Abstract
While debates on the rationale for Mixed Methods Research (MMR) persist, its practical application faces challenges, particularly concerning the quality of integration, which hinges on the successful combination of compatible paradigms with qualitative and quantitative methods. This article contributes to mixed methods research by outlining an integrative strategy within a convergent mixed methods design. It offers a comprehensive framework for studying complex social phenomena, such as the political participation and social movements of Afro-descendant women in Chocó, Colombia. This design is supported by a clearly defined purpose, a specific philosophical orientation, and a strong rationale for mixing. Notably, it uniquely integrates Intersectionality Theory and the Capabilities Approach within a Critical Realism paradigm, shaping both data collection and analytical strategy.
Keywords
Introduction
Mixed methods research (MMR) integrates qualitative and quantitative approaches to provide a deeper, broader, and more holistic understanding of phenomena than single-method studies can achieve (Johnson et al., 2007). Despite early discussions on the rationales for employing MMR (Greene et al., 1989), its practical application, often guided by elements like research questions, data collection, analysis, and interpretation (Bryman, 2006), faces significant challenges, particularly concerning the quality of integration (Adu et al., 2022).
First, studies rarely elaborate on the explicit articulation of research paradigms (O’Donoghue and Farrelly, 2024). This has led to an “aparadigmatic” approach where direct links between research methods and epistemology are absent (Liu, 2022). Some scholars have even questioned whether the differing epistemological positions of qualitative and quantitative studies can be logically integrated (Moseholm and Fetters, 2017) or whether a paradigmatic incompatibility exists (Liu, 2022). This raises questions about the analytical possibilities of combining inductive and deductive reasoning (Proudfoot, 2023) and highlights the problem of neglecting epistemology and ontology in favor of a “brute methodology” (Liu, 2022).
Second, mixed methods research involves not only aligning data or results from different analytical procedures but also finding an approach that enables their informed integration (Creamer et al., 2025). More specifically, broad integration requires aligning philosophical and theoretical perspectives with data collection, analysis, reporting, and utilization findings (Åkerblad et al., 2021). However, methods are often merely “mixed” or “combined” without appropriate integration. This often leads to a superficial interface between qualitative interpretations and quantified data (Liu, 2022) or to an insufficient integration of data from different perspectives, resulting in unaddressed biases and underutilized potential (Benítez et al., 2019).
Third, bias in emerging designs is a persistent concern. As mixed-method research unfolds, issues emerge that necessitate (re)shaping the research design (Olaghere, 2022). Bias can occur at the construct level (if the measured concept differs across groups), the method level (if samples or instruments are incomparable), and the item level (Benítez et al., 2019). An example of method level bias is seen in some forms of concurrent sampling, where the simultaneous use of probability and purposive sampling causes a misalignment in the underlying population distribution, compromising the generalizability and consistency of the integrated findings (Sykes et al., 2018).
Within this framework, this study addresses key challenges in mixed methods research by asserting that the successful integration of qualitative and quantitative methods hinges on paradigmatic compatibility. Thus, it rejects the simplistic notion that all qualitative research is constructivist, or all quantitative research is post-positivist (Liu, 2022). Instead, this article demonstrates the compatibility of Intersectional Theory and the Capabilities Approach within a Critical Realism (CR) paradigm. By providing an ontological foundation for methodological pluralism, CR formulates an alternative approach to the “epistemic fallacy” which occurs in empiricism (by limiting reality to the observable), and in idealism/constructivism (by confining reality to human concepts and discourse) (Danermark et al., 2019).
Building on this foundational understanding, the study proposes an integrative strategy within a convergent mixed-methods design to understand the processes of social movements and the political participation of Afro-descendant women, as well as their transformative role in the context of territorial development in Chocó, Colombia. The integrative strategy employs a simultaneous, bidirectional, mixed-methods approach, combining qualitative narratives (from interviews and focus groups) with quantitative survey data and semi-structured observations, using matched comparison sampling. It focuses explicitly on inductive, deductive, abductive, and retroductive reasoning embedding thematic analysis with structural equation models (SEM).
Although Afro-Latin American movements emerged from a long history of resistance against slavery and colonialism, the late 1990s initiated a new political era (Paschel, 2018). This new phase focused on actively fighting neoliberalism and advocating for specific demands related to distributive justice, radical democracy, ecological life, gender and sexual equity, and ethno-racial rights (Laó-Montes, 2016). Consequently, many Latin American states have undergone significant changes in the recognition of collective rights for Afro-descendant communities and the implementation of anti-discrimination policies (Rahier, 2020). These changes have also profoundly reconfigured societies beyond mere policy shifts, leading to diverse changes in political action and organizational strategies within social movements (Paschel, 2018).
