Abstract
In developing and least developed economies, traditional and spatially bound communities play a critical role in bridging the gap when formal social welfare systems fall short in meeting essential needs. While the role of traditional communities in addressing societal issues is well recognized, research on imagined communities as agents of social welfare is a new and rapidly developing area of study. This study uses the foundational tenets of Ubuntu to examine the ways in which imagined communities—influenced by social media—use their collective agency to address gaps in Kenya’s formal social welfare system. Drawing data from three storytellers’ YouTube channels, we conducted a thematic analysis of 15 personal accounts to determine how storytellers leverage their social media presence, institutional knowledge, and community trust to address gaps in an under-resourced social welfare system. Findings indicate that personal stories shared and amplified through these digital platforms resonate with the imagined community, forming emotional connections that transcend geographic and socioeconomic boundaries. We identify key actors—storytellers, beneficiaries, public institutions, and the globally dispersed imagined community—and explore how their interactions enhance community well-being. This exploration highlights the crucial role that storytelling through social media plays in mobilizing support and fostering social connections.
Social media has provided a platform for individuals to construct and manage identities by participating in various digital communities. Through the creation and upkeep of digital accounts, individuals are able to express themselves in ways that align with their self-identification and how they want to be perceived by others (Gündüz, 2017). In Kenya, social media platforms have offered citizens a space to interact freely and to influence social and economic change (Ndlela & Mulwo, 2017). Social media has facilitated the formation of digital communities that transcend national, international, and cultural barriers. It enables the diaspora to establish and nurture relationships that extend beyond their geographic locations and into social spheres, leading to the development of an “imagined community.” Imagined communities are socially constructed groups characterized by a shared identity and values, even in the absence of direct and sustained interpersonal interactions (Putri et al., 2018).
Imagined communities differ from traditional offline communities in several ways. Traditional communities are localized groups in which relationships are based on face-to-face interactions and close-knit social bonds and experiences. Traditional communities play a pivotal role in shaping social care and support structures. Shared beliefs, cultural practices, and common experiences foster a sense of mutual responsibility, which in turn determines how members allocate community resources. In developing economies with underresourced institutions, these social networks fill a critical gap where public social welfare institutions prove inadequate in addressing basic needs. While the role of offline communities in addressing societal problems is well understood (Awortwi, 2018), research on imagined communities as agents of social welfare is a new and rapidly evolving field of study.
Using Ubuntu as an organizing framework, this study begins to address this dearth in the literature. Drawing data from three social media storytellers, we examine the role that social media and imagined communities play in Kenya’s social welfare economy. Fifteen stories, shared via each storyteller’s YouTube channel, were analyzed using a thematic approach. This study specifically examines how these storytellers utilize their social media presence, institutional knowledge, and community trust to address the gaps and inequalities in the country’s social welfare system.
Literature review
Social media and imagined communities
In 1983, Benedict Anderson coined the term “imagined community” and argued that nations are political imagined communities because “even the smallest nation will never know most of their fellow-members, meet them, or even hear of them, yet in the minds of each lives the image of their communion” (Anderson, 2006, p. 6). Social media has significantly contributed to the creation of imagined communities, enabling people to build collective identities based on shared interests and common goals, creating communities that transcend geographic boundaries (Dokman, 2023; Khazraee & Novak, 2018). With the rise of social media, billions of people around the world can connect virtually, often without having met in person. These platforms allow individuals to share personal insights and experiences, foster connections, and facilitate the exchange of ideas and information (Kavoura, 2014). Through these interactive platforms, individuals produce content, share their experiences, foster relationships, and participate in various productive tasks and meaningful pursuits (Solo-Anaeto & Jacobs, 2015). Establishing a presence on social media is increasingly becoming a crucial aspect of human interaction (Chukwuere, 2020). People leverage social media presence to forge meaningful connections with friends, family, and coworkers. A presence on various social media platforms indicates an individual’s appreciation of these platforms’ advantages (Chukwuere, 2020). Social media also can enable the marginalized to speak out and challenge power structures in societies (Hlatshwayo, 2016).
It is estimated that there are 4 million Kenyans in the diaspora (Ministry of Foreign and Diaspora Affairs, 2024), many of whom stay socially, economically, and politically connected to their fellow citizens through social media. Research on imagined communities of Kenyan extraction is indeed expanding. Scholars are increasingly exploring how Kenyans, both within the country and in the diaspora, use social media and other digital platforms to create and sustain communities based on shared cultural, social, and political identities. Orwenyo (2020) focused on Kenyan women in the diaspora, the role social media plays in countering isolation and as a conduit for information and emotional support, and specifically how these digital communities act as an equalizer across social and economic groups of immigrant women. In a different study, Mukhongo (2020) examined various ways Kenyans engage online, focusing on the use of social media in political discourse and advocacy, including political disputes and spontaneous expressions of frustration and backlash on platforms like Twitter (rebranded to X). Mukhongo (2020) concludes that the participatory culture engendered on this platform significantly contributes to political contestation and mobilization for collective action. Studies such as these point to the dynamic environment shaped by social media and the sense of belonging and solidarity among members of these communities.
