themselves. After careful reading of the interviews by the first, second, and last authors, the first author created a working coding scheme. Through an iterative process of applying this preliminary scheme to the original data and refining it, a static coding manual was developed.
Participants who scored 2 or higher in terms of alternative narratives received a code for personally positive or negative meanings. These were rated from 1 to 4. To distinguish personally positive and negative meanings from socioculturally ones, raters focused on phrases suggesting the narrator’s own changes or feelings. Specifically, raters looked for personally positive or negative meanings or feelings expressed in the participant’s alternative narrative, such as (1) promoting their personal growth and benefit (not to the benefit of others or society), (2) leading to their self-fulfillment (e.g., career decisions), and (3) generating positive feelings or relieving them from negative feelings. A rating of 1 indicates that personally positive or negative meanings are not present at all. A score of 2 represents that personally positive or negative meanings are very minimal or suggestive. A rating of 3 indicates that personally positive or negative meanings are clearly present but vague or unelaborated. A rating of 4 indicates that personally positive or negative meanings are clearly present and elaborated. The interrater reliability was acceptable (ICCs = .89 to .90).
Self-Event Connections
We coded the four types of self-event connections (explain/illustrate, discount, induce, and reveal) using a coding system proposed by Pasupathi et al. (2007). These were rated using a scale of 1 (present) or 0 (absent). Interrater reliability was acceptable for explain/illustrate (κ = .78), discount (κ = .84), induce (κ = .85), and reveal (κ = .82) connections. We calculated the stability connection score by summing the scores of explain/illustrate and discount connections, and the change connection score by summing the scores of induce and reveal connections.
Sharing of Alternative Narrative
When participants scored 2 or higher on the alternative narrative, we rated the degree to which the alternative narrative was connected to others or larger groups that share a similar alternative narrative. Connections to others or larger groups with the same alternative narratives are expected to empower a person to counter the master narratives (McLean & Syed, 2015). We used an adapted version of the coding scheme assessing the sharing of alternative narratives (McLean et al., 2018). The original coding schema was rated on 1 (no connection), 2 (brief or vague reference, minimal connection, or very few people mentioned), and 3 (clear connection to larger groups). However, when applying this coding to the present research, we found that it could not capture connections with a certain number of other people (e.g., friend groups). Therefore, we used a scale of 1 to 4. A rating of 1 represents no connection. A score of 2 indicates brief or vague reference, minimal connection, or very few people mentioned. A rating of 3 represents a clear connection to a certain number of people but not to larger groups and communities, and a score of 4 indicates a clear connection to larger groups and communities. The interrater reliability was acceptable (ICC = .78).
Analytic Plan
To provide an in-depth understanding of RQ1, RQ2, and RQ3, we employed a mixed-methods approach, which combines quantitative and qualitative analyses of the narrative data. Specifically, we used a sequential explanatory design, in which the quantitative analysis is followed by the qualitative analysis and the results of the two analyses are integrated during the interpretation part of the study (Creswell & Plano Clark, 2011). For the quantitative part of the analysis, we examined correlations among the study variables. Given that the length of the narratives and the large proportion of women in the sample may affect these relationships, we included word count and gender as control variables.
For the qualitative part of the study, we employed an inductive thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006), which is used to identify patterns and themes in the data. The focus of the analysis was on the development of socioculturally positive and negative alternative narratives; therefore, we analyzed the narratives of 25 participants (24.04%) who scored high (3 or 4) on socioculturally positive or negative meanings in alternative narratives (for the demographic information of the participants, see Table S1 in the supplemental material).
The team for the thematic analysis consisted of the first author and two research assistants. The first author had studied identity development in sociocultural contexts and published other research using a qualitative method. The two research assistants were graduate students, who had studied identity development in sociocultural contexts and psychopathology and had been trained in qualitative analysis. All of them were raised in Japan and were familiar with Japanese sociocultural contexts. Consistent with the inductive nature of this analysis, there were no hypotheses about the data. The first author was aware of the results of the quantitative analysis, but the two research assistants were not, to minimize bias in the qualitative analysis.
