Fashioning Identity: A Technocultural Analysis of Igbo Women Designers’ Self-Presentation on Instagram

Abstract

Using African Technocultural Feminist Theory (ATFT), this study explored how Nigerian Igbo women fashion designers use Instagram to perform digital identities. While there is extensive literature on self-presentation on social media, there is limited research on African women’s self-presentation from a feminist perspective. The Critical Technocultural Discourse Analysis (CTDA) of Instagram posts and interview data revealed that Instagram’s photo affordances allowed designers to showcase their intricate designs and facilitate the cultural digitization of Igbo-centric fashion. The result of the three-phased analysis revealed Nigerian Igbo women fashion designers employed visual aesthetics and authenticity in their entrepreneurial online presentation. The study also highlighted the reemergence of Nsibidi, a long-lost ideography within Igbo culture, facilitated by Instagram. In addition, the study revealed that Nigerian Igbo women fashion designers use Instagram to challenge societal norms related to femininity and womanhood. This study addresses the need to examine African women’s digital identities through a feminist lens, considering the impact of overlapping power structures on their self-representational choices on social media.

Introduction

On the 17th of February 2021, @nkwo_offical, a Nigerian Igbo woman fashion designer, had women models wear red woolen caps for the Arise Fashion Week. In the post, Nkwo mentioned they had gotten “quite a stir” as a result. The “stir” Nkwo mentions indicates people were uncomfortable and possibly challenged her decision to have the women models wear the red woolen caps. Also known as “Okpu Nze,” the red woolen cap holds significant historical and cultural importance in Nigerian Igbo society. Traditionally, this cap is a symbol of authority and respect, worn by titled men and elders who have achieved distinguished positions within their communities. However, the history of the red cap is rooted in misogyny and patriarchal traditions that exclude women from its use and the social privileges it signifies. Thus, by having women models wear the red woolen cap for the fashion show, Nkwo chose to challenge the Igbo cultural institution through fashion by showcasing how traditional customs can perpetuate gender-based exclusion.

Nkwo, like many other Nigerian Igbo women designers, is increasingly using fashion as a powerful tool to challenge and subvert the patriarchal norms embedded in their culture. Through their innovative designs, Nigerian designers are not only creating clothing but also making bold statements that question traditional gender roles and the exclusion of women from certain cultural symbols and practices. Their efforts demonstrate that fashion is not merely a superficial pursuit but a potent form of cultural expression and resistance. However, the intersection of fashion, gender, and cultural subversion in the context of Igbo women designers remains significantly under-researched. Despite the growing influence of these designers in challenging patriarchal norms through their work, the academic and scholarly focus on this area is limited.

In addition, Nigerian designers, including Igbo women designers, are showcasing on world runways and winning acclaim as national and international figures including Michelle Obama, Lupita Nyong’o, Beyonce, and Nollywood star Genevieve Nnaji have been known to wear Nigerian designs. Some examples of Igbo women designers include Amaka Osakwe (Maki Oh), Nkwo Onwuka (Nkwo Sustainable Fashion), and Zizi Cardow. Igbo women fashion designers are adopting marketing strategies such as producing high-quality clothing, using local labor as well as constructing symbolic values through branding and identity as a way of communicating significance for their products (Brydges & Hracs, 2018; Moreno-Gavara & Jiménez-Zarco, 2019). Designers also rely on fashion shows as well as a variety of educational and apprentice schemes to create publicity about the industry. More recently, Igbo women designers are using new media technology, specifically social media as channels to visibility and exposure.

Social media are digital platforms that enable information sharing, collaboration between diverse groups, and, when used for business, facilitate conversations between customers and organizations (Castillo et al., 2021; McFarland & Ployhart, 2015). Social media has also revolutionized the word-of-mouth ecosystem as it potentially expands audience reach from one or few people to the entire world (Castillo et al., 2021). As such, Igbo women fashion designers have the responsibility to identify the best digital branding strategy to persuade consumers.

Technology affordance is the material qualities of media technologies and the affective processes of people who use them (Bucher & Helmond, 2017). Technology affordance also explains the ways technological changes affect social relations and structures which ultimately requires users to be adaptive and open to learning (Bucher & Helmond, 2017; Nagy & Neff, 2015). For example, social media has experienced some significant changes to its communication platforms including static platforms, ephemeral platforms, and static platforms incorporating ephemeral attributes (Kircova et al., 2020). As Igbo women fashion designers rely on social networking sites for marketing, it is imperative that they recognize each platform’s distinct affordances in order to produce suitable content that drives visibility and exposure. While previous studies have examined technology platforms and their affordances, they often reflect a western-centric perspective, leaving a gap in understanding how non-western users, particularly African women, approach and interact with these platforms. This approach fails to recognize the ways African women navigate these platforms to align with their unique cultural identities, social norms, and lived realities.