Kenya’s digital footprint
Kenya has experienced remarkable growth of social media penetration in recent years, driven in part by a dynamic surge in internet access, data plans, and smartphone accessibility. The Communications Authority of Kenya (2024) estimated that the number of mobile phones has grown 131% as of 2023, suggesting that many Kenyans have more than one cell phone connection. In 2022, Kenya’s population was 50.6 million (Kenya National Bureau of Statistics, 2024), with over 13 million people actively using social media platforms (Cowling, 2024). Digital inclusion is globally linked to an improved quality of life (Alhassan & Adam, 2021). Technology has particularly benefited disenfranchised groups, such as women, by offering access to digital platforms that support economic opportunities, enhance personal safety, and promote inclusive social networks (Ritchie, 2022). For Kenyan youth, social media has become an essential tool for political agitation and activism. In June 2024, youth leveraged social media to organize nationwide protests against economic oppression and political accountability failures. The collective action led to a historic live forum on X, where the Kenyan president engaged directly with the youth (Soy, 2024).
Moreover, the widespread availability of mobile internet and digital platforms has driven substantial progress in financial technology, especially in mobile money transfer. Kenya has led the way in such transfers within the region, with M-Pesa and Airtel’s mobile money services boasting the highest subscription rates. These platforms allow users to send and receive money, make purchases, and pay bills, including hospital and school fees. With an estimated 75% of the population accessing mobile money (Communication Authority of Kenya, 2024), this technology has revolutionized local and international financial transactions by easing transfers, enabling savings, and providing access to group lending channels. Unlike banks, these mechanisms offer lower international fees and promise instantaneous transfers. It is estimated that about 32% of remitters in the diaspora use mobile money to transfer cash to recipients in Kenya, which is a significant contribution to the local economy, given that Kenyans remitted approximately $4.2 billion in 2023 (Ministry of Foreign and Diaspora Affairs, 2024).
Imagined communities as a reflection of Ubuntu
Ubuntu is an African philosophy that emphasizes the close connections and interactions that Africans have with one another. It is based on principles of humanity, interconnectedness, commonality, and a caring attitude that people demonstrate to invest in each other (Chukwuere, 2022; Lutz, 2009). The word “Ubuntu” comes from the Nguni Bantu languages of South Africa and means “humanity,” signifying that a person thrives through the efforts of others (Chukwuere, 2022).
Ubuntu’s spiritual, ontological, epistemological, and axiological principles are important organizing principals in the field of social welfare (Mugumbate et al., 2024; Mupedziswa et al., 2019; Van Breda, 2019). In precolonial Africa, society’s well-being was interpreted through the Ubuntu philosophy, in which communities had structures that espoused a collectivist and human-centric approach that prioritized the needs and well-being of people (Mbiti, 1969). Today, globalization, urbanization, and the denunciation of African traditional spirituality have dampened the Ubuntu philosophy, leading to a weakening of the collectivist society. The systematic breakdown of the traditional pillars that once buttressed social well-being has ushered in the rise of multiple intersecting deprivations in nutrition, economy, education, health, and safety.
Research indicates that Ubuntu principles such as interdependence, respect, caring, and sharing are present on social media platforms (Hlatshwayo, 2016; Makoe & Shandu-Phetla, 2019; Solo-Anaeto & Jacobs, 2015). For instance, Makoe and Shandu-Phetla (2019) explored how WhatsApp can be leveraged to create learning communities and enhance interaction through the framework of Ubuntu. Their study revealed that just as Ubuntu emphasizes the interconnectedness and mutual support within a community, social media fosters connections among users, enabling them to form and strengthen communities (Makoe & Shandu-Phetla, 2019). In a study of Facebook profiles, Hlatshwayo (2016) concluded that despite the continuous evolution of the social media platform, it has positively reinforced, encouraged, and perpetuated Ubuntu in its users. This growing body of work provides a foundational understanding of how social media fosters imagined communities and reflects the African philosophy of Ubuntu.