Specifically, in Colombia, these social movements led to the 1991 Constitution recognizing the rights of indigenous and Afro-descendant populations, followed by Law 70 of 1993, which granted collective land titles to Afro-Colombian community councils in rural riparian areas, aiming to protect them from unregulated capitalist expansion (Asher, 2007; Hernandez, 2019; Lobo et al., 2016; OECD, 2017; Oslender, 2016). However, social movements exhibit distinct characteristics depending on their context (Paschel, 2018). While rural movements have played key roles in legalizing land rights, urban movements focus more on achieving equal treatment and reparations for historical racial discrimination (Rahier, 2020), as well as validating their Black identity (Asher, 2007).
Afro-descendant women have been active participants in various forms of resistance, often leading community organizing efforts (Asher, 2007). Despite their significant contributions, men have generally been the more visible figures within these movements (Paschel, 2018). In response, Afro-descendant feminists continue to highlight how racism and hierarchical structures disproportionately affect Black women (Paschel, 2018). This advocacy, along with internal contradictions within broader movements, has led to the formation of women-led organizations, sometimes as branches of existing groups, to collectively address their daily tasks and concerns (Asher, 2007; Escobar, 2008).
Despite these achievements, gaps and challenges persist in the literature and lived experiences of Afro-descendant communities. For instance, collective land rights have been undermined by overlapping mining titles granted to international companies, leading to disputes and rights violations (OECD, 2017; Otálvaro-Marín et al., 2023). This large-scale mining has also created tensions with ethnic groups’ worldviews, prompting Black communities to fight for their rights and demand differential policies that protect their culture and development (Otálvaro-Marín et al., 2023).
Furthermore, while the Colombian State has committed to making ethnic group data statistically visible (Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estadística [DANE], 2021) and Afro-descendant movements have improved ethno-racial language in official statistics, the census remains an inadequate tool for capturing complex social realities (Paschel, 2018). Moreover, while Afro-descendant women’s organizations have been vital for leadership, their significant contributions remain underrepresented in official histories (Grupo de Memoria Histórica, 2011), often adding to their invisibility due to their status as “poor, Black, and/or Indigenous” in collective memory exercises (Castiblanco and Hernandez, 2020). Therefore, understanding Afro-descendant women’s movements in Chocó requires recognizing their active resistance and collective efforts to transform intersecting discrimination based on their shared identity and specific territorial experiences.
In this context, the study proposes an integrative mixed methods strategy, grounded in critical methodological pluralism (Danermark et al., 2019). This strategy explicitly links ontological and epistemological premises with practical application (Åkerblad et al., 2021). The integration begins with Intersectionality Theory (Crenshaw, 1991), used to map the concrete configurations of discrimination (race, gender, class, and location) that shape individual experiences in the Colombian context. As a flexible tool for social analysis, intersectionality is adaptable to both qualitative and quantitative research, offering rich insights into lived experiences and identifying influential factors across diverse intersections (Rice et al., 2019). Complementarily, the Capabilities Approach (Nussbaum, 2003, 2011) captures crucial goals for women, such as agency and freedom, by focusing on what people are actually able to do and be. This robust integration facilitates a nuanced examination of how complex discriminations affect the well-being and opportunities of Afro-descendant women.
Regarding data collection, analysis, and interpretation, a simultaneous bidirectional framework for data merging analytics was employed (Moseholm and Fetters, 2017). During the collection phase, the integration strategy captured women’s narratives through qualitative methods, specifically in-depth interviews and focus groups (intensive design). Simultaneously, a survey was developed to collect quantitative data and reveal generalized patterns of participation (extensive design). To further enrich this understanding, a semi-structured observation protocol was established to gather complementary information. Furthermore, to reduce the risk of sampling bias, the study employed mixed methods matched comparison sampling (Schoonenboom, 2024).
The contributions of this study are threefold. First, the article contributes to the literature by offering an illustrative example of how integration in mixed methods research can occur within a Critical Realism perspective. Specifically, it focuses on the intersectionality of Afro-descendant women from Choco, Colombia, by understanding their experiences of political participation and social movements through the lens of the capabilities approach. This allows for a thorough discussion of the intricate relationships among methods, datasets, analytical findings, and diverse perspectives, as suggested by Moran-Ellis et al. (2006). Second, the article proposes an integrative strategy within a convergent mixed methods design to understand complex social phenomena, guiding the definition of research purpose, method selection, and analytical strategies. Finally, the study also aims to bridge the gap highlighted by Creamer et al. (2025) regarding the practical implications of a mixed-methods mindset in project planning. By applying a convergent mixed-methods design, the study provides concrete tools to inform method selection and integration with direct practical relevance for future researchers. In sum, rather than presenting empirical findings, this article establishes its scope by proposing a convergent mixed-methods design that operationalizes the integration of Critical Realism, Intersectionality, and the Capabilities Approach, providing a robust methodological roadmap to overcome integration challenges and minimize method-level bias in the study of complex social phenomena.