Media theorists have provided evidence that technology is culturally produced and ideologically aligned to White supremacy (Brock & Brock, 2020; Sweeney & Whaley, 2019). This has historically presented White people as ideal and universal users of technology and, as a result, erased non-western cultural practices. For example, Buolamwini (2017) found that facial recognition technology is more likely to make 37% to 83% misclassification errors for darker women and 0.4% to 3% misclassification errors for lighter men. African social networking site users are thus developing strategies to challenge the monolithic picture of western cultural imperialism that comes from social media platforms. Specifically, they are reterritorializing western-centric technologies and using it for indigenous cultural and political expression (Arthur, 2019, 2022). Currently, there is a lack of concrete studies that explore this. While media research is helpful in situating technology use, there is a need to Africanize technocultural analysis to account for Africa’s diverse cultural systems.

This study contributes to the limited scholarship on Africa and African women, addressing the persistent negative portrayals of Africa in western media. Scholars argue that these portrayals are fraught with gross generalizations of Africa and its people (Adegbola et al., 2018; Schraeder & Endless, 1998; Zeph-Ojiako & Anakwuba, 2019). Many news depictions paint a dark, jungle-like portrait of the continent, ravaged by starvation, poverty, disease, and corruption (Gabore, 2020; Poncian, 2015). A study on the framing analysis of U.S. textbooks’ discussion of Nigeria found unfair deficit perspectives leading to disparaging narratives resulting from imperialist scholarship and media (Odebiyi & Sunal, 2020). African studies scholars suggest that the disproportionate coverage of negative over positive news presents an imbalance in reporting about the continent that does not fully represent African people. Limited beliefs about Africa and its people can, in part, be attributed to early European travelogues depicting Africa as a savage jungle of wild animals and barbarian bush people incapable of contributing to technology (Harth, 2012). However, the spread of streaming and social networks, sensors, artificial intelligence, and automation driving Africa’s digital revolution suggests otherwise. According to WHO Africa (2022), 13% of all new and modified technology developed in response to COVID-19 is African, with 57.8% digital communication, 25% based on three-dimensional (3D) printing, and 10.9% robotics. These advances systematically refute false notions of a digital or technological divide between Africa and the rest of the world. This study, therefore, presents a new understanding of how African people interact with and use new media technology for cultural expressions through history, language, fashion, interdependent relationships, and advocacy.

Scholarship on media identity in entrepreneurship has identified entrepreneurs’ online identities as crucial to the survival of their businesses, as they shape and determine their business persona (Ekinci et al., 2020; Powell & Baker, 2014). There is a need to study how entrepreneurs perform online identities, as this determines the survival and success of their businesses (Ekinci et al., 2020; Powell & Baker, 2014). In addition, Nigerian Igbo women fashion designers who use Instagram to promote their businesses online are expected to successfully navigate the specificities of each technological platform, as they situate communicative strategies within the Nigerian Igbo cultural ecology. Instagram requires the designers to be adaptive to its affordances in order to maximize its marketing potential. As more designers rely on technological platforms to showcase their designs, their self-presentation becomes an ever-evolving cycle through which their identities are constantly negotiated against a combination of social, cultural, economic, and political realities. Thus, this study sought to understand the ways Igbo women fashion designers present themselves on Instagram as they promote their businesses online.

• RQ . How are Nigerian Igbo women fashion designers using Instagram and its affordances to present themselves on Instagram as they promote their businesses online?

To answer the research question, this study relied on African Technocultural Feminist Theory (ATFT), a new theoretical framework for understanding how African technology users engage with new media technology through their diverse cultural identities (Enyinnaya & Arthur, 2023). This study also employed a Critical Technocultural Discourse Analysis (CTDA) analysis of the designer’s Instagram account and content as well as a semi-structured interview of each of the designers (co-researchers). ATFT worked together with CTDA and semi-structured interviews to generate a robust informative picture of Nigerian women fashion designers’ online identities as well as highlight key gender issues within their entrepreneurial, cultural, and technological ecology.

Literature review

Igbo people constitute the third largest ethnic group in Nigeria and are found in the southeastern part of the country (Amadi & Agena, 2015). Known for their entrepreneurial spirit, rich cultural heritage, and deep-rooted traditions, the Igbo community has significantly influenced Nigeria’s social, economic, and artistic landscapes. They make up about 19% of Nigeria’s population (40 million people) and are one of the most dispersed and influential tribes in the country. Igbo people are known for their entrepreneurial endeavors and have pioneered the Igbo apprentice system which Harvard Business School is currently reviewing for mainstream implementation (Ukwu, 2021). The Igbo apprentice system (also known as Imu-Ahia which translates to “to learn market/trade”) advocates for shared prosperity where entrepreneurs form livable clusters through the provision of startup funds to apprentices following the completion of their internship. The Igbo apprentice system has been identified as one of the major factors that helped pull many Igbo families out of poverty within 3 months of the Biafran civil war (Adegbite, 2021; Okoro, 2018). However, scholars call for a reimagining of this model as the current system has been criticized for being heavily skewed toward men (Nnonyelu, 2020). This implies women have been historically excluded from this financial model which has benefited Igbo men. This is rooted in the patriarchal structure within the traditional Igbo society that is reflected in men considered as subjects and women perceived as the man’s object without whom she has no identity.