Social welfare in Kenya
Similarly, core principles of Ubuntu have been used to address the gaps inherent in contemporary welfare programs across the region. Social welfare is a system of policies and programs aimed at addressing social problems. A system that goes beyond the provision of basic needs to include capacity building, sustainability, and the empowerment of individuals and communities (Karger & Stoesz, 2010; Lombard & Wairire, 2010). Kenya’s mixed welfare economy involves public, private, and informal institutions sharing social welfare responsibilities (Karger & Stoesz, 2010). Despite their complementary roles, the system struggles with inadequate funding, service disruptions, and resource disparities, hindering support for vulnerable populations. Family and community networks provide the first line of emotional and concrete support. These networks include members of religious institutions who fulfill their religious obligations by serving others within their communities (Akintola, 2011). However, when these crucial relationships are unable to address an individual’s needs, the citizenry turns to national and county governments, which are tasked with providing a comprehensive array of essential services.
Conversely, market-based and for-profit actors may be called upon to address government inefficiencies and to fill gaps where programs and services may be limited or nonexistent. Kenyans continue to enjoy an expanding social safety net system, but this growth is dampened by mismanagement, unresponsive systems, austerity, corruption, and rigid bureaucracies (Kagotho et al., 2016; Lombard & Wairire, 2010). Distressed family systems (Fisher & Kagotho, 2020), austerity measures (Adésínà, 2009), and a social protection system that does not address the needs of the most vulnerable (Kroeker, 2018) disenfranchises the most vulnerable.
Kenya’s social welfare system has its genesis in a colonial legacy, created primarily to serve the interests of White settlers and indigenous elites. Even after independence from explicit colonial rule in 1963, Kenya, like many other African countries, retained these systems, which were rooted in racial, tribal, and class hierarchies. In the 1980s, the move by international financial institutions to restructure the economy through structural adjustment programs reduced the influence of the state in welfare provision, introduced austerity, and encouraged market-based measures in service provision. The result was a social welfare system increasingly inaccessible to economically and politically disenfranchised communities (Rono, 2002). Further compounding these service disparities has been pervasive grand and petty corruption. Corrupt practices undermine the effectiveness of social support programs through weakened oversight structures, financial mismanagement, fraud, bribery, and tribalism (Transparency International Kenya, 2020).
Disruptions in the social safety net coincide with widening income disparities in the country, with an estimated 38.6% of Kenyans living in poverty, 2.8 million of whom are experiencing deep poverty, meaning that they are unable to afford the minimum food basket. With a Gini index coefficient of 38.7, it is no surprise that the poorest 20% of the population accounts for only 7.4% of all goods and services consumed at the household level, while the richest quintile reports a total consumption of 42.2% (Kenya National Bureau of Statistics, 2024). When all social welfare institutions fail, the consequences can be severe and multifaceted, adversely affecting individuals, families, and communities. Currently, it is estimated that 1.1 million children of school age are out of school due to resource restrictions (Majanga & Muraya, 2023). In addition, access to health care is still an issue, with a recent phone survey revealing that Kenyans entitled to free health care still face significant barriers to care. This includes 37% of children, 21% of pregnant women, and 55% of older adults (Twaweza East Africa, 2024). Furthermore, malnutrition remains rampant, especially in arid and semi-arid regions of the country (Ministry of Health, 2024). The volatility within the social welfare system disproportionately affects the most vulnerable populations, including youth disenfranchised by high unemployment rates and economic instability, as well as women marginalized by cultural norms and practices (Kagotho et al., 2016). Consequently, these groups frequently spearhead mutual aid initiatives, driven by their direct experiences with systemic inequalities. Historically, these underserved populations have recognized the deficiencies in formal social support systems and the critical importance of collective action (Nadasen, 2004). In contemporary settings, mutual aid groups have become virtual—utilizing digital platforms to provide real-time assistance across broader and more diverse communities.
The present study examines how virtual communities use their collective agency to provide resources and disseminate information to address identified gaps in Kenya’s formal social welfare system.
Methods
Fifteen human interest stories presented by three social media storytellers were analyzed to explore the role of imagined communities—those who subscribe to and engage with social media personalities—in supporting the well-being of individuals and families. Specifically, this analysis looks at how, through storytelling, social media personalities foster connections and a shared identity across groups, and how the resulting imagined communities address social welfare needs in Kenya.
Inclusion criteria
Author 1, who is well versed in the Kenyan digital landscape, identified channels that met the inclusion criteria: YouTube content creators who tell human interest stories about health, poverty, education, interpersonal relationships, and the like. These channels not only tell personal stories but also integrate into the narration an appeal for concrete and financial support. Channels also had to have global viewership, which was determined by creators mentioning their audience in the diaspora and by reviewing comments in the channels’ comment sections. We focused on content creators who use storytelling to leverage the power of narratives in a way that engages and resonates with a large audience. This was determined by the number of views each video had and the number of subscribers on each channel. Videos recorded in English or in Swahili with English captioning were given preference, given that Author 1 and Author 3 are fluent in both languages.