The remainder of the paper is as follows. Section “Research context, rationale, and purpose” establishes the research context, the rationale for using mixed methods research, and the research purpose. Section “Philosophical paradigm and theoretical perspective” outlines the philosophical paradigm and theoretical perspectives. Section “A mixed methods design” then delves into a mixed method design, data collection, and analytical strategy. Finally, Final section presents the conclusions, discusses the contribution to mixed methods research, and addresses the study’s limitations.
Research context, rationale, and purpose
Chocó is a Colombian department in the northwest of the country, with coastlines on both the Pacific and Atlantic oceans (Caribbean Sea) and bordering Panama, it is known for its dense jungles, abundant rivers, and exceptional biodiversity (Instituto Geográfico Agustín Codazzi, 2024). Despite its natural wealth, Chocó faces profound social injustices derived from relations of exclusion and structural inequality (Otálvaro-Marín et al., 2023). With a population exceeding 605,000 inhabitants, the department suffers from extreme poverty, discrimination, racism, and evident racial segregation (Otálvaro-Marín et al., 2023), rooted in ideologies that historically marginalized Black and Indigenous peoples (Paschel, 2018).
Chocó is also a vital contributor to national mining, producing 99% of Colombia’s platinum, 30% of its gold, and 25% of its silver (OECD, 2017). However, much of this mining is informal or illegal, fueling environmental and social conflicts, attracting illicit economic interests, and empowering armed groups. This weakens State presence, hindering formalization and undermining community and state property rights (Lara-Rodríguez et al., 2020; Oslender, 2016; Otálvaro-Marín et al., 2023). Consequently, persistent social and environmental injustices, coupled with the State’s inaction, have ignited resistance processes in Chocó among ethnic groups, particularly Afro-descendant women. This resistance manifests itself in constant denunciations, social mobilization, collective action, and judicial activism, which are fundamental strategies to confront the armed conflict and territorial expropriation (Bonet-Morón et al., 2020; Otálvaro-Marín et al., 2023).
Given this complex and unequal context, this research employs a mixed-methods design to deeply understand the political participation and social movements of Afro-descendant women. This approach aligns with Critical Realism by examining how the context is structured and how agents interact within it to establish the appropriate causal circumstances necessary for explanation (Sayer, 2010).
The decision to use a mixed method design is fundamental for its value and validity (Bryman, 2006), acknowledging that an ill-suited methodology can skew results (Adu et al., 2022). The primary goal is to gain a deep understanding of the lived experiences of Afro-descendant women involved in social movements. To achieve this, qualitative data from interviews and focus groups will provide rich insights into the key dynamics and turning points of their participation. Concurrently, a quantitative survey ascertains the prevalence of these conditions and the generalizability of the phenomenon within a broader context. This dual approach allows for the generation of complementary databases, offering both depth and breadth of information (Teddlie and Yu, 2007). This rationale aligns with Hirose and Creswell (2022) because the problem requires addressing using both quantitative and qualitative data, and key insights emerge from integrating the two databases through a mixed methods design.
Furthermore, the methodological design deliberately incorporates narratives and oral histories to explore how women construct, interpret, and make sense of their experiences, intertwining individual and collective memories. Thus, the concept of place is fundamental for memory and identity, serving as more than just a physical space, but a meaningful realm where specific sites trigger individual and collective memories through sensory and emotional experiences (Centro Nacional de Memoria Histórica and University of British Columbia [CNMH], 2013). The qualitative questions relate to the key dynamics and turning points that have characterized the participation of Afro-descendant women in social movements in Chocó. Quantitative questions focus on examining the dynamics of participation and leadership within social movements from the perspective of these women’s capabilities, functioning, and agency. This research aims to recognize how these Black women, rooted in their shared identity and specific territorial experiences, actively resist and seek to transform the multiple forms of intersecting discrimination they face through organization and collective action.