The guiding questions of the analysis aligned with the aims of this study: How are individuals’ identities restricted by master narratives? How do individuals negotiate with master narratives? What identity processes facilitate these negotiations? Examining these questions is essential for fully understanding the complex processes through which individuals develop socioculturally positive and negative identities. To address these questions, we adopted a social constructionist epistemological stance that acknowledges the socioculturally situated nature of the qualitative data collected. The analysis included both an interpretation of the semantic content narrated and the underlying assumptions and performance of that semantic content (Braun & Clarke, 2006). In the first step of analysis, the three readers read all 25 interviews to become familiar with the materials. In the second step, the first author thoroughly read the narratives again and assigned initial codes. In the third step, based on these initial codes, the three readers had several rounds of discussions and identified themes until a saturation point was reached (no new themes were found). In the fourth step, the three readers reread all narratives and examined whether the identified themes were good representations of the content in the narratives. In the fifth step, the three readers defined and named the themes through discussion. In the sixth step, the first author selected diverse and relevant quotations to illustrate how the conceptual ideas of the themes were reflected in the data set. The analysis from the first to the fifth steps was conducted entirely in Japanese. Before proceeding to the sixth step, narrative quotes used in this manuscript were translated from Japanese to English by a bilingual research assistant and the first author.
Results
Quantitative Analyses
Descriptive Statistics and Correlations Among the Study Variables and 95% Confidence Intervals Controlling for Gender and Word Count
Note. The range was 1–3 for master narrative elaboration, 1–4 for alternative narrative elaboration, 1–4 for socioculturally positive and negative meanings in alternative narrative, 1–4 for personally positive and negative meanings in alternative narrative, 0–2 for stability and change connections, and 1–3 for sharing of alternative narrative. 95% CI = 95% confidence interval.
*p < .05, **p < .01, ***p < .001.
RQ1: Elaboration of Master and Alternative Narratives
The elaboration of master narratives was not significantly related to socioculturally positive (r = .13, p = .204) or negative (r = −.02, p = .852) meanings in alternative narratives. Meanwhile, alternative narrative elaboration was positively correlated with socioculturally positive meaning (r = .35, p < .001) but not with a negative one (r = .19, p = .081).
Ancillary analyses indicated that the elaboration of the master narrative was not significantly related to personally positive (r = .15, p = .145) or negative (r = −.06, p = .548) meanings in alternative narratives. Alternative narrative elaboration was positively related to personally positive meaning (r = .51, p < .001) but not to a negative one (r = −.05, p = .650).
RQ2: Stability and Change Self-Event Connections
The stability connection was positively correlated with a socioculturally negative meaning in alternative narratives (r = .24, p = .013) but not with a positive one (r = .10, p = .308). Meanwhile, the change connection showed insignificant relationships with both socioculturally positive (r = −.01, p = .904) and negative (r = .09, p = .389) meanings.
Results from ancillary analyses showed statistically insignificant associations of the stability connection with personally positive (r = −.11, p = .264) and negative (r = .06, p = .537) meanings in alternative narratives. The change connection was positively related to a personally negative meaning (r = .33, p < .001) but not with a positive one (r = .15, p = .140).
RQ3: Sharing of Alternative Narrative
Sharing of the alternative narrative was positively associated with a socioculturally negative meaning in alternative narratives (r = .25, p = .010) but not with a positive one (r = .02, p = .873).
Ancillary analyses showed that sharing the alternative narrative was not significantly correlated with personally positive (r = .03, p = .798) or negative (r = −.15, p = .126) meanings in alternative narratives.
Qualitative Analysis
To provide a more nuanced and contextualized understanding of the results of the qualitative analysis, Table S1 reports master narratives narrated by the participants. The master narratives in this sample encompassed a wide range of content. The prevailing ones included building and maintaining harmonious relationships with others (52.00%), engaging in various activities (mainly studying) to enter prestigious schools (12.00%), and respecting parents’ opinions in important life decisions (8.00%). Marriage, having children, and maintaining physical and mental health were also mentioned as master narratives by a few participants, although less frequently.