From a list of eight identified channels, we selected three storytellers. One (NK) is female who has her own channel with approximately one million subscribers at the time of this publication. The second (MD), is male who works for a corporate news agency that runs similar YouTube channels in Ghana, Nigeria, and South Africa. At the time of publication, the channel had approximately 1.15 million subscribers. The third storyteller (PK) is male with 150,000 subscribers on his personal channel. Unlike NK and MD, he uses an off-camera format, allowing the focus to remain solely on the interviewee. As part of their narrative style, these storytellers use colloquialism and proverbs that encapsulate both social and religious beliefs to reinforce their message. Finally, all storytellers have built a close relationship with their imagined communities and engage with them directly through the comments section on their channels. These interactions sometimes result in follow-up videos, in which the storytellers re-interview a beneficiary to provide updates, as requested by their audiences. While all the videos analyzed were publicly available, the research team assigned pseudonyms to ensure that the storytellers’ identities were not disclosed.
Fifteen stories (five from each storyteller) were identified. Stories that included follow-up interview videos were combined and coded as one artifact. Videos and their accompanying transcripts were downloaded for coding (see Table 1). Researchers made informed decisions about the final sample size based on the richness and complexity of the data, ensuring it adequately addresses the research question (Braun & Clarke, 2021). The authors concluded that 15 stories provided theoretically sufficient depth. The authors received exempt status from the Institutional Review Board.
Summary of YouTube Videos Analyzed.
Data analysis
Videos and transcripts were analyzed using thematic analysis, a widely used method for understanding behaviors, experiences, and thoughts (Cernasev & Axon, 2023). Thematic analysis involves identifying and analyzing patterns within data (Joffe, 2011). It is particularly effective for analyzing information gathered from interviews, discussions, open-ended survey responses, and social media interactions (Crosley, 2021).
Coding was conducted in three phases (Saldana, 2021). The initial phase used a coding framework and open coding. First, a coding framework was developed, drawing from key concepts associated with Ubuntu (Mugumbate & Nyanguru, 2013) and imagined communities (Orwenyo, 2020). The framework provided a systematic way to organize the hours of recorded narratives. Furthermore, using a framework in team coding ensures consistency in data analysis. In addition to these predefined codes, open coding was applied, with each author independently examining the raw data to identify codes. After coding the first interview, all authors met to discuss and deliberate on the observed codes and categories.
In the second phase, the researchers began to identify patterns in the framework, to derive open and in vivo codes, and to consolidate these into categories where appropriate. After deconstructing the data into more manageable components, the authors then clustered these codes and categories to uncover underlying patterns. This was an iterative process, with the authors refining the analysis process based on emerging insights and patterns. Authors 1 and 2 were the primary coders and analyzed all 15 narratives, while Author 3 coded seven narratives and assisted the team in reviewing and resolving coding ambiguities and differences. The team used different tools to manage, code, and analyze the data, including MaxQDA (VERBI Software, 2021) for Author 1, Microsoft word processing software for Author 2, and ATLAS.ti (ATLAS.ti Scientific Software Development, 2023) for Author 3. Notably, the use of diverse coding tools did not hinder the collaborative process.
Results
Although multiple themes emerged, this article examines the theme around social care and social well-being. The findings highlight key actors—storyteller, beneficiary, public institutions, and the globally dispersed imagined community—and how their interactions inform community well-being. The findings revolve around the shortcomings of established public institutions in addressing the felt needs of the beneficiaries and the key role storytellers have in galvanizing a global community to respond to these needs. The Ubuntu philosophy is evident in the interactions of this globally dispersed community and in the storytellers themselves, who also express a desire to be of help to the beneficiary.
The storyteller
The storyteller was the connector and played a key role in how social care was sought, organized, and received. Two of the storytellers used an on-camera approach, allowing viewers to observe the dynamic interplay of verbal and nonverbal cues and communication between them, helping viewers better understand the beneficiaries’ circumstances. The third storyteller used an off-camera approach, allowing the beneficiary’s expressions and body language to be the primary focus. The storytellers’ channels served as powerful platforms for storytelling, focusing on social issues, human interest stories, and personal experiences that resonate with a broad audience, fostering a sense of connection and collective responsibility. One storyteller (NK) stated to the imagined community, “We are about to discuss some serious matters. . . There is an elephant in the room. . . By the end of this episode, we will either have solutions or know how to go about it” (NK004). Another storyteller (MD) said, “He [recipient] is now much better through your contribution, your creation of awareness, the people that are coming through for him financially, advice wise, networking with organizations and government officials. Thank you very much. That’s why we do this” (MD003B).