Philosophical paradigm and theoretical perspective
One of the challenges in mixed methods research is identifying suitable paradigms that are justified across the entire mixed methods research process (Creamer et al., 2025). While MMR holds great promise for deepening our understanding of Afro-descendant women’s political and social participation by blending qualitative and quantitative data, it simultaneously necessitates a critical examination of its scientific validity, generalizability, and underlying epistemological and ontological assumptions (Sykes et al., 2018). Therefore, a paradigm must address three fundamental questions: the ontological question (concerning the nature of reality), the epistemological question (regarding the relationship between reality and inquirers), and the methodological question (respecting how inquirers know about reality) (Liu, 2022).
In social science, qualitative and quantitative research generally aligns with different paradigms. Qualitative research often operates under a constructivist framework, emphasizing multiple realities and researcher subjectivity, while quantitative research is typically rooted in (post-) positivism, aiming for objectivity and bias elimination to uncover an absolute reality (Liu, 2022). Similarly, the dichotomy between probabilistic and non-probabilistic sampling reflects the distinct premises of each methodological orientation (Sykes et al., 2018).
This article adopts Critical Realism as its paradigmatic stance, offering an alternative to both empiricism and interpretivism which postulates a stratified reality where unobservable causal mechanisms operate independently of our perceptions. This structure distinguishes between the real (deeper structures), the actual (objects and events), and the empirical (experiences), acknowledging both the adequacy and fallibility of our knowledge (Danermark et al., 2019). Because phenomena are driven by these unobservable mechanisms within complex, open systems, this epistemological perspective inherently necessitates methodological pluralism. It requires a wide range of investigation methods: extensive (quantitative) research maps observable patterns and demi-regularities, while intensive (qualitative) research is required for the retroduction and explanation of the underlying generative mechanisms (Sayer, 2010).
Furthermore, theory in the Critical Realism paradigm is not a mere interpretive frame or a source of hypotheses; it is the essential means to identify and articulate the abstract causal mechanisms and social structures that drive phenomena, enabling the research to move beyond surface-level description (Danermark et al., 2019). Consequently, theoretical frameworks are continuously evaluated, revised, and reconceptualized, making the approach intrinsically theory-generative rather than solely theory-confirmatory (Proudfoot, 2023).
Within this framework, the study integrates the Intersectionality Theory (Crenshaw, 1991) and the Capabilities Approach (Nussbaum, 2011) as crucial analytical lenses. Intersectionality allows us to map the concrete configurations (Sayer, 2010) of intersecting discriminations—including gender (as women), race/ethnicity (as Black people), class (as the impoverished), and location (as Pacific region inhabitants)—that jointly constitute real, unobservable causal mechanisms in the social domain (Asher, 2007). This identification of complex structures is then analyzed through the morphogenetic approach (Archer, 1995), which examines how these structures act as pre-existing conditions that both constrain and enable the agency of Afro-descendant women. Complementarily, the Capabilities Approach evaluates their political participation and social leadership by focusing on their actual capabilities, functionings, and agency, allowing for an ethical evaluation of the emancipatory transformations required to achieve human flourishing.
Feminist theorists began exploring the intricate ways power, sex, race, and class intersected as early as the 1970s (e.g., Davis, 1981). However, it was Kimberlé Crenshaw who, in 1991, specifically coined the term “intersectionality.” She developed this concept to articulate the simultaneous and overlapping forms of discrimination uniquely experienced by Black women, moving beyond a simple, additive understanding of oppression (Viveros-Vigoya, 2016). Over the last decade, intersectionality has solidified its place as one of feminism’s most significant contributions to social research (Rice et al., 2019), becoming an essential analytical framework for understanding the intricate points where different types of violence and discrimination converge (Iza Certuche, 2018).
Similarly, the Capabilities Approach emerged from a feminist critique, arguing that traditional human rights frameworks were male-centered and inadequate for achieving sex equality (Nussbaum, 2011). In response, it proposes 10 central capabilities that are universal and essential for all individuals to live with dignity and reach their full potential, thereby establishing fundamental entitlements for minimum social justice. This approach moves beyond mere formal rights, emphasizing individuals’ actual opportunities to achieve valuable functioning, and inherently incorporates goals like agency and freedom, offering a significant advantage over a purely rights-based understanding (Nussbaum, 2003).
While these capabilities are asserted as universal starting points, their practical realization must be concretely defined by each nation’s unique history and traditions (Nussbaum, 2011). Similarly, intersectionality posits that social relations are simultaneously constructed through intersecting categories (Rice et al., 2019), not as abstract concepts but as situated realizations shaped by specific historical configurations and contexts (Viveros-Vigoya, 2016).