In the thematic analysis that examines how individuals negotiate these master narratives to develop socioculturally positive and negative meanings in alternative narratives, we provided detailed explanations of each theme, considering the broader sociocultural context in Japan. Through the analysis, we identified the following five themes.
Theme 1: Restriction of Socioculturally Positive and Negative Identity Possibilities by Master Narratives
The first theme was related to the multiple master narratives that limit individuals’ positive identity options accepted by society. The legitimacy of these master narratives was rooted in rigid social structures and those holding social power. One participant stated that the rigid structure of the labor market and those with power in Japan expect individuals to cooperate with others. I never liked being with other people that much... I guess my idea of normal is to enjoy being with other people... Relying on others to do something or everyone hanging out and sharing something, that kind of “living in a circle of people”... When I see demand for that kind of human resources, I guess for people at high levels, that’s what their Japan or their world needs, and for them, that’s normal.
Many Japanese companies have traditionally adopted the seniority wage and lifetime employment systems. In these systems, employees are expected to build good relationships with colleagues and contribute to their companies over the long term (Teikoku Databank, 2022). The above quote illustrates that cooperation with others is highly valued in Japan because it is based on rigid social structures and those in power. This master narrative has a significant effect on individuals’ identities, as securing a job is a crucial concern for emerging adults. The legitimacy of such master narratives leads individuals who deviate from them to recognize socioculturally negative meanings in their alternative narratives as a result of social sanctions.
These master narratives may hold even greater legitimacy when combined with other types of master narratives. Some participants suggested that the Confucian based master narrative of respecting parents’ opinions in important life decisions reinforces the legitimacy of other master narratives. Confucianism emphasizes respect for superiors and preference for close blood relatives (Hwang & Chang, 2009). Well, my father, mother, and grandparents, umm, my hometown is very rural and has a decreasing population, so I think they all really wanted me to move back to my hometown and contribute to the community there. So, I somehow feel that they want me to live with a stable occupation like all of my relatives who are teachers.... My closest friends from my hometown, they tell me things like “your parents are getting older so isn't coming back home and becoming a teacher the best thing you could do for them?”
In this quote, the legitimacy of a master narrative to become a teacher in her hometown after graduation is reinforced by the Confucian based master narrative, which expects her to follow the guidance of her relatives. This combination of master narratives further limits her options for socioculturally positive identity. Additionally, individuals in such situations may face severe social sanctions by simultaneously experiencing deviations from multiple master narratives, which may project possibilities of socioculturally negative identity onto them. Individuals must navigate these possibilities to develop a socioculturally positive sense of identity.
Theme 2: Relativization of Master and Alternative Narratives
How do individuals negotiate with rigid master narratives? Since individuals are often unconsciously influenced by master narratives (McLean & Syed, 2015), critically reflecting on these narratives may help them clarify the socioculturally positive and negative meanings in alternative narratives. In other words, individuals may make various efforts to understand how master and alternative narratives are valued in society from a relativistic perspective. For example, some participants emphasized that the master narrative is not the only “good life” but just one of many possible lives. There’s a person in my course who asserts that “as a university student, one should be in a romantic relationship”… Such views are quite commonly expressed in various places, but there are people who do not desire that kind of lifestyle. Some don’t view romantic relationships to the opposite sex as the be-all and end-all, or may not even be attracted to the opposite sex.
Another way of considering master and alternative narratives from a relativistic perspective is to criticize the legitimacy of master narratives. One participant explained that it is not convincing that the master narrative of maintaining harmonious relationships with others is so highly valued in Japan: I have always thought that most people have ordinary relationships with people they don’t like or people they hate, but I can’t really do that. When I see people acting normal on the face but criticizing the person behind their back, I think that they might as well not be involved with the person in the first place. I feel that there is no point to it if they’re going to be so nasty.
Overall, relativizing master and alternative narratives sheds light on how master narratives have unconsciously restricted individuals’ identities. It may provide individuals with a significant opportunity to construct socioculturally positive or negative meanings in alternative narratives that differ from or resist master narratives. Additionally, this can lead to a personally positive meaning that relieves them from the constraints of master narratives.