Despite Nigerian women’s financial input to the economy, their contribution remains underreported and undervalued. For example, the Nigerian fashion industry is a woman-dominated informal sector and continues to make significant contribution to the national economy (Chuku, 2005; Global Entrepreneurship Research [GEM], 2019; Ogundana et al., 2018). Nigerian women contribute more than 30% of Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and account for more than 40% of the employment generated by small- and medium-sized enterprises (Ogundana et al., 2018). Their contribution to start-ups, small, and medium businesses foster development and poverty reduction. This study therefore aims to explore how the designers leverage Instagram to negotiate and challenge traditional gender roles, and how their digital self-representation contributes to broader socio-economic development in Nigeria.

ATFT

ATFT is a theoretical framework that examines the intersection of technology and cultural practices, specifically focusing on how African people utilize technological platforms for various purposes, including cultural expression, business branding, self-presentation, and advocacy (Enyinnaya & Arthur, 2023). ATFT emphasizes prioritizing historically underrepresented and marginalized African identities, challenging western-centric perspectives by offering a more nuanced understanding of how African technology users engage with new media through their diverse cultural identities. The theory relies on three tenets to explain how African people may apply new media technology for culturally relevant narrative construction: technology affordance, African cultural ideologies, and African feminism (Figure 1). This theory is fitting for this study as it places significant emphasis on self-presentation which involves individuals deliberate and strategic use of new media technologies to curate and communicate their identities (Enyinnaya & Arthur, 2023). For instance, fashion designers, such as Nigerian Igbo women, use platforms like Instagram to showcase traditional and contemporary African fashion. ATFT also examines how African women use digital platforms to navigate and challenge gender dynamics.

Figure 1.

ATFT framework showing how the interconnections of new media technology affordances, African cultural ideologies, and African feminism provide an outline for research analysis (Enyinnaya & Arthur, 2023).

Social media becomes a powerful tool for advocacy, allowing women to raise awareness about gender-based issues such as sexism, gender-based violence, female genital mutilation, and child marriage. Campaigns like #BringBackOurGirls, #EndSARS, and #ShutItAllDownNamibia illustrate how African women mobilize online to draw global attention to local issues. These platforms enable them to share personal experiences, build supportive communities, and organize for social change. By centering African cultural practices within technology use, ATFT adopts a decolonial approach that emphasizes Afrocentric perspectives in scholarship and practice. This approach critiques the dominance of western feminist theories that often generalize or misinterpret African women’s experiences (Oyěwùmí, 2016). Instead, ATFT draws on the works of African scholars such as Amadiume (2005) whose concept of dual-sex systems and critiques of patriarchal interpretations of African societies provide valuable insights into the complex gender dynamics within African contexts. Alongside contributions from scholars like Nzegwu (2020), ATFT underscores the need to account for the historical, social, and economic factors that shape gender and cultural dynamics in Africa.

While Instagram affords visibility and self-promotion, these affordances are not universal or neutral, as they can fail to capture the nuanced ways users from underrepresented contexts engage with the platform. For example, mutual domestication highlights how users shape and adapt technologies to fit their unique circumstances, showing that affordances evolve through iterative interactions between users and platforms rather than being universal features (Siles et al., 2019). Moreover, Instagram’s affordances are deeply embedded within the political economy of digital platforms, which complicates simplistic narratives of empowerment. As Postigo (2016) and Burgess and Baym (2022) argue, affordances such as visibility and community building are contingent on platform algorithms that prioritize monetizable content, forcing users to balance authenticity with algorithmic demands. For marginalized creators, including African women, this often involves negotiating with systemic constraints like shadow banning and algorithmic biases, which privilege western aesthetics. Furthermore, Zuboff’s (2019) surveillance capitalism exposes how Instagram extracts user data for profit, commodifying cultural expressions and exposing creators to exploitation. This surveillance-driven commodification reveals a darker dimension to the platform’s supposed affordances of visibility and reach.

In addition, structural inequalities and algorithmic biases further complicate Instagram’s role as a democratizing tool. Noble (2018) highlights how algorithms reinforce systemic inequalities, often marginalizing non-western creators. For African women, achieving visibility frequently requires conforming to western beauty standards or content norms, undermining the platform’s global accessibility. Instagram’s affordances, therefore, are neither neutral nor equally available to all users. To advance discourse on affordances, scholars must account for these structural inequities, political economies, and cultural contexts, moving beyond simplistic frameworks toward a more inclusive and power-sensitive understanding of digital platforms.