Through empathetic interviews and diverse content, these storytellers highlighted critical social challenges and offered a platform where underserved communities could voice their concerns. By bringing attention to these stories, they raised awareness of important issues, mobilized resources, and fostered community engagement. These storytellers bridged societal gaps, connected people with the needed support, and promoted a community-driven approach to social care. An illustration of this is from storyteller NK who expressed, And I’m coming to you guys asking you please. . . please. . . please. . . let’s come through for baby James, because I believe we’ve done that. I just brought you the story of Tina the other day and guys you have raised almost 3 million [approximately $23,000] for that girl, so today let’s just hold hands and come through for baby James. It doesn’t even have to be financially—emotionally or spiritually. (NK002)
The beneficiary
The storytelling revolved around 15 beneficiaries residing in Kenya who faced various life challenges. While identifying the root causes of the beneficiaries’ challenges is beyond the scope of this article, beneficiaries did share some factors contributing to their difficulties. Many reported that their challenges were exacerbated by changing family circumstances, including divorce, domestic violence, or family separation (MD001A, MD005, MD009, PK011, PK012, PK013, PK014, and PK015). A young homeless woman (MD009) living in an encampment stated, “I dropped out in form 2. I was forced to drop out because of family challenges. My parents fought and separated; since then, I have never seen my father.” Divorce, especially for women with young children, remains a social anathema presenting unique challenges, including social rejection, self-stigma, and social stigma, which further aggravated their circumstances (MD001A, PK011, PK012, PK013, PK014, and PK015). A single mother (MD001A), speaking about ostracism from her natal family, said, I have a [paternal] home, but as a single mother with children, people think I am after family land, when such things are not even in my mind. But my presence at home threatens someone that I am after family land.
Despite their needs, beneficiaries were not passive; instead, they actively engaged in addressing their challenges and played a proactive role in deciding how to seek and receive assistance. Even before these stories were brought to the public, beneficiaries had reached out to and received moral, spiritual, financial, and psychological support from formal institutions (public and nongovernmental agencies) and personal and informal networks (family and the community, including spouses, neighbors, friends, and extended family). For instance, beneficiaries NK004, NK006, NK010, PK011, and PK012 tried to reach out to formal institutions for support, while MD001A, MD009, PK014, and PK015 all tried seeking support from their traditional communities.
Thus, showcasing the beneficiaries’ stories on the storytellers’ YouTube platforms highlights their resolve and optimism in tackling their life challenges. By leveraging digital platforms, their stories were amplified, thereby expanding the network of resources available to support them. In five of the 15 stories (MD001B, MD003B, NK004, PK013, and PK014B), we observed the impact of using the storytellers’ YouTube platforms. The follow-up stories on these five beneficiaries demonstrated how the imagined community associated with these channels had provided significant support. For example, one beneficiary (MD003B) reported receiving phone calls from several people who offered encouragement, expressed concern, and provided solutions to help improve their quality of life. Another beneficiary’s story revealed that the same storyteller had previously aired their story to help establish quality home care for the beneficiary’s child. The beneficiary (NK004) stated, “The last time [storyteller] was here we were fundraising for a ventilator to just have a proper home care for her.” A different beneficiary (PK013) expressed, “I didn’t know sharing my story would one day transform my life. About a week after sharing my story I started receiving encouragement calls. I started receiving prayers and cash, all from people I didn’t know.” These beneficiaries were able to get the help and support from the imagined community on YouTube.
Our findings revealed that the beneficiaries had a deep understanding of the complexities of their situations, with many dedicating time to educate themselves on the medical, legal, and economic technicalities that informed their circumstances. For instance, one beneficiary (PK014) shared that they began researching brain injuries following their child’s diagnosis and the associated physical limitations. In addition, after embarking on a journey of self-education, three beneficiaries (MD003A, NK004, and NK008) utilized platforms like YouTube and other social media to share their insights with others facing similar challenges. Those with lifelong medical conditions not only advocated for themselves but also sought to educate and advocate for others in comparable situations. They expressed that discussing their situations publicly raised awareness about their conditions and encouraged listeners seeking more information to reach out. One beneficiary (MD003B) noted, “I am not going to change my [phone] number. . . if someone wants to know about sickle cell. I’ve had to go and research about other chronic diseases, and I know much about other chronic diseases.”
Finally, they exhibited resilience and self-determination and often painted a picture of the future that they imagined and desired: “I desire to establish a beauty company. At least have my own salon, barbershop, hair collection, all that” (MD009). Another (MD001B) said, “I want to build my business first. . . but I want to transfer him [child] to a good school where he can get a good education.”
Formal institutions
The relationship between beneficiaries and formal institutions such as public agencies and nongovernmental organizations is complex. On the one hand, while they still look to and expect these institutions to provide social services, they are quick to admit the deficiencies of these institutions. Stories highlight service gaps, power dynamics, information asymmetries, and engagement as informing the relationship between beneficiaries and service providers. This is true across all narratives including individuals in need of medical assistance, housing support, immigration help, or income assistance.