Theme 3: Construction or Adoption of Socioculturally Positive Alternative Narratives
To develop positive identities accepted by society, individuals make sense of their deviation and negotiate with master narratives (Toolis & Hammack, 2015). Participants indicated various ways to clarify socioculturally positive meanings in alternative narratives. First, some participants narrated alternative narratives that link their deviation to the benefit of others or society. Probably because of going through such an experience [bullying], I wanted to study psychology in university and thought that maybe I could understand the feelings of people who are struggling a little, and I wanted to be helpful to those who are mentally struggling. That’s why I've been thinking that I want to pursue a career where I can contribute to helping people going through such difficulties.
This type of narrative is related to redemption and generativity. The construction of redemptive narratives promotes psychological well-being (Cox et al., 2019). Meanwhile, generativity involves providing care and concern for future generations (McAdams & Guo, 2015). Those who have experienced deviation from master narratives may empathize with others who share the same deviation and attempt to help them. Redemptive and generative narratives may serve as effective templates for addressing socioculturally negative identity possibilities.
Second, some participants formed alternative narratives that emphasize an awareness of and gratitude for their predetermined connection with others: En-relationships. En is a term rooted in Buddhism, referring to a mysterious agency that connects a person to another person or object (Ishii, 1998). In an en-based worldview, human relationships are naturally granted as en by supernatural beings unknown to humans, rather than artificially created or controlled. This is expressed in commonly used phrases, such as enmusubi (en-matchmaking), ketsuen (blood en-connection), and chien (land en-connection), which refer to various types of relationships with people and things. For example, one participant narrated: I took the zenki (first) exam for my first-choice university but failed and decided to go to this university after passing the kouki (second) exam... I feel it was a good outcome and positively think of the situation. Now that I am a student at this university, I realize it is a great place, although I had no idea before coming here... Rather than thinking that something bad…or a failure…umm…has happened in my story, I feel that it has turned out to be a good choice by en-relationships.
En-relationships are consistent with redemption in terms of transforming negative events into positive ones. In addition, en-relationships allow individuals to become aware of others predetermined by a mystical force, helping them gain a sense of acceptance in society.
The narratives presented above may not actively challenge master narratives to change societal expectations. A third type of socioculturally positive meaning in alternative narratives involves attempting to change rigid master narratives, as follows: Overall, my life story demonstrates that I prioritize determining what is right and wrong. For instance, things that people generally compromise on or that most adults would overlook weigh on my mind... Moreover, because I strongly object to unreasonableness, I tend to immediately disagree with anything I find unreasonable or dreadful. In general, most people would probably suppress these feelings... I hope they will become more open to saying “No.”
Because of the power and legitimacy of master narratives, individuals must exert a great deal of effort to resist them (McLean et al., 2018). This individual believed that his alternative narrative was positive in terms of social justice; thus, he had the agency to challenge his master narratives. In sum, there are various ways to clarify socioculturally positive meanings in alternative narratives and to negotiate with the power and legitimacy of master narratives.
Theme 4: Construction or Adoption of Socioculturally Negative Alternative Narratives
Some participants formed socioculturally negative meanings in alternative narratives by internalizing the negative identity possibilities projected as a social sanction for deviating from master narratives. They actively or passively resisted master narratives in various ways. A major approach was renouncing social relationships to address the distress that arises in interpersonal relationships: When I saw this [an event in which a girl betrayed their friend], it really made me question what friendship really was... After that, I lost my trust in other people... After seeing those other girls in that clique, I started to believe that I really shouldn’t trust others that easily. So, I haven’t really had any close friends since then, even now.
This quote may be related to the philosophy of Buddhism in Japan, which views the world as transient and fluid. This philosophy is connected to the nature of social relationships in Japan, where individuals must be highly sensitive to and vigilant of others’ expectations and desires, adjusting their behaviors accordingly (Morling et al., 2002). Thus, renouncing these relationships may lead to comfort and ease (peaceful disengagement; Kan et al., 2009) and may release individuals from the distress of not conforming to master narratives.
