Abstract
This study explores how fashion influencer moms (FIMs) navigate the intersection of motherhood and fashion within the social media landscape. Drawing upon theories of affective labor and self-presentation, we examine the online community these women built as a means of self-care and creating access to fashion for themselves and others. Participants were recruited using a social media hashtag sampling method. Subsequent semi-structured interviews with 16 micro-influencers were analyzed using a thematic approach. Findings revealed that FIMs leverage social media to maintain a sense of self by engaging in affective labor practices such as belongingness, authenticity, and solidarity. Through their self-presentation, these influencers offer confidence and style tips that reflect contemporary trends in mom fashion. This research contributes to a deeper understanding of the social media influencer phenomenon by considering new generations of mothers as influential consumers and marketers within the fashion industry.
Introduction
Social media influencers’ (SMIs) ability to engage their audiences has been a key driver of industry growth, with the SMI market reaching an approximate value of $21 billion (Geyser, 2023). Brands from diverse industries collaborate with SMIs by crafting content around product endorsements or mentions, allowing brands access to and engagement with the SMI’s considerable follower base. Within the multifaceted realm of SMIs, fashion influencers have emerged as prominent figures, offering consumers, especially women, valuable platforms for self-expression (Shumaker et al., 2017; Sprout Social, 2024). Fashion influencer moms (FIMs), with their unique blend of roles as women, mothers, creatives, and entrepreneurs, represent a particularly noteworthy subset within this context. FIMs’ utilization of social media to share discourse on balancing these multifaceted identities provides a valuable lens for understanding the evolving impact of fashion influencers on contemporary consumer culture (Jezer-Morton, 2022).
Focusing on mothers’ fashion choices, social media has empowered FIMs to choose and shape favorable identities (Hearn & Banet-Weiser, 2020; Orton-Johnson, 2017). As motherhood can challenge self-perception, fashion becomes a tool for transformation and self-expression (Fleetwood-Smith et al., 2019; Sacks & Birndorf, 2019). FIMs’ social media use also allows them to develop strong relationships with their followers built on trust and expertise (Jin et al., 2021). Thus, they are preferred marketing sources for consumers (Geyser, 2023). FIMs leverage affective labor (Hardt & Negri, 2004) by sharing product recommendations and parenting advice, becoming aspirational figures for mothers. Navigating the worlds of motherhood and fashion, FIMs engage in self-presentation through consumption to convey a desired impression (Chen, 2016). As Goffman (1959) contended, individuals present themselves in public with an eye toward impression management, exposing certain facets of the self while obscuring others. Once an impression is constructed through verbal and nonverbal cues, it is offered to the audience, who embrace and perceive it as reality (Goffman, 1959).
Previous studies have explored the online authenticity of family influencers (Abidin, 2017), portrayals of pregnancy (Mayoh, 2019), and self-presentation on Instagram, including those of high-profile figures such as Chiara Ferragni (e.g., Palomeque Recio, 2022). A recent study on Instagram style moms (Entwistle & Wissinger, 2023) detailed the interconnectedness between motherhood and fashionability. However, a gap remains in the literature regarding new generations of mothers’ diverse online forms. This study addresses this gap by examining FIMs’ Instagram practices to reveal insights into the intersection of motherhood and fashion in the current digital climate.
Literature Review
Manifestation of SMIs and FIMs
Social learning theory suggests that followers trust recommendations from established SMIs (Conde & Casais, 2023), leading brands to partner with them for endorsements (Vrontis et al., 2021). Research suggests that followers value a sense of personalization and relatability; in this way, they respond well to micro-influencers who hold a niche audience and offer more personal and genuine connections (Pornsrimate & Khamwon, 2021). Within the vast landscape of SMIs, fashion-forward mothers have carved a unique niche, offering experiences across pregnancy, parenthood, and personal style, ultimately reframing motherhood online as expansive and transformative (Entwistle & Wissinger, 2023). FIMs’ content also creates cultural connections as they navigate the construct of personal identity through fashion (Entwistle & Wissinger, 2023). Building upon Belk’s (1988) seminal work, FIMs leverage clothing and other objects as extensions of the self, imbued with personal energy and self-formation. FIMs’ self-fashioning exemplifies women’s autonomy in constructing the self (Vingilyte & Khadaroo, 2022), especially regarding what it signifies about motherhood today. Although the SMI market is becoming increasingly lucrative, few studies have investigated how FIMs traverse motherhood and fashion online by sharing their challenges as multidimensional people.