This need to understand situated realizations is particularly evident when applying an intersectional lens to the experiences of Afro-descendant women, whose struggles are deeply embedded in specific spatial realities. Their experiences, especially in regions like Chocó, are shaped by societal inequalities and discrimination, including racism, violence, issues of land tenure, and limited political participation (Iza Certuche, 2018). As Fraser (2008) suggests, these struggles involve injustices rooted in both economic structures and social status, requiring attention to issues of redistribution and recognition.
More specifically, Afro-Colombian women’s activism not only concentrates on income-generating activities but also expands collective aims such as member’s identities and rights (Asher, 2007). Their advocacy stems from notions of territory and development, articulating rights through the perspective of daily life and traditional practices of Black communities (Oslender, 2016). Scholars like Collins (2000) have emphasized the importance of knowledge derived from the experiences of Black women, illustrating that domination is a historical formation and that social relations are deeply embedded in concrete, multifaceted experiences (Davis, 1981). In this way, intersectionality theory allows for the advancement of an accurate understanding that identities are not fixed but are formed daily from the specific place inhabited, the experiences lived within that territory, and the spaces that are continually reconstructed (Escobar, 2008).
The Capabilities Approach has significant implications in the field of public policy, utilizing household surveys to gather empirical evidence on human well-being and actual capabilities (Anand et al., 2020; Robeyns, 2006). The Colombian State, recognizing this, uses household surveys and censuses to make Afro-descendant populations statistically visible, aiding in the design of differential public policies and focusing territorial efforts (DANE, 2021). Despite Colombia’s legal commitment to equality for minority groups (Morgan, 2019), the census remains limited in capturing the complexities of racial identity and other social realities, mainly due to underreporting of Afro-descendant people and their socioeconomic conditions (DANE, 2021).
A mixed methods design
In line with the Critical Realism paradigm, the study employs a convergent mixed methods design, where data were collected and analyzed concurrently, and the value of both qualitative and quantitative data was considered equal (Creswell and Plano Clark, 2018). The strategy for integration during data collection involved using mixed methods matched comparison sampling (Schoonenboom, 2024). This decision directly addresses a core challenge in concurrent mixed methods: the impossibility of selecting the units of analysis through the simultaneous use of both probability and purposive sampling in contexts where the underlying social distribution is largely unknown (Creswell and Plano Clark, 2018). The notion that analysis can be effectively mixed when findings are derived from entirely separate samples is often mistaken; such misalignment in population distribution introduces method-level bias that ultimately undermines the validity of integration (Sykes et al., 2018). To mitigate this sampling bias, the study ensures alignment by having the sampling of quantitative data guided by the requirements of the qualitative research strand (Schoonenboom, 2024).
Concerning the analytical strategy, the study employed a simultaneous bidirectional framework for data merging analytics, based on the typology offered by Moseholm and Fetters (2017). The implementation of this typology required explicit attention to the connection between data and context (Åkerblad et al., 2021). Furthermore, the integration involved merging data from qualitative interviews, quantitative surveys, and a protocol of semi-structured observations. The synthesis was driven by a hybrid analytical process combining inductive-deductive analysis with abductive and retroductive theorizing, integrating Intersectionality Theory and the Capabilities Approach throughout the process. Figure 1 illustrates the overall mixed-methods design proposed in the study.
Mixed methods design for understanding social mobilization of afro-descendant women.
Participant selection and sample
This study utilized a mixed methods matching comparison sampling approach (Schoonenboom, 2024). This strategy optimally combines a heterogeneous, information-rich qualitative sample with a quantitative sample that aims to include nearly all members of a small target population. This design unfolded in three consecutive phases: setting targets, determining the qualitative sample, and selecting the quantitative data.
Phase 1: What and Who
The study aimed to understand the processes of political participation and social mobilization of Afro-descendant women and the transformation of their roles in the context of territorial development in Choco (Colombia). Following Maswikwa et al. (2018), the specific target group comprised engaged women with formal political participation (e.g., voting, political party membership) and those involved in informal political participation (e.g., cause-oriented and civic-oriented activities). To identify women who self-identified as leaders or participants of relevant interest groups, a snowball sampling technique was initially employed. Subsequently, a gradual selection principle of sampling was applied, where women were sequential chosen based on their relevance as information-rich cases for the study’s objectives. Given this focus, comparability issues and explanatory power took precedence over concerns of statistical representativeness (Teddlie and Yu, 2007).