One example is health care. Despite Kenya’s goal of achieving universal health coverage, high medical costs and limited access to services were frequently mentioned as significant obstacles. This issue was pronounced both for individuals in need of basic medical services and for those needing specialist care. For example, lack of pharmacy services was discussed at length by a beneficiary who suffered from insomnia and found it a challenge to afford their daily medication. Another gap was ambulance services. One beneficiary (NK002) had to pay exorbitant out-of-pocket costs for a hospital transfer: “I told the doctor to request for an ambulance. He inquired whether I have enough money to pay for the ambulance. I told him I’m okay, so he can go ahead and request for the ambulance.”
Beneficiaries struggled to access and afford some specialized medical care services, including minor surgical procedures, genetic testing, chemotherapy, and body imaging procedures. Lack of specialists or locally available health care services may force beneficiaries to travel abroad to seek treatment. Beneficiary NK008 said, “I’m supposed to finish the chemotherapy the end of this month. Next month. . . I go to India. . . to undergo a bone marrow transplant.”
Power dynamics seemed to play a role in the delivery of social care services. Issues of harassment, discrimination, and lack of professionalism were mentioned, with one beneficiary (NK010) sharing that while they were visiting a police station, an officer “treated me like an animal. He took that paper without making eye contact with me and threw it down.” Another beneficiary (PK015) said, “I was met with the hostility of prison life. I had to learn things through caning.” A beneficiary who was facing homelessness lamented that government agencies aggravate the plight of homeless individuals: The Kenya National Highway Authority officers came here and took away our belongings, they burned some of our items. . . If they wanted us to leave this place, they would not have burnt our clothes. . . It’s because they felt we don’t have our rights and a voice to speak for ourselves. (MD009)
Government agencies, social service organizations, and privately funded institutions are governed by regulations designed to ensure accountability and effective delivery of services. Beneficiaries argued that these regulations are complex and challenging to navigate, thereby affecting both service access and service utilization. To navigate these regulatory complexities, some beneficiaries employ a scaffolding approach, seeking targeted assistance aimed at specific goals to address their intricate and evolving needs. One beneficiary (NK004), whose child has a disability, pays for a nurse to provide care at the home, and the child also needs ongoing electricity for home care. They hope for government assistance, stating, “I feel free electricity is a bare minimum. . . I am not asking for billions of monies, I’m just telling you to forego electricity bills for people under home care.” Therefore, while this family requires significant and cost-prohibitive care, their call-to-action centers on smaller more manageable requests to address specific areas of need—in this case, electricity tokens.
In addition, beneficiaries reported that officials were involved in corrupt practices, including demanding kickbacks for services, which further exacerbated gaps in service access: “Actually, [he] told me, ‘Give it to that person.’ . . So, I gave it [bribe] to another guy. He didn’t even know what was happening, but he put the money in his pocket” (NK010).
Despite these difficulties in engaging with these formal service providers, data point to several instances of successful engagement. For example, in discussing the health care system, beneficiaries shared that they were well received at triage as well as by the attending doctors. The doctors showed respect for autonomy by informing the beneficiaries about their condition and course of treatment, with one beneficiary (NK002) commenting, “The doctors here are so kind.” Another beneficiary (MD001B) shared that despite not having all the required school fees, their child was allowed back in school: “He went back. I gave him what I had at the time and he went back to school.” Another (PK015) expressed her gratitude to her church for supporting her when she was ill: “Do you know, it was only the church who stood by me. No relative nor friend. By then my friend had been released and she was abroad. We had lost contact.”
Data seem to indicate that after constantly facing the limitations of formal service providers, beneficiaries and indeed storytellers alter their styles to focus on targeted and incremental assistance.
Building imagined communities
Traditional offline networks in collaboration with imagined communities served as the primary support system for these beneficiaries. Extended family members, neighbors, friends, and the traditional local community played crucial roles by providing food, care services, knowledge of employment opportunities, advice, and companionship. This informal assistance highlights both the sovereignty of people and the deep compassion individuals have for one another, reflecting a collective effort to support and sustain each other. The friend of one beneficiary (MD007) shared, “When I learned that he was sick, to me it was really depressing, but what could we do, just being strong and supporting him not to give up.” Another beneficiary (PK012), who had undergone an operation and was alone, reported, “There was a neighbor who tirelessly took care of me.” Some friends offered support by advocating for beneficiary assistance by others. One such person was a caretaker who pleaded with a landlord not to evict the beneficiary (MD001A), and though the caretaker could not afford to pay rent on the beneficiary’s behalf, they gave them food. The caretaker expressed, “I am the caretaker here, so when I ask her for rent, she says she doesn’t know what to say. So, I talked to the landlord and pleaded with him to let her be and months have passed by.” Another powerful example is beneficiary PK014, who recalled an incident in which a neighborhood woman came to her aid when she needed a head scarf. Head covering is an important expression of faith for Muslim women and serves as a symbol of modesty. In this instance, the beneficiary had rushed out of her home without a head covering, chasing after her children, who had been forcibly taken from her by police sent by her ex-husband.