Social Media Presence of FIMs
Access to social media and production tools (e.g., apps) has revolutionized the traditional role of women as passive media consumers, empowering them to actively create their own content (Kanai & Dobson, 2016). While motherhood continues to be a significant aspect of many women’s lives, the expanding opportunities for career advancement and the broader movement toward women’s empowerment have contributed to evolving expectations and demands within the context of family life (Oláh et al., 2018). Women’s participation in the workforce contributes to their mental well-being and that of their families (Sinha, 2017), requiring the ability to balance work and domestic life (Jorge et al., 2022). Banet-Weiser (2015) contended that women are urged to discover themselves and manifest ambition as they aim for success within the confines of industry.
Women’s online presence is distinctive as they share authentic yet strategic experiences that make them seemingly attainable to the public (Duffy & Hund, 2015). By sharing content on topics such as newborn parenting challenges, including postpartum depression and concerns about infant growth, women can shed light on the often-overlooked realities of motherhood (Anderson & Grace, 2015; Lopez, 2009). Postpartum depression is a mood disorder that can affect women after childbirth, characterized by feelings of sadness, hopelessness, and anxiety (Carlson et al., 2024). Today’s FIMs leverage social media as a medium to assert control over their parenting narratives and identities. For example, mothers use online spaces to resolve self-doubts and seek validation regarding various motherhood-related issues, such as postpartum depression and infant development (Baker & Yang, 2018). Existing research suggests that blogging about postpartum depression can be a beneficial coping mechanism for women, potentially leading to reduced feelings of sadness and enhanced connections with family and friends. These findings underscore the potential of social media platforms to serve as supportive environments where women can share personal experiences, seek assistance, and establish communities with others facing similar challenges (e.g., McDaniel et al., 2012).
Theoretical Background
Affective Labor and Self-Identity
FIMs’ Instagram performances and their influence on others can be explained through an affective labor lens (Hardt & Negri, 2004). Affective labor is often synonymous with emotional labor in service workers across different industries, such as flight attendants (Hochschild et al., 1983) and fast-food employees (Steinberg & Figart, 1999), as both can involve a person’s ability to stimulate or subdue feelings to manifest a reaction (Hochschild, 2012). While emotional labor and affective labor are often used interchangeably, it is essential to distinguish between the two. Emotional labor, as defined by Hochschild et al. (1983) and Hochschild (2012), primarily involves the display of emotions within a paid employment setting, which suggests that the emotions expressed may not be genuine. In contrast, affective labor, as conceptualized by Hardt (1999) and Hardt and Negri (2000), entails the creation and management of human connection and affect extending beyond simply generating emotions in others and fostering a sense of community. Hardt (1999) further identified affective labor as a component of immaterial work that yields feelings of comfort, delight, and connectedness through human interaction. Ultimately, affective labor involves the cultivation of shared opinions and camaraderie within a capitalist context.
Aligned with Kolehmainen and Mäkinen’s (2021) perspective on affective labor as atmosphere creation, and Wissinger’s (2015) theorization of affective labor as the production of mood, this study investigates how FIMs navigate motherhood and fashion on social media to understand the practice of affect, rather than focusing on product marketing or sales. Through curated Instagram content, FIMs aim to elicit positive emotions (ease, excitement) and build connections with their audience, ultimately influencing their behaviors. Berlant (2020) posited that women’s online culture forms an intimate public space that “flourishes as a porous, affective scene of identification among strangers,” resulting in belonging, consolidation, and emotional connection (p. xiii). Bonded by femininity, women experience meaningful conversations online that are inundated with material consumption and inspire intimate relationships centered on individual stories and sentiments (Berlant, 2020; Miguel, 2016). Thus, affective labor becomes a branding practice that involves an individual’s (FIMs’) feelings while fostering emotional and social influence (on their followers; Kanai, 2017) through investing in the modulation of affectivity to build mediated social connectivity (Wissinger, 2015).
