Abstract
Depression is a common complication during pregnancy, and clinical practitioners need to be aware of the latest evidence-based guidance for its detection and treatment options. As pointed out and well referenced by several researchers, depression during pregnancy negatively affects the woman, the family, and the neonate.1-4 These cited works have found, for example, that depression may be linked to low birth weight, preterm birth, poor mother-infant interaction, and below-normal heart rate variability. Those evidence-based facts do not escape clinical practitioners or their patients,5-7 but navigating the literature and synthesizing it for optimal use in patient care can be a daunting and time-consuming task for health practitioners. Thus, this article provides a synthesis of evidence-based information associated with black American women from the perspective of culture rather than race. Specifically, it will help clinical practitioners to think about black pregnant patients more from a cultural perspective than a racial perspective when assessing or addressing depression during pregnancy.
Since 2005, studies have provided increasingly useful information on prevalence and incidence of perinatal depression,1,4,8,9 urging screening and referral to reduce the negative outcomes associated with this common complication of pregnancy. More information is available about the factors that predict perinatal depression, such as poverty, lack of education, and family pressures. Evidence suggests that women of the black race may have more exposure to a larger number of those risk factors, 6 placing them at higher risk for serious depression during pregnancy compared to their white Hispanic/Latina, white non-Hispanic/non-Latina, and Asian sisters. 10 While this suggests a possible race-related factor for depression, the focus of current research is shifting more precisely to the cultural risk factors than on the racial affiliation. To date, we found no studies of the prevalence of perinatal depression among a large, socioeconomically diverse cohort of black American women.
As sociocultural changes occur among racial groups and cultural affiliations more richly imbue studies with race as a factor, researchers have begun to attend more carefully to cultural factors within racial groups that may affect health status. One example of culture- versus race-based studies is the way in which white Hispanic and white Latina cultures are studied. Hispanic populations from Mexico and Latina populations from Latin American countries have different cultural heritages, akin to the cultures of White Americans and White Europeans or White populations from Africa. Researchers examining cultural issues among racial and ethnic groups are more recently differentiating between black women of the U.S. culture and black women from other nations, such as Africa, Haiti, and Europe. This nuance slightly complicated our review because it was unclear whether black or African American study participants in selected articles were associated strictly with a black American cultural framework. To the best possible extent, we maintained a focus on black women who lived in a recognizable American culture, such as inner-city Philadelphia or New York.
Black American women may possess distinguishing cultural characteristics that reflect their social heritage and family expectations and traditions, including their family role, educational experiences, economic status, and health literacy. 11 In fact Rosenthal et al posit that black American women have a long history of exposure to gendered racism, contradictory societal pressures regarding childbearing and motherhood, and stereotyping. In a deductive discussion of published interdisciplinary studies, Rosenthal and Lobel constructed a biosocial anthropological lens that illuminates those social factors that strongly predict disparate birth outcomes for this population.
With this type of emerging research on conditions that seem to be culturally unique to black American women, we were interested in what evidence-based guidance might be available to help clinical practitioners with culturally sensitive screening and intervention strategies for this population. Thus, the primary aim of this study was to provide a practical synthesis of available evidence to help practitioners formulate culturally sensitive approaches to assessment, rather than using a strictly race-based approach with their pregnant black American patients.
In a 2005 systematic review of prevalence and incidence of perinatal depression, Gavin et al presented a review of 28 articles published in a 25-year period. 12 Those articles provided insufficient evidence to suggest that a woman’s risk for depression is greater at any point in time pre- or postpartum or during perinatal periods compared to nonchildbearing times. While that review provided no specific guidance to practitioners regarding screening or addressing perinatal depression by racial or cultural groups, it did underscore the role of socioeconomic status in perinatal depression. Gavin et al also underscored the tendency of self-report questionnaires to overestimate prevalence of depression. The main conclusions of that review were that future research needed to (1) clarify whether risk for depression during pregnancy is any higher than during nonchildbearing years, (2) improve our understanding of differences between discrete populations, and (3) develop more sensitive and specific screening and relevant interventions.