An evolving community
Unlike a traditional offline community that is bound by time and space, social media creates communities that are not static but are constantly evolving and growing. The imagined community’s continued engagement was illustrated by audience requests for follow-up videos on these cases. Through the comment sections and direct messages to these content creators and beneficiaries, this evolving global audience continued to mobilize around the beneficiaries. One (PK013) stated, “About a week after sharing my story I started receiving encouragement calls. I started receiving prayers and cash, all from people I didn’t know.” Another beneficiary (NK010) stated, “I believe that there are good people in this world. Kenyans and diaspora. . . amazing people. They’ve been calling. . . sending me messages, supporting me; they’ve done so much for me already.”
This follow-up was also a function of the accountability mechanisms built around community mobilization. Accountability in showing how financial assistance would be used was emphasized, with beneficiaries promising to update the community on the use of funds and their progress. One beneficiary (NK008) said, “I promise that once you help me raise the money, I’ll go to India. I’ll be back on YouTube and share with you all the information.” Another beneficiary (NK004) said, “I intend to go back [to YouTube] just to update people, encourage people. . . but I’m always on Instagram doing the same. . . I’m on TikTok.”
Another way in which the dynamism of imagined communities was observed was when other content creators picked up on these stories, thereby introducing these beneficiaries to an ever-growing network. Four of the 15 beneficiaries (MD003B, MD005, PK013, and NK006) mentioned that their situations had gone viral on social media platforms after media or individual bloggers shared their stories. One beneficiary (MD005) said, “I didn’t even know that the video had been posted, but people started telling me they had seen me somewhere. . . After that, I was shown that video and it had gained about 1 million views.” Another (MD003B) said, “My face was all over. . . Big international media have shared that story.” The algorithmic boost that comes from leveraging content from other creators helps generate a larger network of potential points of assistance.
The hosts of the three YouTube channels and the beneficiaries reached out to the community for support by sharing their contact information, including their cell phone numbers, which are commonly used for mobile money transfers in Kenya. They sought prayers and emotional, financial, and spiritual support, as well as referrals to individuals or institutions that could assist them. One of the hosts asked the imagined community to show support by sending virtual hugs and love, and to leave comments with their thoughts and any potential contacts who could offer assistance. Beneficiary PK013 said, “I continued getting calls and help until [storytellers] NK and MD came in and I was able to raise enough money for my procedure.”
Storytellers used narratives to construct a shared meaning and identity. By sharing their experiences through social media, storytellers enabled beneficiaries to connect and create shared meanings and experiences with a global community. The goal was to create a cohesive identity among local Kenyan audiences and the Kenyan diaspora. Indeed, many beneficiaries reported that the imagined community, particularly members of the diaspora, reached out to them directly through various channels, such as instant messaging and WhatsApp. They offered encouragement and financial support and shared their own stories, which resonated with the beneficiaries. One beneficiary (MD003B) commented, There are people who are encouraging me and there are a number of those who are trolling me. Actually, I have so many messages it’s actually overwhelming. I can’t read all of them and reply to all of them, and now that my number is out there I’m receiving hundreds of calls on a daily basis sometimes.
This study highlights the pivotal role of YouTube storytellers in connecting Kenyan beneficiaries with a global community. By sharing personal stories, these storytellers raised awareness and mobilized support for medical needs, homelessness, and food insecurity, fostering global empathy. The research identified significant challenges within formal institutions, including service gaps and corruption. In contrast, informal networks, including those cultivated in virtual spaces, played a crucial role in providing essential support. Overall, the study emphasizes how digital platforms serve as instruments of resilience and emancipation. Beneficiaries’ resilience is demonstrated through their active engagement with their imagined communities, leveraging these platforms for self-education, knowledge dissemination, and advocacy for improved conditions and support.
Discussion
Given our globally connected society and the advancements in digital technology, numerous opportunities have emerged to establish connections with people worldwide. Social media plays a transformative role in expanding the network of people engaged in social care, especially in situations where formal institutions struggle to meet the needs of vulnerable populations. The speed and wide reach of social media allow for the quick mobilization of resources, turning passive audiences into active participants in social care and creating a decentralized yet effective support network of an imagined community that complements traditional welfare systems (Kavoura, 2014; Mukhongo, 2020; Orwenyo, 2020; Solo-Anaeto & Jacobs, 2015). Through digital platforms, personal stories shared by individuals facing challenges resonate with the imagined community, forming emotional connections that transcend geographic and socioeconomic boundaries (Dokman, 2023; Kavoura, 2014; Khazraee & Novak, 2018; Solo-Anaeto & Jacobs, 2015). Social media amplifies these narratives, reaching thousands, if not millions, of people who might otherwise remain unaware of these issues. In addition, it enables real-time interaction and engagement, allowing the imagined community to respond directly by offering moral, financial, spiritual, and psychological support.