In the online micro-celebrity culture, visibility labor is a method of self-posturing to attract noteworthy audiences such as prospective employers (e.g., brands) and loyal followers (Abidin, 2016b). In FIMs’ strategically curated content, visibility labor is central to their ability to create authenticity and consistency while promoting products/services (Abidin, 2016a; Marwick, 2015). Micro-celebrities, or FIMs, are expected to cultivate a sense of openness, presence, connection, and authenticity to achieve success on social media (Raun, 2018). Raun (2018) posited that micro-celebrities engage in various forms of immaterial labor that are often demanding and do not necessarily guarantee financial gain. Similarly, Wissinger documented a direct precursor of these forms of immaterial labor in fashion modeling, which she theorized as working with affective flow to create “amorphous mood[s] across loosely affiliated groups, with the goal of going viral rather than targeting a specific customer” (Wissinger, 2015, p. 268). Affective labor, typically associated with women’s work in the domestic sphere (Gregg, 2009) and service industries (Hardt, 1999), is now a critical component of building social capital, such as attracting and retaining followers (Raun, 2018). Furthermore, the rise in buying behavior among girls and women as a means of building self-confidence has caused “the politics in visibility to [become] the economies of visibility” (Banet-Weiser, 2015, p. 55). Nevertheless, social media can empower women to accomplish self-presentations that meet their expectations (Hollenbaugh, 2021) and achieve visibility through branding (Banet-Weiser, 2015).
Self-concept involves three central self-portrayals: “the individual self, the relational self, and the collective self” (Sedikides & Brewer, 2001, p. 1). Individuals aspire to attain self-identity through distinctive qualities, interactions, and collective associations, including possessing qualities that set one apart from others within their social environment (Brewer & Gardner, 1996; Sedikides & Brewer, 2001). The relational self is attained through meaningful relationships with parents, children, partners, and friends (Sedikides & Brewer, 2001). The collective self involves objective ties to others resulting from a shared association with a collective (Sedikides & Brewer, 2001). Thus, identity embraces both individuality and social assimilation. To understand the intangible work involved in FIMs’ communication strategies that elicit emotional responses, we aim to answer the following research question:
RQ1: How do FIMs experience affective labor in their daily practices?
Fashion as a Tool for Self-Presentation
Self-presentation is characterized by identity construction and social performance (Goffman, 1959), whereby individuals use personal dialogue to display idealized impressions (Chen, 2016). Following Goffman’s (1959) theory of self-presentation, individuals strategically employ verbal and written communication to shape their audience’s perceptions of their identity. As Goffman (1959) suggests, individuals carefully curate their self-image by highlighting specific characteristics while downplaying others. This process extends to the calculated sharing of visual representations of oneself, as explored by Schlenker (1985). Self-presentation studies have demonstrated that the presence of an audience is central to performance (Blumstein, 1973) and is ultimately shaped by social expectations. Self-presentation, as described by Schlenker (1985), is a goal-oriented performance directed toward an audience. The success of this performance is evaluated based on the audience’s acceptance of the presented self. Gillespie (1980) explored how politicians’ wives function as symbols (e.g., fashion and demeanor), shaping their husbands’ public communication and inspiring trust in their campaigns. Warburton (1992) examined how Diane Arbus’s photography reveals the relationship between the photographer and the subject, influencing the way subjects pose, whereas Guy and Banim (2000) emphasized that fashion plays a complex role in women’s self-expression, selectively revealing or concealing facets of their identity.
The self-presentation literature examined novel conjectures about expression and has exposed how users and audiences together shape online communication (Hollenbaugh, 2021). The evolution of social media has underscored the significance of audiences in self-presentation. Online performances are shaped by audiences’ observations, discussions, and engagement, creating a cyclical communication process reinforced by positive feedback, such as image likes (Lowe-Calverley & Grieve, 2018). According to Hollenbaugh (2021), social media has shaped online self-presentation in three ways: (1) users have replaced pseudonyms/avatars with regularly updated profile pictures, decreasing anonymity (Pounders et al., 2016); (2) platform features such as commenting, liking, and sharing content allow for mutual involvement in impression management (e.g., Barbovschi et al., 2018); (3) social circles such as family, work, and friends have become amalgamated, making self-presentation challenging (Yau & Reich, 2019). Social media allows users to participate in self-presentation performances and choose what to share and how (Choi et al., 2020). SMIs craft their online personal brands using selfies (Abidin, 2016a), creative content (Duffy & Wissinger, 2017), and video or live streaming (Meisner & Ledbetter, 2022).
Through experience and personal construction, individuals learn about themselves and engage in recurrent identity formation through their clothing choices (Guy & Banim, 2000). In motherhood, fashion choices are significant markers of transition, practicality, and personal taste (Entwistle & Wissinger, 2023). Social media platforms amplify individuals’ ability to communicate identity through visuals and captions (Shumaker et al., 2017). Thus, we aim to answer the following research question:
RQ2: How do FIMs perform self-presentation on social media as they navigate motherhood?