Phase 2: Qualitative sample
Researchers selected a purposive sampling of 30 women for individual interviews, considering that a typical qualitative sample should be large enough to achieve saturation yet small enough to deliver rich insight (Cash et al., 2022). This size aligns with Teddlie and Yu (2007), who recommend small sample sizes (usually 30 cases or less). Subsequently, 18 women were sequentially selected to participate in four focus groups. Participants were strategically grouped by their affiliation and education levels, adhering to Stake’s (2006) recommendation for groups of 4–10 participants. Data collection proceeded until theoretical saturation was achieved (Teddlie and Yu, 2007). In this study, saturation was defined as the point where further iterative abstraction no longer provides significant additional theoretical rigor to the mechanism, and the empirical evidence was sufficient to support the mechanism’s practical adequacy (Mukumbang, 2021). Furthermore, a structured observation format was used to capture visual and auditory descriptions of the context where the data collection took place.
Phase 3: Quantitative sample
Although a complete target population is ideal for generalizable findings (DeLuca, 2022), identifying all members of this specific population was not statistically feasible. Consequently, the quantitative sample is not statistically representative of all women participating in social mobilizations. Instead, matched comparisons were used as the inclusion criteria to gain insights into factors that differentiate one subpopulation from another. A non-probabilistic sample was then selected. The survey was administered to interviewed women, who responded alongside other women in their communities. Despite this strategy, the analysis aimed for an optimal sample size of n = 384, calculated using standard statistical assumptions (95% confidence level, 5% error, and a proportion of 0.5).
Data collection
Both qualitative and quantitative techniques offer distinct yet complementary strengths, making their integration in Mixed Methods Research (MMR) particularly powerful. Qualitative research’s strength lies in its ability to reveal the details from study participants (DeLuca, 2022), operationalizing the demi-regularities and the underlying structures and mechanisms (Mukumbang, 2021), while quantitative research provides a systematic process to understand patterns through numerical data (Adu et al., 2022). Rather than relying solely on the individual validation techniques (rigor for qualitative, reliability for quantitative), the key to ensuring overall credibility and trustworthiness in MMR lies in the transparency of the study design (Adu et al., 2022), and the explanation of how integration occurs at the paradigmatic, theoretical, analytical, and interpretative levels (Proudfoot, 2023).
Qualitative data collection, encompassing in-depth interviews and focus groups, was designed to access women’s narratives. These narratives allowed researchers to access the subjective processes by which individuals construct their understanding of the world, moving beyond superficial data to reveal motivations and perspectives (Jovchelovitch and Bauer, 2000). Within a Critical Realism paradigm, these methods allowed the findings to be articulated across the three ontological levels: experiences, events, and mechanisms (Mukumbang, 2021).
At the same time, both a survey and a protocol of semi-structured observations were implemented to collect quantitative data. As previously mentioned, while the capability approach offers a comprehensive framework for evaluating individual well-being and societal structures, the survey focused on measuring capabilities directly, drawing upon instruments developed by researchers (e.g., Anand et al., 2009, 2020; Lorgelly et al., 2015; Simon et al., 2013). Consequently, both the questionnaire and the observation protocol focused on 10 central capabilities.
In-depth interviews
Following the Historical Memory Group’s protocol (CNMH, 2013), this study employed in-depth and flexible interviews to gather testimonies from Afro-descendant women in a respectful manner. The interviews focused on capturing stories in a theory-driven approach—to interpret the narratives within the broad conceptual frameworks of intersectionality and the capabilities approach, and identify the causal mechanisms—while simultaneously utilizing a data-driven approach to allow new insights to emerge from the women’s narratives, capturing events such as community roles or life experiences from their perspectives (Mukumbang, 2021). This approach aimed to connect the women’s situated realizations with social action, encompassing both informal political participation through community organizing and formal advocacy (Table 1).
Guiding questions for in-depth interviews.
Focus groups
Focus groups, as outlined by the CNMH (2013), are a potent tool for co-creating knowledge by evoking shared memories and leveraging participants’ historical experiences. This method not only helps identify common narrative threads, differences, contrasts, and the emotions that shaped participants’ experiences (Gaskell, 2000), but it also facilitates the exploration of how beliefs and shared meanings influence female leadership practices in Chocó and their expression in political participation and social mobilization.
The focus group questions were structured into three main phases to guide participants in the evocation, construction, and analysis of memories (CNMH, 2013). This approach facilitated the collection of data, symbols, and interpretations, often expressed through metaphors for their life situations, and aided the understanding of the meaning participants attach to discourses, images or photographs (Mukumbang, 2021) (Figure 2).
Phases of focus groups.