Self-presentation and technocultural perspectives

Self-presentation in digital spaces presents a nuanced interplay between self-expression and the commodification of identity (van Dijck, 2013). While platforms like Instagram offer Nigerian Igbo women fashion designers a global stage to showcase their cultural heritage, values, and designs, the emphasis on performative self-presentation raises concerns about authenticity. The drive to maintain visibility and attract audiences often compels users to curate idealized identities, aligning with Goffman’s (1959) assertion that individuals perform roles to meet perceived audience expectations. However, this performative nature risks reducing cultural expressions to commodified artifacts tailored for broader appeal, potentially diluting the authenticity of their cultural narratives. The visual and textual affordances of Instagram, such as high-quality images, storytelling, and audience engagement, encourage the construction of a polished online persona (Rietveld et al., 2020). For Nigerian designers like Nkwo and Chioma Inyang, this affordance enables the promotion of sustainable fashion and Igbo-inspired designs. Yet, these platforms simultaneously prioritize metrics like likes, comments, and followers, which can incentivize conformity to globalized aesthetics or market demands. The transition of Instagram into a tool for social capital acquisition underscores this tension, where the focus shifts from genuine self-expression to strategies for maximizing engagement, often at the expense of authenticity (Papacharissi, 2013).

The digital self-presentation practices of Nigerian Igbo women designers illuminate the intersection of cultural preservation and the exploitation of digital spaces. The designers leverage Instagram not merely for commercial gains but to reclaim narratives and challenge stereotypes about Africa. However, as Kapidzic and Herring (2015) point out, studies on race and self-presentation in digital spaces remain sparse. This underscores the importance of critically analyzing how non-western users, particularly women, navigate digital self-presentation within socio-cultural and economic contexts. For these designers, Instagram becomes both a tool for visibility and a site of negotiation, where self-presentation must balance commercial interests with the desire to authentically represent indigenous practices and values.

Method

This study relied on a qualitative approach to understand Nigerian Igbo women fashion designers’ self-presentation on Instagram as they promote their businesses online. The data were collected and analyzed in three phases. In Phase 1, a CTDA of the visual and textual content of the designer’s Instagram account and content was done. The data included still images (photos), moving images (videos), post engagement (how many likes and comments), and linguistic analysis of captions and hashtags. In Phase 2, a virtual semi-structured interview of each designer was conducted. The interview questions are designed to target four main areas of inquiry that were driven from this study’s theoretical foundations and research question: (1) Fashion design experience, (2) Instagram experience, (3) Instagram affordances, and (4) Cultural ideology. Data from the semi-structured interviews were analyzed through a CTDA lens, considering the themes that emerged related to Instagram’s affordances, user engagement, and cultural ideology. Finally, Phase 3 was a reanalysis of the Instagram posts and the semi-structure interview data. Here, I also relied on CTDA and ATFT as I identified overlapping themes and unique findings across all the data sets.

Data collection and sample

The data were generated from a purposive sample of 10 Igbo women fashion designer’s Instagram accounts and semi-structured interviews. Data collection began after Institutional Review Board (IRB) approval was granted by a university in Northern Colorado. To ensure triangulation and validity, I maintained the same designers for Phase 1. I initiated the recruitment process by identifying three fashion designers within my network and inviting them to participate in the study. The designers were then asked to disseminate the recruitment flyer within their own networks and WhatsApp groups. I collected email addresses and sent the recruitment message to a total of 20 designers, with the goal of securing at least 10 interviewees. Interested participants were emailed a consent form and a pre-interview questionnaire to complete prior to the interview.

The decision to recruit 10 participants and analyze 10 posts was guided by Creswell’s (2009) recommendation that qualitative sample sizes are large enough (no more than 20) to allow a deep and meaningful understanding of the phenomenon, but small enough (no less than 5) so the rich case-oriented analysis is not precluded. Thus, before I purposively selected the 10 posts, I carefully looked through all designers’ contents and posts and chose photos that represented a summary of the designers overall Instagram profile. I then collected and analyzed a purposive sample of 10 Instagram posts per designer (n = 100 posts). During the sampling and data collection process, I adhered to recommendations from the Association of Internet Researchers (AoIR) ethical guidelines which advocates for protecting participants information during data collection by deleting participant’s personally identifiable information (PID) or seeking informed consent to include PID in this study (franzke, 2020). Thus, I made sure to receive consent from the designers to include screenshots of their Instagram posts/content in the analysis. To participate in the study, co-researchers provided informed consent, identified as women, owned Instagram accounts, and identified as Igbo. An Excel sheet was first used to make a list of all 10 fashion designers. Then, I examined the types of media posted (photographs, videos, memes, GIFs, captions, and hashtags); user engagement through likes, comments, and sharing posts with other users; and cultural considerations through gender dynamics and Igbo cultural traditions. These spheres of analysis explicated CTDA’s primary modes of understanding technocultural routines and practice which include interface—media posted; technology practice—postengagement; and cultural ideology—gender dynamics and cultural traditions related to fashion (Arthur, 2021; McFarlane & Samsioe, 2020).