Methodology
We conducted qualitative research to develop a detailed and nuanced understanding of the social and cultural phenomena studied (Creswell & Poth, 2016). Interviews were conducted after obtaining Institutional Review Board approval and participants’ informed consent. We used purposive sampling to select millennial fashion mom micro-influencers on Instagram based in the United States. The following four reasons justify sample selection: (1) 9 million millennial mothers populate the United States; (2) they value exchanging parenting advice with peers online (Schweitzer, 2019); (3) micro-influencers serve niche audiences (i.e., 10,000–50,000) who are frequently engaged (Ehlers, 2021), and are considered credible sources for fashion purchases (Jin et al., 2021); and (4) considering the variability in the influencer phenomenon, a homogeneous sample allows for higher internal validation. FIMs were sorted by hashtag sampling (Eagar & Dann, 2016) and interviewed via Zoom videoconferencing. Instagram is the top social media platform utilized for influencer marketing, wherein influencers foster engagement through aesthetic content (Geyser, 2023) and is thus suitable for this study. The sample was identified from the “Explore Posts” tab, by which users search for accounts, keywords, and hashtags among popular Instagram posts not directly linked to them (Sehl, 2023). Thus, hashtag sampling helped alleviate algorithmic problems and prevent researcher bias. Posts were randomly selected, including hashtags such as #fashionmom, #fashionblogger, #momfluencer, #momstyle, #momootd, #momfashion, #momblog, and #mommyandmeoutfits, thus selecting participants who self-identified as FIMs.
Participants were recruited through emails published on their Instagram profiles. During interviews, participants described their daily practices as SMIs, the highs and lows of their motherhood journey, and the role of clothing in their lives. The interview process was structured around 14 open-ended questions, such as “What is your goal in sharing content on social media?,” “What are your thoughts on clothing?,” and “Tell me about being a mom. What’s your story?” Finally, 16 FIMs who posted fashion and motherhood-related topics on their Instagram accounts were interviewed (see Table 1) from April 2022 through January 2023. The interviews lasted from 35 to 75 min. Otter.ai software was used for audio recording and transcription purposes. To ensure data security and participant anonymity, access to the data file was restricted to the research team. Personal identifiers were removed from the data, and a two-factor authentication system was implemented. Interview data were analyzed manually using organized Excel sheets without the involvement of AI software.
Description of Study Participants.
Note. Both content creators and content writers specialize in creating material for brand collaborations, with the latter focusing primarily on word flow. CC = content creator; SHM stay-at-home mom; CW = content writer.
Data Analysis
An interpretive perspective was adopted to understand the experiences of FIMs as they navigate social media, motherhood, and their everyday lives. We adhered to the constant comparative technique (Glaser & Strauss, 1967/2017) and applied six of the seven systematic steps Spiggle (1994) suggested: categorization, abstraction, comparison, integration, iteration, and refutation. To develop initial codes, data were analyzed using an iterative process that entailed researchers familiarizing themselves with participants’ interview transcripts, comprising approximately 320 pages of single-spaced text. Using deductive coding, affective labor and self-presentation theories were applied to categorizing data into topics that exhibited rational meaning. Each code was analyzed and compared vertically (within each transcript) and horizontally (across all transcripts). Parallel to the constant comparative method, data were analyzed in consideration of earlier findings. Upon additional revision, six themes emerged that embodied the foundation of our continued analysis. Saturation was assumed when data analysis no longer conveyed new information. Table 2 presents additional supporting data for each theme.
Theme Interpretation.
We followed Lincoln and Guba’s (1985) rigorous criteria for credibility, dependability, confirmability, and transferability to establish trustworthiness. Specifically, credibility was met by participant validation to explain any contradictions and peer debriefing of field notes after each interview. We also offered a detailed description of our study methods and data collection process to achieve dependability. Comprehensive notes and reflections (e.g., emic and etic positions in motherhood) were used during weekly meetings, and triangulation techniques were implemented to ensure the confirmability of the findings. Finally, transferability was accomplished through purposeful sampling (i.e., FIMs) and data saturation, both operationally and theoretically.
