‘Wonderful Machines from Overseas’: Exhibiting Western scientific objects in a Chinese context

Abstract

This paper draws on my two years of experience as curator in the making of the exhibition ‘Wonderful Instruments from Overseas: The Western Technological World in the Eyes of Late Qing Intellectuals’ held at the Tsinghua University Science Museum, Beijing, China (from March 2024 to March 2025). The project was an attempt to reinterpret and recontextualize historical scientific objects, highlighting how they were perceived and represented by the late Qing intellectuals across different times and places. Emphasizing object-oriented and decentred historical narratives, the exhibition highlights the contributions of often-overlooked groups in the history of science. Furthermore, it demonstrates that science museums in the Chinese context can offer a more inclusive and multifaceted view of history.

1. Introduction

In his memoir When I Was a Boy in China, Lee Yan Phou ¹ described his first journey to the United States as a 12-year-old participant of the Chinese Educational Mission. In 1873, Lee and his fellow students embarked on this long voyage. After a period of preparatory training, they first sailed from Shanghai to Yokohama, Japan, where they stayed for four days and then boarded the City of Peking, an ocean-going steamer. After 19 days of sailing, they landed in San Francisco and then took a transcontinental train to their destination of Springfield, Massachusetts. ² Despite discomfort from the long journey and a misadventure on the train, Lee's initial impressions of the Western world were largely shaped by the marvel of the wonderful machines.

During the four days on shore, we young Chinese saw many strange things: the most remarkable being the steam engine. We were told that those iron rails running parallel for a long distance were the ‘fire-car road.’ I was wondering how a car could run on them, and driven by fire, too, as I understood it, when a locomotive whizzed by, screeching and ringing its bell. That was the first iron-horse we had ever seen, and it made a profound impression on us.

[…]

Nothing occurred on our Eastward journey to mar the enjoyment of our first ride on the steam-cars excepting—a train robbery, a consequent smash-up of the engine, and the murder of the engineer. […] One phase of American civilization was thus indelibly fixed upon our minds. (Lee, 1887: 105–108)

In the latter half of the nineteenth century, Lee's reactions remained representative of many Chinese visitors’ first encounters with Western technology. Another early international student, who would later become the provisional first president of the Republic of China, Sun Yat-sen, recalled his early school years in his autobiography, writing:

At the age of thirteen, I went with my mother to the island of Hawaii, where I first witnessed the marvel of steamships and the vastness of the ocean. From then on, I harbored a desire to study Western knowledge and to explore the universe. (Sun, 2011: 46–48)

In addition to students, senior diplomats, officials, business representatives and exile-travellers who went abroad also kept records, some in the form of diaries, while others were mandatory reports (Zhong, 1985). At the age of nineteen, Zhang Deyi (张德彝, 1847–1919) began his adventure as a low-ranking English interpreter on a four-month diplomatic tour through Europe. Over his lifetime, Zhang was sent abroad eight times, eventually serving as ambassador to Britain, Italy and Belgium (Zhang, 1980, 1981, 1982, 1985, 1986). His journals collectively titled Shuqi (述奇, Records of Curios), especially from his first three diplomatic trips, capture with youthful curiosity all the foreign wonders he observed, ‘from mundane aspects of daily life to the most outlandish mechanical gadgetry’ (Day, 2018: 94‒95).

Through these accounts, we have gained valuable insights into how Chinese intellectuals in the mid-to-late nineteenth century perceived foreign lands. They considered them to be places where scientific theories were rapidly turned into technological achievements, and cities were radically transforming through urbanization and industrialization. The travelogues written by the late Qing travellers revealed many ‘firsts’ experienced in their lives: their first time boarding a ship; their first ride on a steam train; their first encounters with a camera, a telescope, or an electrostatic generator; their first visits to an industrial exhibition, a public library, or a talk given by one of the ‘Victorian popularizers of science’ (Lightman, 2007). Whether it was scientific instruments, technological devices, or ‘gadgets and gizmos’, the Chinese travellers were all impressed—dazzled, amazed, shocked, or simply confused.