Data analysis

The Instagram posts and semi-structured interview data were analyzed using the CTDA framework. The multimodal qualitative analysis is a relatively new tool in academia used to critically examine the ways technology intersects with cultural ideologies. Developed by Andre Brock (2018), CTDA is a corrective analytical method that decenters western hegemonic notions of technology users with minoritized identities, thereby “prioritizing the epistemological standpoints of underrepresented groups” (Brock & Brock, 2020). CTDA builds on the foundational principles of Critical Discourse Analysis (Fairclough, 2013) by focusing on how language and discourse reinforce power dynamics and social hierarchies. However, CTDA extends this analysis because it includes a “technocultural” component to critical discourse analysis that maintains culture and technology are interrelated. It implies recognizing that technology has the potential to create and influence culture through the multiple ways it consciously and unconsciously alters our individual and collective behaviors daily (Gilkey, 2015).

Thus, to understand how the designers’ posts reflect and construct technocultural identities and practices, the CTDA framework considered the themes that emerged related to Instagram’s affordances enables the designers to showcase creativity through features like multimedia posts, captions, emojis, hashtags, reels, and geotags to increase visibility. Key icons include a plus sign for creating posts, a heart for tracking engagement, messaging for communication, and a shop icon for selling apparel internationally. Technology practices (user interactions) explicate how Instagram’s distinct technological ecology and user elements facilitate understandings of Nigerian Igbo women fashion designer’s self-presentation in online spaces by exploring the ways members of their online community engage with their media content. This includes examination of how their followers respond to their posts, praise, or criticize their designs, or communicate/reflect on social issues raised by the designer.

Cultural considerations included social and historical contexts identified within the posts examined such as connotations of fabric color and patterns identified within the media contents. By considering the intersection of African cultural practices and new media technology use, ATFT combined with CTDA Africanizes technocultural analysis in its detailing of how Igbo women fashion designers rely on Instagram’s affordances for entrepreneurial and cultural expression. This ensured African traditions are preserved, valued, and respected, while centering African women’s negotiation of gender and power relations within technological discourse. Figure 2 shows how the interconnections of technology, technology practices, and cultural ideologies relate to ATFT and lead to the research question.

Figure 2.

CTDA explanation showing how the interconnections of technology, technology practices, and cultural ideology relate to ATFT and lead to the research question.

All data were collected in the spring of 2022. After uploading the preliminary excel data to MAXQDA, I identified themes across the data set and converted them to codes. Leavy (2017) recommends the three-step model: immersion, reduction, and creating the codebook. First, I inductively created codes that described aspects of the data. This process is also known as open coding or immersion which provides deep insight into the social worlds of Nigerian Igbo women fashion designers (Saldaña, 2021).

Next was axial coding which involved intensive code reduction. Here, I coded distinct themes around one category and demonstrated how they belonged to a particular group. As I did this, I ensured the themes in the data addressed the research questions. Finally, I developed a code book which organized the data for analysis which contained the name of the element, a description of the code with a clear definition, and examples that illustrate the code’s use (Forman & Damschroder, 2008). Primary codes were based on the manifest content observed in each data set. The memos I made during the iterative process of open coding aided in reorganizing the codes into more concise, broader categories during the reduction phase of coding. I ensured ATFT and CTDA were reflected throughout the process of analyzing the data until I reached saturation (which was when new themes were no longer emerging from the data set and further coding was no longer feasible).

This study followed feminist qualitative research praxis by ensuring data collection and analysis were collaborative, participative, reflexive, and iterative (Sprague, 2016). I actively engaged with the designers throughout the research process, discussing progress with them to ensure their perspectives and insights were properly incorporated. After coding the interview data and identifying themes, I shared the draft findings with the designers to review and provide feedback, ensuring the accuracy. I continuously reflected on my own biases and assumptions, adjusting my approach as needed to ensure the research remained objective and inclusive.

Findings

The result of the three-phased analysis revealed Nigerian Igbo women fashion designers employed visual aesthetics and authenticity in their entrepreneurial online presentation. They also relied on specific Instagram affordances for their self-presentation such as reels, hashtags, and direct messaging (DM). Finally, the results revealed a reemergence of Nsibidi, a long-lost ideography within Igbo culture which Instagram facilitates its digitization.

Technocultural approaches for entrepreneurial self-presentation

People curate their online personas by selectively emphasizing certain traits while minimizing others, a process deeply influenced by their perception of imagined audiences (Hollenbaugh, 2021). This dynamic is particularly evident among Nigerian Igbo women fashion designers, whose Instagram self-presentation is carefully tailored to shape their audience’s impressions of their brands. The analysis of their practices highlighted two recurring themes: visual aesthetics and authenticity. These themes demonstrate how designers strategically balance their cultural identity and professional aspirations to connect meaningfully with their diverse audiences.