Questionnaire
The questionnaire aimed to examine the dynamics of participation and leadership within social movements, focusing on the state of capabilities, functioning, and agency of Afro-descendant women. Employing the Capability Approach, the instrument captured specific and measurable information on the ten capabilities: life, bodily health, bodily integrity, senses, imagination and thought, emotions, practical reason, affiliation, other species, play, and control over one’s environment (Nussbaum, 2003, 2011) (Table 2).
Capabilities, survey questions, and variables.
To measure the degree of agreement or disagreement of the participants with the statement, five response options are given on a Likert scale [Agree strongly = 5, Agree = 4, Neither agree nor disagree = 3, Disagree = 2, Disagree strongly = 1].
Structured observations
The purpose of the observation instrument was to describe the daily environment and experiences of Afro-descendant women using the framework proposed by Nussbaum (2003). It sought to interpret how the observed elements—such as community dynamics, social interactions, and physical space—influence women’s capabilities and opportunities. Observational categories served as guides to identify key aspects, aiming to find patterns and collect information relevant to the underlying social structures (Mukumbang, 2021) (Table 3).
Capabilities, structured observations, and description.
Integrative analytical strategy
The research employed an integrative analytical strategy that moved beyond mere triangulation (Paoletti et al., 2021) by using inductive, deductive, abductive, and retroductive reasoning (Mukumbang, 2021). The analysis was explicitly linked to three domains of reality: experiences, events, and causal mechanisms, focusing on the distinction between the real and the real-but-not-actual, rather than actual-but-not-empirical (Elder-Vass et al., 2023).
The study employed a QUAL + QUAN convergent design, where both strands had equal emphasis and processes co-occurred (Creswell and Plano Clark, 2018). Both qualitative and quantitative data were analyzed separately to describe the events, identify entities and associations that characterize the phenomena, clarify initial theory, and operationalize demi-regularities (Mukumbang, 2021).
A hybrid analysis was central to the integrative strategy, combining pre-ordinate categories derived from the integration of intersectionality and the capabilities approach (theory-driven) with an inductive generation of themes from empirical data (data-driven) (Proudfoot, 2023). This hybrid approach allowed for the identification of nuanced codes, the uncovering of new depths within the theoretical framework, and the highlighting of contrasting or conflicting ideas through integrative data analysis (DeJonckheere et al., 2024). Subsequently, inferential processes continued with abduction and retroduction. Abduction—also known as theoretical redescription—is the inferential process where empirical data are interpreted and re-contextualized within a theoretical framework, raising the level of engagement beyond thick description to elucidate underlying structures and causal mechanisms (Danermark et al., 2019). The subsequent mode of inference, retroduction, then investigates the particular social conditions under which the postulated causal mechanisms can produce events (Sayer, 2010). Thus, the goal was to move between empirical and deeper levels of reality to fully understand social mobilizations.
Aligned with the convergent design, data were analyzed separately, and results were merged for comparison and to explain divergence (Creswell and Plano Clark, 2018). Data synthesis employed abductive and retroductive reasoning. Abduction generated and refined theoretical ideas, which, in turn, fueled retroduction to develop a more complex theorization (Proudfoot, 2023). Specifically, the occurrence of unexpected variations required additional explanatory power, leading retroductively to new theorization, exemplified by the incorporation of the morphogenetic approach (Archer, 1995). This approach completes the synthesis, allowing for the analysis of how structural constraints act as pre-existing conditions that simultaneously limit and enable the agency of Afro-descendants women, influencing their achievement of fundamental entitlements. This inferential process involved integrating information from both data sources and adjusting conceptual maps to increase the practical adequacy of the accounts (Mukumbang, 2021) regarding underlying structures, mechanisms, and tendencies (Danermark et al., 2019).
Qualitative data analysis
The qualitative data analysis chosen was Thematic Analysis, which focuses on the content of what is said by reducing data into summarizing themes. Critical Realism inspired Thematic Analysis prioritized not only description and exploration but also causal explanations reached through the inferences of abduction and retroduction (Christodoulou, 2024). Initially, a hybrid approach was employed to deepen the understanding of the phenomenon. Deductively, qualitative methods were used to clarify the initial theory by operationalizing demi-regularities and underlying structures and mechanisms. Inductively, these methods were used to elicit information regarding the social phenomenon, its context conditions, mechanisms, and emergent outcomes (Mukumbang, 2021). Following Sayer’s (2010) concept of formal relations, which structures the levels of analysis into superordinate categories, the process aimed to connect the ontological levels of experiences, events, and mechanisms. The analysis moved through distinct levels of abstraction: codes, categories, and themes (Christodoulou, 2024). Specifically, the thematic analysis was executed in six phases (DeJonckheere et al., 2024): (1) Familiarization with the data and theoretical framework reflection; (2) Generating initial codes through rigorous open coding aligned with participant responses; (3) Searching for themes by synthesizing codes into meaningful patterns; (4) Reviewing themes against coded excerpts, including an initial inductive coding; (5) Defining and naming themes to clearly indicate findings and recoding transcripts to align themes with theoretical constructs (e.g., intersectionality and capabilities approach); and (6) Producing the report, which entailed explicitly describing the meaning within participant experiences, supported by illustrative quotes, to present integrated mixed methods meta-inferences.