To showcase the Western scientific and technological world as perceived and represented by Chinese literati who travelled abroad from the 1850s to the 1900s, I took as my starting point the records of late Qing scholars’ encounters with Western societies and selected approximately 100 sets of historical scientific objects from the collection of the Tsinghua University Science Museum. By adopting object-oriented and decentred perspectives ³ , the exhibition's historical narratives reveal the often-neglected roles of diverse groups in the making of science. Following the general travel routes and common attractions that were mostly visited, the exhibition was divided into five sections: Land and Water Transportation, Street Scenes and Early Photography, Devices for Western Households, Victorian Popular Science, and the Study of Gezhi ⁴ . The first three sections of the exhibition are housed in the first exhibition hall, primarily displaying products of industrial technology. The latter two sections, housed in the second exhibition hall, focus more on scientific instruments found in settings such as observatories, museums, universities, libraries, and Victorian science education institutions.

2. The historical background of the wonderful machines

The title of the exhibition project qiqi (奇器), the ‘Wonderful Machines’, is derived from Yuanxi Qiqi Tushuo Luzui (远西奇器图说录最, Collected Diagrams and Explanations of the Wonderful Machines of the Far West) ⁵ , China's earliest systematic treatise introducing the principles and applications of Western mechanical devices. This work was completed in Beijing in 1627 and published in Yangzhou in 1628 during the Ming dynasty. The book was co-authored by Johann Schreck ⁶ (1576–1630), a German Jesuit and fellow of the Accademia dei Lincei alongside Galileo Galilei, and Wang Zheng (1571–1644), a Chinese Christian scientist. Schreck provided oral translations, while Wang recorded the content in writing and meticulously reproduced or modified the original Western illustrations explaining these mechanical devices and their principles.

This collaborative translation practice was not an isolated example. During the seventeenth century, Western scientific knowledge and technological items began to spread among Chinese intellectuals through translations and publications. One well-known example is the first six volumes of The Elements of Geometry from Euclid, co-translated by Matteo Ricci and Xu Guangqi in 1607. However, during the early eighteenth century, the further spread of Christianity in China was prohibited, and the influence of these Chinese translations of Western scientific works remained relatively limited. The primary role of Euclidean geometry after its introduction was to stimulate and interpret the native mathematical traditions (Engelfriet, 1998). It took over a century for the channels introducing Western knowledge to gradually expand again. The scope of translation broadened beyond traditional fields, such as mathematics and astronomy, to encompass chemistry, physics, and engineering (Hao, 2018, 2019). In the late Qing period, scientific popularization journals emerged as conduits of Western scientific knowledge in China, signifying the country's initial steps toward embracing modern science (Wang, 1994; Xiong, 1994).

In the meantime, objects representing Western scientific progress were brought to the Ming and Qing courts by foreign delegations and missionaries as diplomatic gifts. The scientific instruments and related apparatuses now housed in the Palace Museum, Beijing ⁷ , can be categorized into astronomical instruments, mathematical instruments, geodetic instruments, drafting tools, optical instruments, medical instruments, and mechanical devices. Among them, there are practical scientific instruments, scientific demonstration instruments and educational scientific tools. The Western objects associated with Sino‒Western scientific exchanges number between two to three thousand pieces. Additionally, Zaobanchu (造办处), the imperial workshop of the Qing court, also produced Western scientific objects under the guidance of missionaries (Guo, 2015).

Qianlong (1711–1799), the sixth Emperor of the Qing Dynasty, once wrote a poem praising a microscope that was gifted to him. ⁸ In his Ode to the Microscope (咏显微镜), he wrote:

玻璃制为镜，视远已堪奇。

何来僾逮 ⁹ 器，其名曰显微。

能照小为大，物莫遁毫釐。

远已莫可隐，细又鲜或遗。

我思水清喻，置而弗用之。

Glass is made into a mirror, which is already marvellous in its distant view.

Now we have this aidai device that can reveal the micro.

It can magnify the small, and not a speck can escape.

Nothing distant remains hidden, nor fine details misplaced.

Thinking of the metaphor of clear water, I placed it aside; it rests unused. (see Taipei Palace Museum, 2024)

Even if some Chinese people, such as the emperor, might have the privilege of using devices like microscope or telescope, these foreign objects never entered the everyday life of ordinary Chinese people during the Ming and the early to mid-Qing periods. Knowledge related to scientific objects remained largely confined to the imperial court, likely due to the centralized control over foreign influences and restricted access to court-monopolized knowledge. Books about foreign scientific devices were relatively scarce and expensive, especially those requiring specialized knowledge to understand or use. Consequently, their impact was inherently limited, as were the accuracy of translation and the accessibility of such works to a wider audience. Moreover, those who received an orthodox Confucian education and pursued success in the civil examination system were less likely to read those books because of a deeply rooted disdain for practical knowledge and technical skills. However, some people would become technicians and develop native science on their own terms, after failing the Keju exam (Elman, 2005).