Additionally, as a different form of passive resistance to master narratives, some individuals internalized negative societal labels into their identities and constructed alternative narratives based on these labels: After getting in college, I became dissolute.... Well, I think “ordinary” is called “ordinary” or “general” since such a way works socially, so I never think expecting me to be ordinary is bad. But, experience tells me I can’t become ordinary. I want them not to obtrude their expectation on me. I understand they say that for my good. But I wanted to enjoy the comfort of being dissolute, and I am doing so. Since I chose it by myself, I want them not to force me to be ordinary.
This narrative is consistent with a subtype of socioculturally negative identity in which individuals turn their back on the “good life” in society. These individuals attempt to become a “nobody” in society or internalize an undesirable label (Erikson, 1968; Hihara et al., 2019). Importantly, while this alternative narrative is not accepted by society, it holds a personally positive meaning that frees individuals from the pressure to continue adhering to master narratives.
While the above alternative narratives may implicitly maintain existing master narratives through passive resistance, some individuals actively challenged master narratives based on the socioculturally negative meanings in their alternative narratives: My mother wants me to bear a child and every coworker of my part-time work wants a baby. But, I wonder why they think such a thing, and it’s my deviation. Well, as far as I have heard, many of the reasons for their hoping a childbearing are that children are cute, or they don’t want to live alone in the future. But, first, I can’t understand the cuteness of children, and if I bear a child, I will regard the child as an unwelcome interruption.
Such individuals resist master narratives even though they understand that their alternative narrative is not accepted by society. This resistance may be fueled by hostility and distrust toward society, representing a subtype of socioculturally negative identity (Hihara et al., 2019).
Theme 5: Others and Groups Supporting the Negotiation with Master Narratives
Because individuals who deviate from master narratives lack connection with others in the majority or those who conform to master narratives, they are less likely to feel accepted by societies (McLean et al., 2018). However, they may not inherently lack connection with all others. Connection with others and groups who share the same deviance plays an important role in the elaboration of alternative narratives (Svensson & Syed, 2019). A sense of belonging may encourage individuals to challenge master narratives based on the socioculturally positive or negative meanings in their alternative narratives, as follows: When I follow the trend on Twitter, I see a strong movement in terms of people striving to gain freedom... I believe a new era will arrive and people’s way of living will be more aligned with my life story... I also wish to be involved in creating the movement, and I aim to become a person who voices my opinions when I notice situations that are not right. Many of them [friends] don’t want to bear a child...When we took a train recently, a child began to cry and the mother was extremely panicked. It looked terrible. After we got off the train, I said I absolutely did not want to bear a child if it was bothersome like that. I was together with three friends then, and everyone agreed with me.
The results also suggest the importance of others who do not share the same alternative narrative. These individuals accepted those who deviated from master narratives and encouraged them to develop alternative narratives that built good relationships, as follows: I have one friend to whom I report, or rather tell, all the things I don’t agree with, and also the things I normally enjoy.... She generally doesn’t deny what I'm saying. We are probably close in our way of thinking, but we also have our differences because we are different people, but we accept those differences in a way that says, well, that’s just the way we are. Even if there were times when I was saying things and I thought it was my fault, she would phrase it like maybe the other party was unpleasant and that made me respond in such a harsh way.
Discussion
Identity development, an important aspect of personality development, is always embedded in sociocultural contexts (Erikson, 1968; McAdams & Pals, 2006; Syed, 2017). However, previous research has overlooked the process by which individuals develop socioculturally positive and negative identities. To address this limitation, the present study applied the master narrative approach (McLean & Syed, 2015). We examined how different identity processes contribute to the clarification of socioculturally positive and negative meanings in alternative narratives among Japanese emerging adults. Below, we provide an integrated interpretation of the findings from both quantitative and qualitative analyses, as well as their practical implications.