Individualism has significantly eroded the principles of community, interconnectedness, and mutual support. However, the data presented here indicate that the concept of Ubuntu lies at the heart of this imagined community and its communal response. Ubuntu emphasizes the idea that “I am because we are,” reflecting a deep-rooted belief in mutual aid and community solidarity (Chukwuere, 2022; Lutz, 2009; Makoe & Shandu-Phetla, 2019; Mbiti, 1969). When stories of hardship are shared on digital platforms, they evoke a sense of responsibility and shared humanity (Hlatshwayo, 2016; Makoe & Shandu-Phetla, 2019; Solo-Anaeto & Jacobs, 2015). Social media becomes a modern conduit for Ubuntu as people come together to provide tangible support to those in need. This collective action is not limited to financial assistance but often extends to emotional and psychological support, offering individuals a sense of belonging and security. By creating a digital village, social media reinforces the traditional African value of community care while expanding it beyond the limitations of physical proximity. In this way, social media bridges gaps left by formal institutions and revitalizes the spirit of Ubuntu, fostering a sense of unity and shared purpose in addressing societal challenges.
Implications
As social media increasingly becomes a tool for mobilizing support and addressing social issues, it’s important for citizens to have the skills to critically evaluate content, identify credible sources, and engage responsibly. Media literacy programs should teach individuals how to distinguish between authentic and manipulative stories to ensure that their support reaches legitimate causes. In addition, civic education can empower communities to understand their rights and responsibilities in advocating for better social policies, ensuring that the grassroots movements initiated online translate into lasting systemic change. By fostering a more informed and engaged citizenry, media literacy and civic education can amplify the impact of social media in bridging social care gaps.
The findings of our study highlight the significance of community-based interventions that harness the power of grassroots support networks. Professionals in health and social services need to incorporate more inclusive, community-driven approaches, leveraging technology and digital platforms to reach marginalized individuals who may not be reached by formal systems. By acknowledging the role of social media in connecting people, practitioners can collaborate with digital influencers to provide more immediate and direct support where it is needed.
Furthermore, the deficiencies in social care highlight the pressing need for governments to reassess the ability of formal institutions to meet the complex and varied needs of their populations. Public agitation can serve as a catalyst for change by empowering communities to confront government apathy. Virtual forums organized through social media can equip community members with knowledge about their rights and responsibilities, encouraging them to engage in local decision-making processes. Encouraging civic engagement can enhance accountability and demonstrate to both national and county-level governments that communities are indeed invested in their well-being. This is, however, not a novel idea, as Kenyans have initiated effective social media campaigns such as #MyDressMyChoice, advocating for women’s rights; #RejectFinanceBill, a rallying cry against repressive taxation; and #SomeoneTellCNN, a call against inaccurate depictions of Kenya by the international media.
Regulations should also be revised to accommodate the increasing influence of digital spaces in organizing aid and support, encouraging more structured engagement with social media influencers who are already filling these gaps. Progressive social media legislation is required to promote a safer, more transparent environment that protects users’ rights while encouraging healthy public discourse. Such legislation can establish clear guidelines for content moderation, ensuring that platforms responsibly manage misinformation and criminality without infringing on freedom of expression. Ultimately, progressive social media legislation can enhance an inclusive digital space that protects the rights of all individuals in an increasingly connected world.
Limitations
This study has several limitations that may affect the interpretation and transferability of its findings. First, the analysis is based on 15 stories from three storytellers, which may omit the breadth of experiences others have encountered. These narratives may not fully capture the diverse challenges all individuals face in similar circumstances. In addition, the findings are situated within the specific cultural context of Kenya, where the effects of Ubuntu philosophy and imagined communities may differ significantly from effects in another geographic location. Furthermore, the rapidly evolving nature of social media platforms and their algorithms could influence how stories are shared with imagined communities, thus influencing how imagined communities engage with the stories.
Conclusion
Exploring social care gaps through social media platforms like YouTube highlights the vital role that social media, storytelling, imagined community, and community values such as Ubuntu play in mobilizing support and building connections among individuals facing challenges. Indeed, these digital connections provide new mechanisms for local community support by fostering virtual networks that compensate for the breakdown of traditional structures, enabling individuals to mobilize and share resources. Ultimately, a collaborative approach that combines digital engagement with traditional community values and informed citizenry can pave the way for a more equitable and compassionate society, bridging the gaps in social welfare and ensuring that no one is left behind.
Footnotes
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Declaration of conflicting interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.