As a result, from Emperor Qianlong to Li Enfu and Zhang Deyi, the term “qi” (奇), which conveys meanings such as strange, bizarre, odd, surprising, rare, curious, exotic, wonder, fancy, and extraordinary was frequently used to describe Chinese people's feelings when first witnessing scientific phenomena from the West. Faced with these novelties, late Qing intellectuals reacted with astonishment, admiration, or disdain, but it is undeniable that these Western devices prompted much contemplation among the Chinese.

Furthermore, at the end of the eighteenth century and the beginning of the nineteenth century, Western society entered what has been called the ‘Age of Wonder’ (Holmes, 2011). Scientists, driven by an intense curiosity, pursued the mysteries of nature with great zeal. During this era, science rose to prominence, shaping humanity's understanding of the world and inspiring innovations in art, literature, and philosophy. The scientific revolution intertwined with the Romantic Movement, reflecting the era's profound fascination with the unknown. Perhaps the wonderful machines documented by ancient Chinese scholars were also influenced by this wave of scientific curiosity, mirroring the Western scientific trends of the time.

3. Representing and re-representing Western technology

Chinese scholars’ descriptions of Western technology often followed certain patterns. Due to space constraints, I will excerpt five passages from different authors documenting early trains and steam engines, analysing their varying perspectives and discourses.

In classical Confucianism, ‘gewu’ (格物, investigation of things) refers to the idea of systematically observing, studying and understanding the natural world to attain a deeper insight and moral cultivation. When examining the ‘gewu’ practices of late Qing Chinese travellers, it becomes evident that their approaches intersected in certain ways with the evolving methods and research orientations of contemporary Western science, although this influence was subject to distinct processes of cultural reinterpretation. Nineteenth-century Western science was marked by the growing institutionalization and professionalization of research. Chinese visitors encountered these new scientific pursuits in settings such as public lectures, observatories, and scientific tea gatherings. Their travel diaries, mission reports and translations reveal that their engagement was generally limited to brief tours and demonstrations, offering little scope for sustained involvement in theoretical study or methodological training. Nevertheless, their encounters clearly strengthened their interest in mechanics, empirical observation, and emerging fields of knowledge.

In 1868, a Qing official named Zhigang recorded his impressions upon seeing a train for the first time during his travels abroad. He visited the United States as a chief delegate of the Burlingame Mission and published portions of his diary a few years later. His detailed and methodical descriptions of the train revealed a general understanding of the machinery:

其制如板屋，宽丈二三，长三之。鳞次设椅，椅三人，两行，八层，坐四十八人。两旁有连窗，玻璃、布帘、木板三层，备风雨明暗之用也。每车铁轮四，前为火轮机车，御人司之。后二煤车，执役者司之……前车燃煤，蒸水鼓气，由管入于气橐，鼓橐干伸缩以运轮，而车于以行……车行之速，倍于轮船。则在铁路吃力，较之轮刮水，省力多也。

Its structure resembles a wooden cabin, about 12 or 13 feet wide and 30 feet long. Seats are lined up in rows, each with three seats per row, in two rows across eight sections, seating a total of 48 people. There are continuous windows on both sides, made of glass, with fabric blinds and wooden panels for protection against wind and rain and to adjust brightness. Each car has four iron wheels; in front is the engine car, operated by a driver, followed by a coal car managed by attendants. … The engine car burns coal to heat water, creating steam that flows through a pipe into a bellows, which expands and contracts to drive the wheels, propelling the train forward. … The train moves twice as fast as a steamship. Running on rails is much less labour-intensive than a paddlewheel plowing through water. (Zhigang, 2008: 262–263)

Western inventions were often interpreted in terms of familiar Chinese ideas, metaphors, or poetic language. This gewu-inspired method allowed Chinese scholars to ‘translate’ Western technologies into something culturally meaningful while integrating them into China's intellectual and philosophical tradition. For example, in the year of 1869, Binchun includes several poems written after his journeys on the fire-wheel carriage, namely the train. ¹⁰ In one of his poems titled First Time Riding the Fire-Wheel Carriage (初乘火轮车), he writes:

宛然筑室在中途，行止随心妙转枢。

列子御风形有似，长房缩地事非诬。

六轮自具千牛力，百乘何劳八骏驱。

若使穆王知此法，定教车辙遍寰区。

A cabin set along the road appears, moving with ease at the turn of a gear.