Eight months before that review, however, the same group prepared a report for the Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality in which they indicated that “fairly accurate and feasible screening measures” were available to detect depression in perinatal women. 13 Thus, as of late 2005, a clinical practitioner who read both the review and the agency report might have been more alert to depressive symptoms generally across the course of pregnancy but might have had difficulty determining which screening method would be the most parsimonious, sensitive, and specific for discrete populations of pregnant patients. Although neither the Gavin nor Gaynes work addressed culturally related factors predicting perinatal depression, each noted that the prevalence rates of depression were higher in studies that considered adverse socioeconomic factors. On the heels of these 2005 publications, Howell et al found that black women were 2 times more likely to have depressive symptoms than Caucasian non-Latina women. 14
In a more recent review, in January 2010, Lancaster et al found 7 factors significantly associated with a greater likelihood of depression during pregnancy. 15 These factors included Medicaid status, domestic violence, lower income and education, being single, and poor interpersonal relationships. 12 In addition to those, Seng et al in 2011 reported significantly greater risks for traumatic life events, including interpersonal violence, low socioeconomic status, and poor health behaviors among black compared to nonblack women. 16
Other literature can also be helpful to practitioners interested in detecting and addressing depressive symptoms in their pregnant patients of the black race. For example, in 2012, Gonzalez et al reported that not only do few Americans with depression obtain care but that the lowest rates of treatment occur among Mexicans and African Americans. 17 Another indication of health disparities among racial groups was underscored in a 2011 study that found that black women appeared to have fivefold-increased odds of havingantenatal depression compared to their White non- Hispanic, Asian/Pacific Islander, and Latina sisters. 18
Before 2005, there were 2 published studies that reported no significant differences between white and black low-income, inner-city pregnant women on depression or social factors associated with their depression scores. And while those studies did not identify specific risk factors, they did introduce the idea that sociocultural factors might help to explain perinatal depression more than race-related factors.19,20 This new attention to sociocultural factors was addressed again in the following year, when Boyd et al found that depression was strongly related to negative life events. Two years later, in 2008, a study examined perceived barriers to discussing depression with providers and found that women who had significantly higher depression scores were more likely to have discussed their symptoms with a provider. 3 However, less than a quarter of the black women in that study had a discussion with their provider about depression, and 81% of the time that a discussion did occur, it was the provider who had initiated the discussion.
The literature provides a rich compendium of relevant and useful information on assessing and addressing the impact of depression on black mothers and their children, using culturally-sensitive approaches.
Methods
Our review focuses on the literature in perinatal depression among black American women that has been published in peer-reviewed journals since 2005. To begin our search, we relied on 2 important benchmark systematic reviews on perinatal depression, both of which were published in the Journal of Obstetrics & Gynecology, 5 years apart. One review, published in 2005, focused on the prevalence and incidence of perinatal depression. 12 The second review, published in 2010, examined the literature for risk factors for depressive symptoms during pregnancy. 15 Neither review focused on race- or culture-related factors or on special subpopulations. However, from those reviews, we were able to construct an initial list of articles that included and analyzed depressive symptoms in a discrete sample of black American women during pregnancy or within 6 months postpartum.
Next we examined the references in the retained articles to identify relevant works that were criterion omitted in the 2 benchmark systematic reviews. Finally, to update the literature through September 2011, we searched PubMed, one of the most definitive and reliable indexes for medical literature, for English-language articles using these combinations of terms: “perinatal depression” and “race and ethnicity”; “birth outcomes” and “black and African American”; “culturally-sensitive assessment” and “perinatal depression.” We reviewed each article’s abstract, methods, and findings as needed to retain only those that specifically included and analyzed a discrete sample of black American women. We then reviewed the references of those retained articles to identify other studies addressing black American culture and perinatal depression that may not have been captured by our search.
Results
We retained 16 articles from 13 journals published since November 2005 that met the inclusion criteria (see Table 1). Taken together, these articles provide compelling evidence that race-related risk factors underscore the importance of using culturally sensitive questions and developing culturally sensitive interventions for perinatal depression among black American women.