Master Narratives in Emerging Adulthood in Japan
Participants reported a wide variety of master narratives. This diversity stems from the context-free approach used in this study, in contrast to previous studies that have focused on specific contexts such as gender, family, or challenging life events (Eriksson et al., 2020; McLean et al., 2020; Turner et al., 2024; Wiking et al., 2022). The prevailing master narratives in the present sample included building and maintaining harmonious relationships with others, respecting parents’ opinions in important life decisions, and engaging in various activities (e.g., studying) to attend prestigious schools.
We believe that these contents reflect broader societal expectations in Japan. First, having harmonious relationships with others may be related to traditional collectivism and the Japanese educational system. Schools in Japan emphasize an integrated approach to both academic instruction and student guidance for providing comprehensive human education (Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology of Japan, 2016). Student guidance aims to support students in having cooperative relationships with others and achieving self-fulfillment that aligns with societal expectations. Related to this, schools organize various group activities (e.g., athletic meetings and school festivals) to cultivate harmonious relationships with others (Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science, and Technology in Japan, 2022). As one participant narrated, the expectation to have harmonious relationships extends beyond school and continues after entering the labor market.
Second, engaging in various activities to enter prestigious schools may be based on the Japanese practice of parents and schools providing opportunities for young people to succeed in society. Because admission to prestigious schools is a key predictor of future high income and stable employment in Japan, many young people devote themselves to preparation for tough higher education entrance examinations (Iwasaki, 2005; Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare, 2023). To navigate this intense competition, a certain number of students not only study at school but also attend cram schools, where special training sessions are held on weekday evenings and weekends (Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology of Japan, 2023). Furthermore, students are often evaluated by their schools, parents, and society based on their academic performance relative to peers. While parents and schools offer various opportunities for young people to pursue higher education, many students experience immense pressure and severe stress (Entrich, 2015).
Third, the emphasis on respecting parents’ opinions in life decisions may be rooted in Japan’s collectivist culture and Confucian traditions. Historically, children have been taught to show respect not only to their parents but also to other family members and even ancestors (Taniguchi & Kaufman, 2017). As a way of repaying the care and support they received throughout childhood and into adulthood, emerging adults are expected to demonstrate filial piety by returning to their hometowns, living with their parents, and providing financial and caregiving support (Lin & Yi, 2013). These expectations remain widespread in Japan today, and emerging adults are often expected to take their parents’ wishes into account when making significant life decisions, such as career choices.
While further research is needed to determine whether the master narratives identified in this study are generalizable to Japanese society (Syed & McLean, 2023), it is noteworthy that they remain closely tied to Japan’s traditional social structure and cultural values. Recent studies have focused on sociocultural shifts, such as the weakening of collectivism (e.g., Sugimura, 2020). However, our findings suggest that traditional master narratives continue to hold strong legitimacy in Japan, shaping the narrative identities of emerging adults.
Considering Master and Alternative Narratives from a Relativistic Perspective
Regarding RQ1, quantitative analyses indicated a positive correlation between alternative narrative elaboration and socioculturally positive meanings in alternative narratives. This finding suggests that individuals deeply consider alternative narratives to challenge master narratives that restrict their socioculturally positive identity options. In line with this, qualitative analyses indicated that master narratives derive their legitimacy from power and rigid social structures. For example, one participant narrated that the expectation of harmonious relationships with others is supported by the traditional employment system in Japan, which emphasizes good relationships with colleagues. Additionally, some individuals who deviated from master narratives also experienced deviation from another master narrative based on Confucian philosophy, which holds that individuals should respect their parents’ demands (Hwang & Chang, 2009). This may represent a unique type of intersectional deviation in Japan (Cole, 2009; McLean et al., 2018). Those experiencing such deviations were aware of the possibility of socioculturally negative identities due to social sanctions.
Qualitative analysis suggests that considering master and alternative narratives from a relativistic viewpoint helps individuals address their deviations. Since many individuals are unconsciously affected by master narratives (McLean & Syed, 2015), they may need to adopt a relativistic view of master narratives to clarify the sociocultural meanings of their alternative narratives. Toolis and Hammack (2015) found that homeless youth in the United States developed socioculturally positive identities by recognizing the inequalities and structural barriers that projected stigmatized labels onto them (e.g., “criminal” and “dangerous”). Considering master and alternative narratives from a relativistic view allows individuals to recognize that the master narrative is just one of many positive identity options accepted by society and to question its legitimacy. This helps individuals form socioculturally positive alternative narratives with agency.