With the grace of Liezi, it rides on the wind; like Master Zhangfang, it traverses the earth.

Six wheels wield the power of a thousand oxen; no need for eight steeds to pull a hundred carriages.

If King Mu had known of such a way, his chariot tracks would cross all lands today. (Binchun, 2008: 163)

In this poem, Binchun marvels at the train's structure and mobility, comparing it to Daoist tales, such as Liezi's ability to ride the wind and Master Fei Zhangfang's shrinking of the earth. The poem reflects his amazement at the train's speed and power, imagining that if ancient kings had possessed such technology, their travels could have reached every corner of the world.

In addition to daily engagement with modern technology, some Chinese visitors also attended workshops, salons, and science lectures during their travels (Liu, 2010; Wu, 2004). For example, in 1876, Li Gui participated as a representative of industry and commerce in the Philadelphia Centennial Exposition, and recorded his impressions of an impressive machine:

美国地大人稀，凡一切动作，莫不恃机器以代人力。故其讲求之力，制造之精，他国皆不建焉。正中置大机器一付，轮径三丈馀，力抵马一千五百匹，专以轮激受他处蒸气，（院外另有屋置水火二器），由铁管宛转达于各器所。

大轮功，则院中各器凡需蒸气者，皆藉气以运动。其有不需蒸气唯藉皮条扯动者，各器有大小轮盘缠皮条套梁际铁轴之轮盘，亦可随时拨动运用，如吸水、印字、纺织、锯、磨诸器成赖焉。器名哥阿力司，为美人哥阿力司手制，故以其名名其器。每日未初机动。如此大器，动时无甚声响，且一人即可运之，是可异也。

The United States, vast in land and small in population, relies heavily on machinery to replace manual labour. As a result, their focus on innovation and precision in manufacturing surpasses that of other nations. At the centre of the facility is a large machine with a wheel over three zhang (approximately 10 meters) in diameter, equivalent in power to 1500 horses. It drives other machines by channelling steam through iron pipes that twist and turn, supplied from a separate building outside the courtyard housing water and fire equipment.

The central wheel powers all devices in the facility that require steam for operation. For devices that do not rely on steam but are driven by leather belts, each piece of equipment is equipped with small and large pulleys connected to iron axle wheels by leather straps, enabling functions such as pumping water, printing, weaving, sawing and grinding. The machine is called Corliss, named after its American inventor Corliss. It begins operation every day at dawn. Remarkably, this enormous machine operates with little noise and can be managed by just one person—a truly extraordinary feat. (Li, 1980: 26–27)

Li meticulously details the machine's size, components, and function. This again aligns with the gewu approach, which emphasizes careful observation and detailed recording to understand foreign technologies. Even if we are not sure if the name ‘Gealisi (哥阿力司)’ was intended to sound similar to the biblical giant Goliath, or simply to mimic Corliss, it demonstrates an attempt to phonetically approximate the foreign name, which is a common translation practice among the Qing travellers. The observer marvels at the engine's massive size, minimal noise, functional superiority, and operational simplicity, framing it as a technological marvel. This awe mirrors a broader sense of curiosity and admiration toward Western industrial achievements.