Through reflexive practices, we acknowledged the interconnectedness between researcher and participant, exploring how our biases and experiences shaped the research questions and resulting scholarship on FIMs. The goal was to maintain an open mind while considering preconceived beliefs and expectations (Peñaloza, 2006). Our perspective on identity formation was shaped by our collective identity as women in a male-dominated society. This led us to view the study as an opportunity to explore how socially constructed ideologies influence one’s sense of self in the contemporary world. Consequently, as a research team, we engaged in interpersonal reflexivity, considering how our interactions and power dynamics influenced data collection and interpretation. Recognizing our role as translators of participants’ views and decision-makers regarding what constitutes relevant information (Olmos-Vega et al., 2023), we aimed to minimize our influence on our subjects’ stories. In addition, the diversity of perspectives allowed us to embrace a range of narratives regarding FIMs’ lived experiences.
Findings and Discussion
We extracted six overarching themes describing how FIMs function as social media workers (i.e., personal influencing or content creation for brands, or both). Interviews revealed that social media helped FIMs navigate motherhood in ways that fostered connection and self-reflection. Throughout their motherhood journey, they have tried to preserve their sense of self and the person they were before having children. Consequently, FIMs’ social media work involves affective labor, allowing them to build a genuine online community and process their personal feelings, and introducing authenticity to their motherhood experience. Thus, FIMs have created an evolved online discourse by practicing self-regard and educating others on topics typically considered unacceptable, such as postpartum depression and prioritizing oneself. Many FIMs reported experiencing postpartum depression within the first year of giving birth. Their descriptions often centered on feelings of sadness, loneliness, and anxiety, which significantly impacted their ability to navigate both motherhood and their social media platforms.
Through self-presentation, fashion has played a central role in the daily lives of these FIMs, juggling motherhood, social media work, and, in some cases, 9-to-5 professions. We identified an evolution in fashion style, as FIMs fostered confidence in dressing for themselves and their audience, frequently embracing an on-the-go lifestyle. Following motherhood, FIMs experienced shifts in their bodies and lifestyles, leading to a re-evaluation of their fashion choices. As they adapted to new routines, their fashion style evolved from focusing on trends to prioritizing comfort while maintaining an appealing aesthetic. Notably, FIMs’ areas of expertise on Instagram varied, encompassing fashion, beauty, home decor, travel, and food, among other topics. Despite this diversity, their product promotion of fashion items and other related products and services was strategically aligned with their individual lifestyle aesthetics. Table 2 summarizes our findings.
Sense of Self
Motherhood often requires centering children while mothers’ interests take a backseat (Green, 2015). However, most FIMs felt this antiquated trope no longer served them, and their approach to motherhood has instead aimed to maintain a sense of self as they cared for their families. Brittany commented:
“A lot of people ask me about how you don’t lose yourself in motherhood [. . .] your priorities are a little different, but you yourself are still a priority, and you need to prioritize [. . .] what you like to do and still have your own identity outside of being a mom.”
Motherhood changed who they were, prompting FIMs to reflect on maintaining their self-identities. This self-reflection occurred as they documented their journeys on social media. For Brittany, “blogging became [an] outlet or something to look forward to” after having her son and experiencing postpartum depression. Courtney shared her experience with motherhood:
“It’s [. . .] like a little roller coaster [. . .] when you become a mom [. . .] you lose yourself [. . .] like I’m still who I was, but now I’m also a mom and kind of finding a way to incorporate that into my life without it just completely taking over. And I think that just taking time [. . .] learning like I can’t just be a mom, there’s more to me.”
These FIMs considered their personal interests and values to be crucial to their well-being, allowing them to “take care of [their children] better because [they are] happier.” According to Horne et al. (2005), women engage in pre-motherhood activities such as leisure and self-care to balance paid (e.g., 9-to-5 job and, in this case, social media work) and unpaid work (e.g., childrearing). Heather shared her Instagram followers’ reactions as she continued to write blog posts after giving birth:
“People are like, ‘. . . I’m so inspired; you had a baby, but you’re still writing and putting stuff out,’ . . . It gives me a sense of having something for myself [. . .] if I keep something for myself, I won’t feel like I’ve lost myself or like hold this resentment toward my child.”
Heather considers her social media as a means to maintain her sense of self as she navigates the challenges of being a new mother. Reflecting on motherhood, FIMs have learned to create time for themselves intentionally as “me time,” influencing and blogging or get dressed for the day; these choices empowered them as they navigated their daily routines. Women’s health experts today suggest that caring for oneself involves activities that transform the quality of life (Lakshmin, 2023). Thus, FIMs prioritizing themselves were noted as an important part of being optimal mothers.