Selected Details of Reviewed Studies
Trends can be seen in the literature between 1995 and 2010 yielding increasingly helpful insights into screening for and addressing symptoms of depression among black American pregnant women. However, the dispersion of articles published since 2005, across 13 journals, and the critical information being imbedded in each article may make it difficult for health care practitioners to retrieve practical information for practice. This article provides a summary that may be useful to primary care providers in consideration of perinatal depression among their black American patients.
Generally, the most repeated guidance across the 16 articles we reviewed was that culturally sensitive screening should include attention to the stress of poverty, a history of abuse or neglect, not having a partner or spouse, low self-esteem, lifetime trauma, and interpersonal violence. The timing of a depression screening interview—that is, when it occurs during the perinatal period—seems less important than its comprehensiveness.
Discussion
Screening
In 2009, Mitchell et al reported that the rate of false negatives among primary care physicians in detecting depression may outnumber true positives by as much as 3 to 1, yielding an overestimation of depressive symptoms. The more experienced practitioners and those with strong doctor-patient communication skills have been found to be more likely to detect the true presence of depressive symptoms among their pregnant patients. Additionally, researchers investigating the frequency with which physicians ask their pregnant patients about depression found that young black women were more likely to discuss “feeling blue” with their health care provider but that more mature black women were not. 5 Thus, a combination of doctor-initiated discussion of the signs and symptoms of depression, strong doctor-patient communication skills, and culturally sensitive screening instruments seem the best combination to identify truly at-risk patients.
In the 16 articles we included in the table, 3 used the Beck Depression Inventory, 3 used the Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale, 1 used the Structured Clinical Interview for Depression, 1 used the Hopkins Symptom Checklist, 3 used the Edinburgh Perinatal Depression Scale, 1 used the Composite International Diagnostic Interview Short Form, 2 used their own set of 2 to 5 questions, and 2 did not use screening questions. Seven perinatal depression screening instruments and their respective sensitivity and specificity rates were listed in the February 2010 opinion (No. 453) from the Committee on Obstetric Practice of the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists. 21 This opinion relied on studies from 2005, 2002, and 1999, and although no one instrument was recommended over another, most of the 7 were deemed to have adequate sensitivity and specificity and were brief enough for practical use.
Treatment Interventions
Interventions most often cited for depression in this population included health and parenting education early in the pregnancy, encouragement in developing social support networks, and improving the home environment as much as possible.22,23 When concerns arise about possible depression in a black American pregnant patient, the best evidence-based approach is a combination of standardized assessments and culturally sensitive questions that provide sufficient information to shape a culturally sensitive approach to treatment interventions. 8 Black American women may be less well informed about many aspects of their health during pregnancy and immediately after delivery because of their cultural environment and not because of their racial affiliation. For poor, single, undereducated black women, cultural response to health care may be an inherent barrier to seeking or accepting care for depressive symptoms. 8
Conclusion
According to the preponderance of research on perinatal depression among black American women published since 2005, it may not be the symptoms of depression per se but the factors placing the woman at risk of these symptoms that practitioners need to address. A self-administered questionnaire may not provide sufficient insight to the woman’s situation to effectively discuss symptoms or provide possibly needed referrals. As described by Price et al, practitioners might consider adding a few questions to a standard screening instrument, such as “Are you feeling like everyone is against you?” rather than “How are you feeling?” By asking if she feels like she has to take care of everything rather than if she has sufficient support extends the interview into the cultural realm. 24
Black American women may need to feel empowered to make decisions for themselves and their babies to prevent negative birth outcomes. These women may have substantial social problems, financial worries, or emotional burdens, and openly discussing any of these may alleviate some of the stress, promoting a sense of self-efficacy that can counterbalance depressive symptoms.
Through culturally sensitive screening, practitioners can uncover clues to improve nonpharmacological treatment interventions. For example, asking about the patient’s social and emotional support systems and plans for the future can lead to an overlooked community-based resource referral. Providing education about fetal and infant growth and development, as well as self-care, may permit the woman to ask questions to improve her health status and future maternal role. Culturally sensitive screening and closely related treatment interventions can improve outcomes in this vulnerable culturally unique group of women.14,15,25,26
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interests with respect to the authorship and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research and/or authorship of this article.