Quantitative data analysis
Within a traditional Critical Realism perspective, the legitimacy of quantitative methods relies on the interpretation of statistics to describe events and empirical regularities, given the necessity to distinguish causation from correlation (Sayer, 2010). However, this study adopts the idea that deductive quantitative methods, such as structural equation modeling (SEM), can be used to identify patterns and associations (Mukumbang, 2021). Rather than defining causation, the statistical relationships revealed elucidate underlying causal mechanisms (Singleton et al., 2023). Multivariate approaches like SEM are in agreement with Critical Realism because they provide an effective means of bridging the gap between theoretical and statistical models (Pratschke, 2003) and offer characteristics for causal analysis. First, SEM transcends superficial appearances by identifying latent variables (unobservable entities), which serve as tools for discovering unmanifested mechanisms and factors of influence. Second, it enhances the description of complex, co-determined causal relationships, allowing for the explicit testing of complex configurations through the use of moderator variables. Third, the ability to incorporate mediator variables comes closest to the realist definition of mechanisms, providing useful evidence about generative forces by specifying how and why effects occur (Singleton et al., 2023).
Conclusions and limitations
This study advances Mixed Methods Research (MMR) by demonstrating the compatibility of Intersectionality Theory and the Capabilities Approach within a Critical Realism paradigm. Building on this philosophical foundation, the study proposes an integrative strategy embedded within a convergent mixed methods design. This approach enables a deep understanding of how Afro-descendant women from Chocó, rooted in their shared identity and specific territorial experiences, actively resist and seek to transform the multiple forms of intersecting discrimination they face through organization and collective action.
Concerning data collection, analysis, and interpretation, a simultaneous bidirectional framework for data merging analytics is employed (Moseholm and Fetters, 2017). This research offers original instruments that integrate rich qualitative narratives from interviews and focus groups with quantitative survey data and semi-structured observation. Furthermore, the use of mixed methods matched comparisons sampling (Schoonenboom, 2024) contributes by consciously aiming to reduce method-level bias often found in conventional surveys that underrepresent Afro-descendant identities and women’s associations. This calibration enhances the quality and comparability of the quantitative sample by aligning it with the qualitative strand.
Finally, the research introduces an inductive/deductive hybrid analysis that seamlessly integrates qualitative thematic analysis with quantitative structural equation modeling. This strategic merging of methods enables a profound, theory-generative understanding of these women’s political participation through the identification and retroductive theorization of causal mechanisms. Despite these contributions, a limitation exists in the generalizability of the quantitative findings, as identifying the study population from household-based surveys remains inherently challenging due to the underrepresentation of Afro-descendant identities and affiliations with women’s associations. Nevertheless, this study serves as a vital preliminary examination of a complex social phenomenon (Cash et al., 2022) and provides a robust methodological for future Critical Realism aligned MMR in contexts marked by social inequality.
Footnotes
Funding
The author disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This research was supported by the Patrimonio Autónomo Fondo Nacional de Financiamiento para la Ciencia, la Tecnología y la Innovación Francisco José de Caldas (Minciencias, Contrato No. 034-2024), under the “Convocatoria Investigación Fundamental 937 de 2023,” and the Universidad de La Salle.
Declaration of conflicting interests
The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article. The author was previously affiliated with the research project funded by Minciencias (Contrato No. 034-2024) as part of the scientific staff. This manuscript was drafted independently after the termination of the author’s contract, and the views expressed herein are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official positions of the funding bodies or the executing institutions.
Author biography
She holds a Ph.D. (Cum Laude) in Applied Economic Analysis and Economic History from the University of Seville (Spain), where she also researched as a Fundación Carolina scholar. She earned an M.Sc. in Economic Sciences and a B.A. in Economics from the National University of Colombia. Currently, she is an Associate Professor in the Faculty of Economics, Business, and Sustainable Development at Universidad de La Salle (Colombia). Her research focuses on applied economics.