Belongingness
Motherhood can be a lonely experience because of pervasive lifestyle changes (Lee et al., 2019), such as working from home, losing touch with friends, or relocating across the country, as several of our participants experienced. FIMs like Ashley seek community and connection with other women who had experienced similar trials:
“Most comments I receive [. . .] whenever I am vulnerable or whenever I share something personal is, ‘Wow, I’m not alone.’ [. . .] it makes me feel like I’m doing something right. If it makes someone else feel like they’re not alone or they’re able to get there [because] they saw me get through it.”
Being an influencer gives access to a community of mothers with similar values and a sense of fulfillment as they juggle social media, motherhood, and time for themselves. Nicole commented similarly about the community she fosters on social media:
“Through direct messages, I’ve literally had so many people I feel like I’m friends with that I’ve never even met [. . .] [it’s] cool because you are building relationships with other moms [who] are going through those same struggles [. . .] and say I’ve been through that.”
She reported that working from home and only seeing her children isolated her. However, Nicole’s social media work helped fill a void in communication prompted by juggling motherhood duties. FIMs demonstrate affective labor by sharing their personal vulnerabilities and fostering a sense of belonging with their followers.
Further cementing connection and community online, Samantha shared how her followers have accompanied her in every milestone since she began her influencing career and became a mother. This displays the nature of how Instagram helps build meaningful relationships, especially for millennial mothers facing new stages in their lives:
“[. . .] to have this community with me is really amazing. [My followers] have seen me through pregnancy and now having a baby, and I feel like we’re friends. I’ve made a lot of connections with not only other bloggers but followers.”
Affective labor is seen in the vulnerable motherhood moments FIMs share online. FIMs create a community that fulfills their bonding needs while shared experiences meet their audiences’ expectations. Known as “personal factors,” similarity and authenticity are important for creating followers’ attachment. These factors play a pivotal role in consumption preferences, whether for the FIMs’ content or that of the brands they promote (Ki et al., 2020). Samantha spoke on how authenticity builds trust with her audience through sharing useful brand content versus overt advertising. She shared about constructing this trust through motivating and inspiring her audience about fashion during motherhood:
“. . . people will come to me and say, ‘Hey, . . . I’m really looking for a pair of jeans, have you found them?’ . . . people trust me, and . . . when you only have paid [content], it doesn’t seem authentic. I posted three looks . . . from Target the other day, and it performed really well . . . like, ‘Oh my gosh, I love everything you posted,’ and they ordered it.”
FIMs and their audiences have “seen each other’s milestones via the internet,” fostering a unifying and therapeutic motherhood journey. Like Anderson and Grace’s (2015) research on raising consciousness in online motherhood, our findings show how digital connections support companionship during a time of immense change and loneliness. Thus, this belongingness reveals an online community of mutual peer support and affective commercial influencing.
Authentic Social Presence
Affective labor transpired in two ways for FIMs as they aim to create an authentic social presence. First, becoming mothers weighed on their abilities to fully commit to influencer responsibilities, such as creating content and engaging with followers. The ever-evolving social media landscape, such as changing algorithms and content formats, has required FIMs to keep pace with communication practices. In addition, their lives as mothers often become overwhelming, resulting in a lack of inspiration. For example, Jessica recognized her lack of inspiration and decided to limit her online presence. She described:
“I went through phases where . . . I had a newborn, and I wasn’t feeling great. I wasn’t inspired. I wasn’t on [Instagram] as often, I wasn’t engaging, and . . . I felt like that hurt me in the long run.”
FIMs view audience engagement as invaluable social media work where processing their emotions becomes equally important to strategic planning. The emotional relationships SMIs foster with their followers are vital for effective influencing (Ki et al., 2020). Thus, FIMs make content creation decisions while considering their emotions. Second, to achieve efficiency and transparency, FIMs must manage both time and emotion, especially those employed full-time, which often means scaling back on brand opportunities or focusing on those best aligned with their values. Rachel shared how she prevents her social media work from becoming overwhelming:
“If you’re sharing something (e.g., product or service) just because you got it for free but it’s not something that’s worth it, [creating] content feels like more work. So, I’ve really become particular about the brands that I partner with [. . .] they have to be meaningful so that I can see it as fun and enjoyable and feel like it’s worth my time.”