Visual Aesthetics

Visual aesthetics refers to the pictorial attractiveness that communicates a clear and unique image or pleasing appearance of an image or object (Lavie & Tractinsky, 2004). Previous research has highlighted the importance of visual aesthetics in Instagram marketing as it boosts audience engagement and interaction with content (Kusumasondjaja, 2019). All the designers mentioned they used their mobile phones to capture almost all the photos they uploaded to their profile and emphasized the importance of posting high-quality photos on their pages. A few indicated they hired professional photographers on occasion, but most of the photos they shared were shot on their mobile phones. Some photographic qualities they highlighted include clarity, good background, proper lighting, and appealing color coordination. For example, Nneka ¹ and Ann describe what makes a photo Instagram worthy:

First of all, the quality of the picture . . . it must be really clear . . . good background. The client must use a good phone camera. . . . When the background is good, it speaks well of the design. You know, good background, good lighting, good picture quality, and I think we’re good to go.

In addition, several designers emphasized the significance of capturing photos from the optimal angle. Cynthia, who has taken several photography lessons, educates her clients on the best angles for cellphone photos when they send her images of themselves in her designs:

There’s a way you could turn your phone to take pictures . . . Make sure that the leg room is actually a closer range than the upper part, then it gives you a bold perspective of the picture. It’s always better to show the upper part of the picture than the lower part so it gives you that angle . . .

Designers used photo editing software to enhance photos taken on their phones and improve poor-quality client photos. The goal was to ensure the photos met their quality standards and made clients feel part of the brand. Frequently used tools included Instagram photo editor, Lightroom, BeautyPlus, filters, and presets. Designers were mindful to get client consent before posting their pictures on Instagram:

I work on the pictures to make it Instagram worthy. I use Lightroom app and preset, then I work on the color, the light, the upticks, the effects . . . whatever it might be. I took a course on photography a little so I will be able to create better content and better pictures for my Instagram . . .

The intentional sharing of visually appealing images challenges Eurocentric notions of African identity and reclaims self-representation through modern and confident portrayals. By adhering to visual standards that emphasize elegance and professionalism, these designers disrupt colonial stereotypes and offer a refreshed narrative of African women as active agents of their identities and brands (Lamunière, 2001; Vokes & Newbury, 2018). Their practices contribute to ATFT by situating visual aesthetics as a tool for cultural reclamation and empowerment, highlighting how non-western women navigate digital spaces to assert their agency and reshape global perceptions.

Authenticity

Authenticity evaluates the realness and originality of objects and individuals, focusing on social negotiations rather than objective existence. With increasing commercialization, authenticity has become crucial to counter profit-oriented perceptions in cultural production (Maares et al., 2021). On Instagram, authenticity involves negotiating sincerity and displaying one’s inner self (Maares et al., 2021). Managing an authentic persona includes showing imperfections and vulnerability (Berryman & Kavka, 2018). The result of the semi-structured interviews revealed Nigerian Igbo women’s fashion embodied authenticity in their self-presentation on Instagram. When asked how they would describe their accounts, Chima replied:

. . . I think in one word its real . . . it’s not fake . . . it’s what you see is what you get . . . it’s not all over the place and is easy to interpret what am doing or what am selling . . .

Chima’s description of her Instagram account as “real” and “what you see is what you get” underscores her commitment to sincerity. By showcasing her talents and skills through her work, she performs expertise while maintaining a straightforward and relatable identity. Another designer, Nancy (24), shared that she made mistakes early on and decided to journal her experiences, highlighting what it means to be a fashion designer in Nigeria:

. . . I realize that starting up I made a lot of mistakes and I . . . saw people making the same mistake that I made . . . I just wanted to share my work, share my experience, and share what I know basically . . . I show my life through my work . . . I just want when people see my work, they should know what it’s like living in Nigeria like doing the kind of work that I do while living in Nigeria . . .

Nancy’s narrative goes further by incorporating her early mistakes and lessons learned, offering a form of altruistic authenticity. Her willingness to share her challenges and successes not only humanizes her brand but also positions her as a mentor within the community. This practice aligns with Berryman and Kavka’s (2018) notion of authenticity as displaying vulnerability and imperfection, reinforcing her credibility and relatability. Finally, the designers emphasized creating relatable content by sharing photos of themselves in their designs to connect with their audience:

I post some personal [pictures]because I like to interact with an Instagram page that have some personal content . . . I want to believe I’m dealing with a human and not a robot . . . I try to post myself because I don’t believe I have the perfect body, so I want you to see that no matter how imperfect your body is, there’s a style for you . . .

This statement underscores the designers’ deliberate effort to foster authenticity in their Instagram self-presentation. By sharing personal photos and acknowledging their imperfections, these designers seek to humanize their brands and establish a genuine connection with their audience. Nigerian Igbo women fashion designers exemplify the principles of ATFT by using Instagram to reclaim cultural identity and assert agency in digital spaces. Through high-quality visuals and strategic branding, they disrupt Eurocentric stereotypes, presenting African women as skilled, modern, and confident entrepreneurs (Lamunière, 2001; Vokes & Newbury, 2018). Authenticity further strengthens their entrepreneurial strategies, as designers openly share vulnerabilities and personal experiences to build trust and connect with their audience. This humanized approach challenges the often-commercialized nature of Instagram branding, making their self-presentation relatable and impactful (Berryman & Kavka, 2018).