Through translated newspapers and science magazines, some Chinese scholars, both at home and abroad, learned widely circulated accounts, anecdotes and even myths about technological advancements in the West. In 1878, Guo Songtao recorded a fascinating account of the origins of steam power, where figures like Joseph Black, James Watt, Robert Fulton and Henry Bell were celebrated:

百年前有名多克得卜来克者，通化学，偶煮茶，见开水腾沸。所用洋铁壶，其盖为水所冲，至自揭起。因用铁条压之，水沸甚，并铁条揭去。又加一铁条，旋亦揭去。因是悟热力之大，私制一器，用热力压气以转轮。其时占摩斯瓦得方为铁工，卜来客所制器日久损坏，令瓦得为整理之。瓦得观其压气之法，谓可大用之而得大效，因悟以水柜蓄水，以气筒激气而鼓火力助之，以是得气轮机器之法。

一千七百八十三年，瓦得始开制造局于拉斯噶，创造运火机器，即今汽轮舟车之缘始也。一千八百十二年，亨得里贝尔始制造火轮船于客来得江试之，其船名康觅得。康觅得者，泰西语谓之彗星，言其气筒烟上腾，如彗星之焰也。是以泰西制造汽轮实始于拉斯噶，瓦得、贝尔二人之名亦因以不朽。

A century ago, a man named Doctor Black, skilled in chemistry, was boiling tea and noticed the steam causing the lid of his iron kettle to lift. He placed an iron bar to hold the lid down, but as the water boiled vigorously, the bar was also forced away. Adding another bar, the same result occurred. Realizing the immense power of steam, he privately constructed a device that used steam pressure to drive a wheel. Over time, this device fell into disrepair, and James Watt, then a blacksmith, was tasked with fixing it. Observing the principle of steam pressure, Watt saw its potential for greater use and efficiency. He devised a system using a water tank to store water, a cylinder to generate steam, and fire power to enhance the effect, thus creating the steam engine.

In 1783, Watt established a manufacturing facility in Glasgow, producing steam-powered machines—the precursor to modern steamships and locomotives. Later, in 1812, Henry Bell built the first steam-powered ship, which he tested on the Clyde River. The ship was named Comet, referring to the plume of smoke trailing behind it, resembling a comet's flame. Thus, the invention of steam-powered technology in the West originated in Glasgow, and the names of Watt and Bell have been immortalized. (Guo, 2008: 766–767)

Here, Doctor Black likely refers to Joseph Black (1728–1799), a Scottish chemist and physicist. Black is famous for his work on the concepts of latent heat and specific heat, which are foundational principles in thermodynamics. In Guo's narrative, Black is credited with the initial observations about the power of steam. Although Black did not invent the steam engine, he might have played an influential role in fostering Watt's understanding of steam power and heat dynamics. This connection likely explains why Guo's retelling, styled like an ‘urban legend’, might link him to the origins of steam technology. ¹¹

Additionally, Guo or his sources may have mistakenly conflated Robert Fulton's reputation as a pioneer of steam-powered ships with Henry Bell's construction of the Comet. The Comet built in 1812 by Bell, a Scottish engineer, was indeed the first successful steamboat in Europe, while Fulton, an American inventor, built an earlier steamboat called the Clermont, which successfully operated in the United States in 1807. Although these narratives cited from secondary sources sometimes simplify or merge historical facts, they play an important role in introducing Chinese audiences to the key figures and representative achievements of Western industrial innovation.

In 1903, during his political exile, Liang Qichao wrote his travelogue ‘From Canada to New York’, part of his Xindalu Youji (新大陆游记, New Continent Travel Notes). In this work, Liang reflects on his observations of Western industrial manufacturing processes. He notes that workers often spend decades confined to a small workspace, performing highly specialized tasks without understanding the broader production process. Liang critiques such industrial practices for creating a significant divide between the wealthy and the poor, as well as between the knowledgeable and the uneducated. The issues he identified, including inequality, the exploitation of labour, and the alienation of individuals in highly specialized roles, remain relevant in today's discussions about the ethics of technology.

观各公司之制造工场，更令人生无穷之感。近世之文明国，皆以人为机器，且以人为机器之奴隶者也。以分业之至精至纤，凡工人之在工场者，可以数十年立定于尺许之地而寸步不移。……以是之故，非徒富者愈富，贫者愈贫而已；抑智者愈智，愚者愈愚。…… 呜呼！天下之大势，竟滔滔日返于专制。吾观纽约诸工场，而感慨不能自禁也。

Observing the manufacturing workshops of various companies fills one with endless reflections. In modern civilized nations, humans are treated as machines and even as slaves to machines. With the extreme specialization of labour, workers in these factories can spend decades confined to a space no larger than a few square feet, never moving an inch. … Because of this, not only does the rich grow richer while the poor grow poorer, but the intelligent grow more intelligent while the ignorant grow more ignorant. … Alas! The great trend of the world is returning to autocracy day by day. I cannot suppress my sorrow after visiting the factories in New York. (Liang, 1904: 59)