Similarly, Emily shared how she manages her influencer work and motherhood:
“. . . I think before [becoming a mom], I was doing more paid collaborations, and . . . really diving deep with brands, but then, since [motherhood], I’m looking for what’s the best use of my time. So, if I’m able to spend time with [my daughter] while still doing something that I like, then that’s where my focus has shifted.”
She further explained how she negotiated brand collaborations while staying true to herself:
“There was one [time] that I loved the brand, but . . . I felt like a puppet after they asked me to edit [my content] like five times and I was like, ‘This doesn’t even sound like me anymore’ . . . So, I think that’s part of why I’ve stepped away from collaborations lately and just been more focused on the platforms themselves because thankfully, some of the social media platforms have had more incentives for creators lately.”
FIMs used phrases such as “it was very frustrating,” “this is really stressful,” and “it was really difficult” to characterize the emotional work involved in juggling motherhood, careers, and their role as influencers. Time management and tactical decision-making allowed FIMs to present themselves authentically and help fellow mothers online while considering their sense of professional fulfillment. Following Duffy and Hund’s (2019) exploration of gendered visibility, we observe how women in creative industries, such as content creators and influencers, meticulously curate their online personas to mitigate criticism. This often leads to an “authenticity bind,” where they feel compelled to present themselves as genuine to their audience, even at the risk of feeling inauthentic.
Solidarity With Other Mothers
Instagram is a well-established social media platform that promotes idealized imagery. Le Moignan et al. (2017) stated that parenting-related photographs lack negative perspectives. In addition, Kirkpatrick and Lee (2022) reported that picture-perfect motherhood on Instagram causes envy and anxiety, which are harmful to mothers’ mental health. In our study, a shift in the online discourse regarding motherhood was evident in FIMs’ Instagram content goals. The discourse was transparent in nature and included discussions on taboo topics such as postpartum depression, self-care, and infertility. Through their Instagram platforms, FIMs have created a virtual support network, offering solace and understanding to others navigating the challenges of motherhood. For example, Emily spread awareness on topics such as infant loss and postpartum depression:
“One of the big posts that I did [was about] postpartum [depression] [. . .] I was still in that postpartum haze, and I had shared Infant Loss Awareness Month. So, I shared about how I had a miscarriage before and how [my daughter] is my rainbow baby . . . to hopefully give some hope to people that have gone through that because there’s just . . . there’s a lot of things . . . as women, we feel like we can’t really talk about.”
This offers insight into how FIMs use personal experiences to initiate conversations about difficult topics and help others better prepare for such devastating realities.
Samantha shared her followers’ response to her postpartum depression post on Instagram:
“Many people are like, ‘I experienced [postpartum depression] too, and no one talks about it.’ [. . .] These women on Instagram [were] reaching out too, and they were like, ‘I went through it too and it gets better. You’ll be okay. This is what I did to help.’”
While sharing her experience, Samantha found her followers to be useful resources and created a synergic experience regarding motherhood woes. Similarly, Heather described her journey with infertility:
“I did share that ‘we’re doing ovulation predictor kits now because I thought that [I] would just have sex and get pregnant.’ [. . .] I needed to address [. . .] them publicly [. . . what if] someone else didn’t know that [. . .] [and my followers were] like, ‘Wow!’ [I want them to be able to say] ‘I’m glad that she took the initiative to share that because maybe when I start trying for a kid, then I know that maybe I’ll just do the predictor kits and kind of go down that route.’”
When speaking on stigmatized topics, FIMs create a “positive place” for their audiences and establish a mutual exchange of consolation stories. Similar to Lopez’s (2009) seminal work on mommy blogging, our study reveals that FIMs not only build a community online that defies traditional motherhood tropes but they also direct conversation on topics ranging from motherhood (postpartum depression) to selfhood (fashion style) in real time, allowing their influence to reach a vast audience. This theme demonstrates the efficacy of FIMs’ personal online disclosures in fostering mutual consolation among both influencers and audiences. Most FIMs use national awareness holidays to initiate delicate conversations. This is an example of how they curate content based on personal experience which can resonate with their audience. Noting Hardt and Negri’s (2004) definition of affective labor, FIMs create awareness by strategically presenting useful information and triggering reactions from followers. Abidin (2017) suggested that this type of online self-presentation is “calibrated amateurism” wherein Instagram influencers craft aesthetic authenticity to encourage empathy and build connections with followers. Nevertheless, it shows the intricate labor of social media influencing, wherein comfort and reassurance are important for motherhood discourse.