Platform affordances and the mediated environment

Different technological platforms possess diverse features which inform the ways their users approach and utilize them for multiple purposes. Extensive research has been done to show the moderating effects of social media platforms and self-presentation (Arthur, 2022; Hollenbaugh, 2021; Humphrey, 2017; Papacharissi, 2002; Scolere, 2019). Instagram therefore presents a mediated environment for Igbo women fashion designers to perform their digital identities. The results from the semi-structured interviews identified three Instagram tools that facilitated Igbo women fashion designer’s self-presentation on Instagram: hashtags, reels, and DM.

Hashtags

A hashtag is a label used on Instagram that makes it easier to find information with a theme or specific content. A hashtag is created when a user adds any text after the # symbol without inserting space. Findings from the content analysis reveal the designers use some popular hashtags in their Instagram post including #naijaweddings, #bellanaijaweddings, and #asoebibella. These are popular wedding Instagram handles in Nigeria and by using them, the designers connect their brands to culturally significant events and traditions, blending business branding with cultural storytelling. Findings from the interviews revealed how the typically designers came up with the hashtags. Some mentioned they would often Google viral hashtags within the Nigerian fashion industry. Others stated they typically created their own hashtags organically, based on the fabric, design style, and their location:

I use hashtags based on what I have made. For example, if I have made a jumpsuit then definitely there will be jumpsuit in my hashtag. Then, I also use hashtags based on my location. I found out that most people that look for me, the hashtag they use has to do with location because somebody can probably say ok I live in Johnson and someone will probably say tailors in Johnson or fashion designer in Johnson . . .

This practice highlights their unique ability to navigate digital platforms in ways that reflect their identities and economic goals, underscoring the cultural and entrepreneurial agency at play.

Reels

Instagram Reels are immersive 60 s videos that allow Nigerian Igbo women designers to creatively express their brand designs and reach fashion enthusiasts. Most designers (7) mentioned they frequently use reels for visibility and to gauge reach. Unlike posts, which can only be evaluated through likes and comments, and stories, which disappear after 24 hr, Reels track views and remain visible unless intentionally deleted by the account owner:

. . . Reels are a very good way to reach a vast number of people. Most times when I post videos, I use reels because it might not do a number at the time you’re posting it or even the next day after you posted but just give it like two week or three weeks then you will be amazed by the number of views and the number of followers you will get from that video . . .

Instagram Reels serve as a transformative tool for Nigerian Igbo women designers by offering a platform for creative expression and brand visibility, leveraging the immersive and dynamic nature of 60 s videos. The designers highlight Reels’ unique ability to amplify reach and attract followers, even weeks after posting, showcasing its potential for sustained audience discovery. In addition, features like music and interactive elements enhance content appeal, aligning with the platform’s algorithmic preference for video content, thus giving these designers a competitive edge in a crowded digital marketplace.

DM

Instagram’s DM feature allows designers to send and receive text, photos, or videos to one or more people. It also lets users send posts to designers, making it easy to reference specific designs. All designers emphasized the importance of DM for facilitating global client conversations:

. . . Some people will just generally come to your DM from all over [the word] to ask questions or to see if they can get something like what I have posted. I feel like on Instagram, most people just come straight to your DM to ask questions.

Instagram’s DM affordance plays a crucial role in facilitating seamless communication between Nigerian Igbo women designers and their clients, enabling efficient interaction beyond the limitations of public posts. DM affordance also reflects a culturally and contextually adaptive tool that supports the specific needs of Nigerian Igbo women designers. Unlike more transactional modes of communication common in western markets, the DM feature aligns with the relational and conversational style often emphasized in African cultures.

The use of Instagram tools like hashtags, Reels, and DM by Igbo women fashion designers illustrates their ability to strategically navigate digital affordances to achieve cultural and economic goals. This practice underscores the designers’ agency in creating a unique digital identity while engaging with a global audience (Hollenbaugh, 2021; Papacharissi, 2002). By crafting hashtags based on location, fabric, and design, the designers optimize discoverability and localization, demonstrating a nuanced understanding of the interplay between technology and culture (Arthur, 2022). The integration of these affordances illustrates the potential of social media platforms to support localized narratives while enabling global connectivity, underscoring the importance of understanding digital tools as culturally situated technologies (Maares et al., 2021).

Reclaiming Nsibidi ideography

Nsibidi fabrics are clothes that contain Nsibidi ideograms which are worn by members of the Ekpe ² secret society (Ajiginni et al., 2020). They are textiles which have Nsibidi iconographic writings on them and are gaining popularity among Igbo people. These writings are a unique ideography created in the southeastern part of Nigeria and have existed since the 5th century. Within the Nigerian fashion industry, Nsibidi is gaining popularity and momentum as more people are beginning to show interest in the long-lost ideography. One of the designers shares how she came across this fabric designed with historical inscriptions:

. . . I think two years ago or last year this tribal thing started trending. I searched for the image on google started seeing the Nsibidi writing Igbo language . . . that’s what our ancestors used in communicating so I checked it out and I saw that some of the fabrics are saying something like hello, how are you . . .