Connecting Deviation Experiences to Sociocultural Meanings in Alternative Narratives
As for RQ2, in quantitative analyses, stability or change connections were not related to socioculturally positive alternative narratives. The results of the qualitative analysis suggest that these may be because individuals develop a socioculturally positive sense of identity in diverse ways. Some individuals linked their deviation to socioculturally positive alternative narratives by forming redemptive and generative narratives or by resisting master narratives in light of social justice (McAdams, 2006; McAdams & Guo, 2015). Others formed a socioculturally positive identity by linking their deviation to an in-depth understanding of and gratitude toward close others, rather than focusing on their self-concept. This reflects the cultural background of Japan. As individuals explore their identities based on religious beliefs (Sugimura et al., 2019), Japanese people often rely on the Buddhist idea of en, which is widely embraced in Japan, to develop a socioculturally positive sense of identity. Through en, individuals recognize their relationships with others as determined by a mystical force, allowing them to regain a sense of acceptance by society.
Quantitative analyses showed an association between a stability connection and socioculturally negative meanings in alternative narratives. This finding can be understood through the results of the qualitative analysis. Those who linked their deviation to alternative narratives by renouncing social relationships, internalizing socially negative labels, or harboring hostility and distrust toward society were likely to explain that they cannot conform to master narratives because of their stable characteristics. Since they saw themselves as inherently incapable of meeting societal expectations, they coped with deviation by forming alternative narratives that were not accepted by society. This was evident in culturally relevant types of alternative narratives that renounce social relationships (Markus & Kitayama, 1991; Sugimura, 2020). Japanese people are highly sensitive to the demands of others and feel stress in maintaining harmonious relationships (Kan et al., 2009; Morling et al., 2002). In this context, resisting master narratives by renouncing social relationships is a possible identity option, even if it is undesirable. Indeed, two quantitative studies of Japanese emerging adults reported that those who lack identity often choose to become “hikikomori,” refusing social relationships and shutting themselves up in their homes for extended periods (N = 2,313 and 756, respectively; Hihara et al., 2020, 2022a).
Finding Others or Groups that Accept Deviations from Master Narratives
Regarding RQ3, quantitative analyses found a positive relationship between the sharing of alternative narratives and socioculturally negative meanings in alternative narratives. While the power of master narratives limits opportunities for individuals to talk about their deviations, finding others or groups with the same deviations helps these individuals form alternative narratives (Svensson & Syed, 2019). Our findings suggest that feeling a sense of belonging encourages individuals to resist master narratives based on their socioculturally negative alternative narratives. Furthermore, qualitative analyses indicated that individuals recognize the legitimacy of their alternative narratives by finding others who share the same ones. These results are in line with previous findings that individuals with socioculturally negative identities belong to antisocial subgroups (Erikson, 1964).
Quantitative analyses showed an insignificant relation between the sharing of alternative narratives and socioculturally positive meanings in alternative narratives. Based on the results of the qualitative analysis, this may be due to the presence of others who accept individuals’ deviations and encourage conversations about them, even if they do not share the same alternative narratives. Such individuals may help others feel accepted by society. This finding suggests that socioculturally positive meanings in alternative narratives are supported not only by connections to others who share the same alternative narrative but also by those who do not.
Practical Implications
The findings of this study have implications for practices that support socioculturally positive identity development. While personality is relatively stable, personal narratives can change through new experiences (McAdams & Pals, 2006). Researchers and practitioners have developed re-storying interventions that encourage individuals to reconsider their existing narratives and help them reconstruct new ones. For example, recent quantitative research in the United States designed an intervention that helps individuals reconstruct narratives according to the “Hero’s Journey” storyline, which aligns with the redemptive narrative commonly found in North American cultural contexts (Rogers et al., 2023). Our findings suggest that a storyline based on the Japanese context, such as en, helps Japanese people deal with their deviation from master narratives. Such culturally sensitive story templates can be applied to design interventions that encourage Japanese people to form socioculturally positive identities.