In summary, Chinese scholars’ descriptions of Western machines commonly exhibit several patterns: detailed descriptions, the use of comparisons and metaphors, localization of foreign terms, and an emphasis on remarkable features. Although the narratives presented are diverse and individualized due to differences in perspectives, experiences, personal identity, political roles, personal interests and scientific literacy, these patterns suggest an effort to document, analyse and contextualize Western technology within the framework of Chinese intellectual traditions. For some authors, this effort was also shaped by an acute awareness of the potential readership within or beyond the bureaucratic system.

The act of documenting in writing has itself become a way to represent Western scientific and technological artefacts by capturing their functions, forms and impacts through the observer's perspective. This process not only preserves these artefacts as historical records but also reflects the intellectual and cultural interpretations of their time. Furthermore, exhibiting these artefacts serves as an attempt to re-contextualize them, allowing them to be understood within their specific historical and cultural context. By placing them within curated narratives that highlight their intercultural implications, such exhibitions invite modern audiences to engage with them in ways that connect past and present, China and the West.

4. Decentred encounters

Matching historical accounts with physical objects brings us back to those concrete encounters, the intricate details of everyday life and people's lived experiences at the interface between China and the West. Through these encounters, we can gain insight into the broader historical movements of that time. In a context often dominated by grand, generalized narratives, this microscopic perspective offers a nuanced insight into local and specific interactions, revealing how late Qing people engaged with Western scientific and technological advancements.

For example, an image of Bell's telephone is presented alongside an account of Guo Songtao and Zhang Deyi testing the device in 1877. This detailed record of what is likely the first-ever report of Bell's telephone in Chinese not only reflects the fascination with cutting-edge Western technology but also underscores the challenges of adapting and comprehending such innovations within a Chinese context.

近年卑尔所制声报，亦用电气为之。……然其理吾终不能明也。令德在初居楼下，吾从楼上与相语，其语言多者亦多不能明。问在初：“你听闻乎？”曰：“听闻。”“你知觉乎？”曰：“知觉。”“请数数目字。”曰：“一、二、三、四、五、六、七。”惟此数者分明。而格里与洋人相与谈应如响，耳目聪明实亦有过人者。

In recent years, Bell has created a ‘voice-reporting’ device, which also uses electricity. … However, I still cannot fully understand its mechanism. I asked De Zaichu (Zhang Deyi) to stay on the ground floor at first, while I stayed upstairs. We attempted to converse through this device, but much of the speech was unclear. I asked Zaichu, ‘Can you hear me?’ He replied, ‘I can hear.’ ‘Can you understand me?’ He said, ‘I understand.’ I then asked him to recite numbers, and he counted, ‘One, two, three, four, five, six, seven.’ Only these numbers were distinctly audible. However, when Bell and foreigners used the device, their conversations were as clear as an echo. Their sharpness of hearing and clarity of speech seem extraordinary. (Guo, 2008: 326–327)

In the exhibition, objects, images, and historical accounts are integrated to serve as tangible reminders of Sino−Western exchanges, highlighting not only technological advances but also the cultural and political dynamics they embodied. A Morse telegraph station model is displayed alongside the introduction of the International Morse Code and Zhang Deyi's Tien-hein Hein-fa (电信新法, New Telegraphy Law), which he wrote and published in 1871 in an effort to adapt Chinese characters for telegraphic communication. In 1896, Li Hongzhang (Li Hung Chang) underwent an X-ray examination in Germany, which revealed a bullet fragment lodged in his left cheekbone from an earlier failed assassination attempt during his visit to Japan. That same year, he toured Singer's factory and later presented a gilded sewing machine to Empress Dowager Cixi. Accordingly, these interconnected accounts are displayed next to sections dedicated to modern medicine and sewing machines.