Historically, women were not allowed to wear Nsibidi fabric because the language was exclusive to men. A vast majority of the writings were only known by the Ekpe and Nsibidi secret society, into which men were regularly initiated after a period of preparation (Macgregor, 1909). Aspects of colonial rule such as western education and Christianity reduced the number of Nsibidi-literate people, leaving the secret society members as some of the last literate in the symbols (Figure 3). Currently, Nsibidi is reemerging on the world stage, specifically within pop culture and the Nigerian fashion industry. The reanalysis of the data provided more context on how Nsibidi is resurfacing within the Nigerian fashion industry. For example, Figure 4 shows the designer who shared her discovery of the fabric in a red dress with Nsibidi markings (screenshot from her Instagram). She revealed in the interview that people prefer Nsibidi fabric over other African prints, even though it costs nearly twice as much:

. . . These fabrics are wildly accepted. If you go to the market, the regular Ankara is about four thousand naira [$6.55] or five thousand [$8.10] these ones [Nsibidi] are like nine thousand naira [$14.75], and they are selling like everybody is just buying it . . .

Nsibidi was also one of the two written languages featured in the Black Panther movie (Figure 5). This inclusion was a deliberate effort to reclaim and celebrate the lost language, highlighting its cultural significance. By integrating Nsibidi into the film, the creators aimed to honor African heritage and bring attention to the rich history and symbolism embedded in this ancient script (Desowitz, 2018). In addition, Nsibidi plays a central role in the Nsibidi series of fantasy novels by Nigerian Afrofuturistic fictional author Okorafor (2023), further showcasing its importance in contemporary storytelling.

Figure 3.

Photograph showing Nsibidi markings and interpretations.

Figure 4.

Photo showing one of the designers in Nsibidi fabric.

Figure 5.

Marvel Studios’ Black Panther Nakia played by Lupita Nyong’o photographed with Nsibidi inscriptions on the wall.

The resurgence of Nsibidi in Nigerian fashion and pop culture represents the intersection of indigenous knowledge systems with modern technology and media. By utilizing digital platforms such as Instagram, Igbo women fashion designers are effectively reclaiming and disseminating Nsibidi ideography globally. This process is not only preserving a historically marginalized cultural practice but also democratizing its access, making it inclusive to women and non-initiated groups who were previously excluded due to patriarchal and colonial restrictions. In addition, the increasing popularity of Nsibidi fabrics has economic implications, as demand for these culturally significant designs has surged. This trend not only bolsters the financial success of the designers but also underscores the global appetite for authentic, heritage-rich products.

Implication and recommendations

This study was inspired by qualitative inquiry about how Nigerian Igbo women fashion designers use new media technology platforms and their affordances to perform their identities online. Through the lens of ATFT, this research uncovered the ways Instagram facilitates Nigerian Igbo women fashion designers’ self-presentation in digital spaces within Igbo culture. While Instagram’s affordances are often described in universal terms like visibility and self-expression, the platform can fail to capture the nuanced ways users from underrepresented contexts engage with the platform. The findings from this study reveal Instagram is also a tool for Igbo women to reclaim cultural symbols and resist patriarchal and western narratives. The designers creatively adapt Instagram’s visual and interactive tools to promote Nsibidi-inspired designs, embedding them in traditional storytelling practices. The study also revealed that self-presentation, particularly for Igbo fashion designers, is inextricably linked to business branding and entrepreneurial agency. The entrepreneurial strategies employed are deeply embedded in cultural and socio-economic contexts, differentiating their use of Instagram from generic social media users. These practices highlight their unique ability to navigate digital platforms in ways that reflect their identities and economic goals, underscoring the cultural and entrepreneurial agency at play.

Thus, this study is relevant for two reasons. First, African cultural systems were accounted for, and African women’s negotiation of gender power relations was brought to the forefront of technological discourse. Second, this study pushed back against existing negative stereotypes of African people, particularly about gender negotiation, technology use, and advancements by presenting a well-rounded narrative of African women as it centers their technocultural experiences while highlighting their gender negotiation within Igbo culture.

Limitations

This study examined how Nigerian Igbo women fashion designers use Instagram to perform digital identities. The research focused on Instagram and its affordances, which limits the findings to this specific platform. Future studies should explore African women’s self-presentation on other social media platforms and compare how each platform influences their digital identities. In addition, future research could investigate Instagram’s ephemeral features, such as stories, to understand their role in digital identity performance. Another limitation is the study’s focus on Nigerian Igbo women fashion designers. While this provides valuable insights, it may not fully represent the experiences of women from other ethnic groups within Nigeria or other parts of Africa. Future research should consider a broader range of ethnic groups to understand diverse self-presentation practices.