Strengths and Limitations
This study has several strengths over previous research. First, it used the master narrative approach to expand knowledge on how individuals develop their socioculturally positive and negative identities by internalizing, negotiating with, and resisting societal expectations. We believe that our findings further advance personality psychology in line with theoretical works by McAdams (2006) and Hammack (2008), which have emphasized the cultural nature of personality development. Second, we revealed the complex process of the formation of socioculturally positive and negative senses of identity using both quantitative and qualitative analyses. Third, this is the first study to examine identity development through negotiation with master narratives in Japan, a context that has been largely overlooked in previous studies.
Despite these strengths, this research has some limitations. First, we used interview questions focused on deviation from master narratives. While this is useful considering that master narratives unconsciously affect identity (Hammack, 2008), it is unclear to what extent deviation affects participants’ overall narrative identity. Future research could provide further insights by using additional methods, such as asking multiple narrative prompts and observing negotiation with master narratives in conversations (Syed & McLean, 2023). Second, this study used cross-sectional data. While we provided an in-depth understanding through both quantitative and qualitative analyses, future research should employ a longitudinal design to better capture the process of identity development. Third, our sample consisted only of emerging adults in university, with a high proportion of women (75.96%). Although we controlled for gender in the quantitative analyses, this sampling bias may have affected the findings. To gain more comprehensive knowledge, future research should collect gender-balanced samples and include individuals from structurally marginalized groups (e.g., low-income and less educated), who are at higher risk for problematic identity resolution (Hihara et al., 2018; Way & Rogers, 2015). It is also essential to focus on adolescents and adults, given that identity development continues throughout life.
Conclusion
This study revealed that societal expectations limit the possibilities of individuals’ socioculturally positive and negative identities, and that individuals in turn negotiate with these expectations in various ways based on their identity work. In these bidirectional pathways, individuals can use socioculturally relevant alternative narratives (en-relationships) to create meanings for their identity in society. These findings support the recent call for a sociocultural lens in identity and personality development (Hammack, 2008; McAdams, 2006) and have practical implications for individuals’ healthy development. In sum, this study advances the knowledge of identity and personality development by providing new insights into how individuals construct socioculturally positive and negative identities.
Supplemental Material
Supplemental Material - The Development of Socioculturally Positive and Negative Identities Through Negotiation With Master Narratives
Supplemental Material for The Development of Socioculturally Positive and Negative Identities Through Negotiation With Master Narratives by Shogo Hihara, Kazumi Sugimura, Tomotaka Umemura, Satoko Saiga, Yasuhiro Iwasa, Moin Syed in Personality Science.
Footnotes
Author’s Note
Dr. Jenny Wagner was the handling editor.
Acknowledgements
We thank the participants for providing data. We also thank the research assistants for their support with the quantitative and qualitative analyses.
Ethical Considerations
This study has been approved by the Ethics Review Board of Hiroshima University, Japan.
Author Contributions
Shogo Hihara: Conceptualization; Data curation; Formal analysis; Investigation; Methodology; Project administration; Resources; Software; Writing - original draft
Kazumi Sugimura: Conceptualization; Formal analysis; Methodology; Writing - review & editing
Tomotaka Umemura: Conceptualization; Data curation; Funding acquisition; Methodology; Writing - review & editing
Satoko Saiga: Data curation; Investigation; Resources; Writing - review & editing
Yasuhiro Iwasa: Conceptualization; Data curation; Investigation; Resources; Writing - review & editing
Moin Syed: Conceptualization; Formal analysis; Methodology; Software; Supervision; Writing - review & editing.
Funding
The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This study was supported by JSPS KAKENHI Grant Number 18K13297.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Open Science Statement
This study was not preregistered.
Supplemental Material
Supplemental material for this article is available online. Depending on the article type, these usually include a Transparency Checklist, a Transparent Peer Review File, and optional materials from the authors.
Notes
References
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