However, if an exhibition relies solely on documentary evidence, it risks presenting narratives predominantly shaped by male elites, overlooking the significant contributions of the hidden figures. In the first section of the exhibition, we displayed a model of the Flying Cloud clipper ship, a renowned high-speed sailing vessel famous for its record-breaking voyages in the mid-nineteenth century. We chose to display this clipper ship model not only to showcase the advanced shipbuilding and maritime navigation technology of the time but also because historical records indicated that the ship reached Huangpu (Whampoa) Port in Guangzhou, China. The ship's female navigator, Eleanor Creesy, excelled in maritime navigation, particularly during two voyages from New York to San Francisco in 1851 and 1853, during which the ship set records for the journey time.

In the first part of the exhibition, ‘To See the World’, objects such as sewing machines and typewriters were closely associated with women, symbolizing their engagement with technology and modernity. Late Qing scholars also documented the female workers employed in telegraph offices, printing houses, and sewing factories, acknowledging their significant roles in emerging industries. In the second half of the exhibition, ‘To Seek the Truth’, we highlight the contributions of women to the rise of natural history studies. Women played a pivotal role in the development of practices such as birdwatching and botanical illustration, which also reflected the profound social and historical transformations in their status and activities during the nineteenth century.

On 8 March 2024, in celebration of International Women's Day, we introduced a set of Chinese women's portraits beneath the wall of portraits showcasing late Qing visitors’ engagement with early photography. These portraits feature the first female overseas students and the wives of Chinese ministers and diplomats. These are the hidden figures whose stories have been largely overlooked and still await further exploration and recognition.

When considering the ‘history from below’, the voices of Chinese labourers remain largely absent. It was those migrant workers who entered Western society, especially the United States, in significant numbers, and much earlier than the elites. They played a pivotal role in building the technological infrastructure, from constructing the transcontinental railways of North America to operating ocean liners and mining equipment. ¹² While first-hand testimonies or memoirs from these labourers are yet to be extensively collected, material artefacts such as Central Pacific Railroad (CPRR) payroll records with Chinese names, and fragments (e.g., pots for boiling drinking water, or porcelain bowls for eating rice) unearthed near railway sites serve as primary sources for recognizing their contributions. ¹³

In the documented life journeys of early Chinese historical figures who travelled abroad, we can also trace their intersections with overseas Chinese labourers. These connections, whether deep or fleeting, range from a single encounter or conversation to a lifelong intertwining of destinies. For example, in 1896, during his visit to the United States, Li Hongzhang called on the American press to assist Chinese labourers by advocating for the repeal of the Chinese Exclusion Act ¹⁴ (New York Times, 1896). Lee Yan Phou, one of the ‘boys’ sent to the United States, managed to return after the programme was terminated. He graduated from Yale University in 1887. He lived in the United States for over 50 years, witnessing the injustices suffered by Chinese labourers. He actively spoke out against discriminative laws, participated in the establishment of some of the earliest Chinese schools in America, and attempted to organize labour unions among Chinese workers to unite them in the fight for their rights (Duvall, 2023).

5. Concluding remarks

As an attempt at a recontextualized exhibition in the science museum, we primarily focused on the technological items mentioned in the travel journals of early Chinese travellers abroad. Although it is challenging to confirm exact matches, we carefully selected objects in our collection from the same or similar period, region, and type to make the entire exhibition compatible with the perspectives of these Chinese travellers. Through this approach, we hope to bring a touch of humanity to these typically ‘grand’ yet ‘cold’ technological artefacts and add historical depth to an object-based, science-oriented museum.

This arrangement also allows visitors to rediscover everyday objects, such as trains, sewing machines, microscopes, and ammeters, through texts written in a different historical language, by diverse individuals, and based on varied historical materials. Although these objects are now familiar in daily life, their stories, when recontextualized, reveal overlooked narratives embedded within their historical and cultural frameworks. This encourages visitors to further explore aspects of modern diplomacy, social history and the exchange of science and technology between China and the West. Ultimately, the exhibition offers new perspectives for interpreting these wonderful machines.

In 2024, the International Council of Museums designated ‘Museums for Education and Research’ as the theme for International Museum Day. ¹⁵ This theme highlights the vital role that cultural institutions play in offering comprehensive educational experiences. ‘Wonderful Machines’ demonstrates how science museums can also present a more inclusive and multifaceted view of history in an intercultural context. Through exhibitions like this, we hope science museums can become meeting points that enable connections and reconnections to symbols, stories, memories, histories, cultures, communities, lands and ultimately, to each of us as individuals and members of a shared humanity with a common destiny on this planet.