Confidence in Dress
Self-presentation emerged as one of two main themes demonstrating how FIMs’ style has evolved through motherhood. Social media allows FIMs to present themselves in a way that builds confidence in themselves and others. Although most expressed that the role of fashion changed during motherhood, others felt fashion was a part of who they were and, therefore, required no change. For example, Jessica shared:
“I would say that I never felt like I [have to] dress a certain way [. . .] because I’m a mom. I never cared about that. Like, no way. Fashion has always been such a big part of who I am. If I like the outfit, I’m gonna wear it regardless of if I am a mom or not.”
In this way, FIMs “kept things real” when sharing their lived experiences on Instagram to “encourage people to wear and dress how they want.” Thus, they create a space for confidence and body positivity through dress for women at any stage of motherhood.
Confidence and feeling good are important to FIMs when considering style. Building trust in others stems from their own experiences as mothers whose bodily changes have impacted their self-perception. Studies have shown that postpartum depression involves body image frustration, attributable to the longing for one’s pre-pregnancy appearance (e.g., Lovering et al., 2018). Therefore, FIMs focused on inspiring others to feel good about personal styles and helping women to embrace their postpartum bodies while remaining cognizant of postpartum depression sensibilities. For example, Melissa commented:
“I am proud of my body, and it is completely different from before I [had] kids, but I’m proud of it [. . .] so I like to wear things that draw attention to parts of my body that I like, and I think that still plays a role in just being confident—self-care and wearing what you love.”
While some FIMs expressed a preference for stylish clothing that did not detract from who they were before becoming mothers, others opted for practical fashion. Samantha motivated her audience to embrace body positivity. She shared her journey in finding the “holy grail of shorts, especially for moms” (i.e., coverage for their changed bodies) and posted to Instagram:
“I wasn’t gonna post a picture of me in shorts because I feel like I could see a little cellulite [. . .] and then I was like I feel almost everyone has some cellulite, so I posted it. People were like, ‘Oh my gosh, I’m right there with you. I’m gonna wear those shorts.’”
By wearing what makes them feel confident, FIMs show other mothers how to embrace style choices and share shopping links that help their followers buy clothing easily while also earning an income for themselves. Social psychologists such as Kwon (1994) have long suggested that clothing is an extension of the self, and positive feelings about one’s clothes enhance self-awareness. Personal style is a means of self-expression that increases self-confidence and empowers consumers (Fleetwood-Smith et al., 2019). Melissa says, “You can wear whatever you want that makes you feel beautiful.”
Style in Motherhood
FIMs use fashion as a tool to establish a specific identity. The selection of a particular outfit is aimed at conveying meanings about oneself (Vingilyte & Khadaroo, 2022). In our study, FIMs felt motherhood transformed their lives, including their daily routines and preference for comfort. FIMs shared their routines and uncovered ongoing errands, lists, and tasks they performed as they balanced motherhood duties and social media deadlines. Consistent with their overall aesthetic, the participants prioritized comfort and visual appeal in their clothing selections. For example, Courtney described her rationale:
“Comfortability is important because [. . .] we’re moms, so I’m like bending over, going up and down the stairs, running around and [. . .] I want to be comfortable doing that. And then also it has to be cute because [. . .] I think my audience appreciates that.”
Interestingly, FIMs consider not only their own inclinations but also those of their audiences. This provides evidence of their online self-presentation process, which considers the duality of their experiences as fashion influencers and mothers.
Similarly, Rachel described her definition of “mom style”:
“It’s not sweatpants or just simply leggings [. . .] But you know [clothing] that you’re going to be comfortable chasing around your kids or tidying up your home or going out and running errands, but you still feel like you look presentable and cute.”
FIMs balance their self-presentation between comfort and “cuteness” to achieve a presentable motherhood impression. Kayla shared her style evolution:
“I used to wear the top brands [. . .] But now it’s all about comfort. If I can put on a nice pair of jeans or even like a nice pair of leggings for me that’s a win, and I love that. I think, on my Instagram photos that I posted myself, you will always see me comfortable . . . when I post a photo, I share my shoes, my sunglasses, and this cute shirt.”
A shift in dress emerged because of FIMs’ multifaceted lives encompassing domesticity and social media work, resulting in preferences for comfortable yet “cute” clothing. However, many FIMs noted that afternoon outfits looked different from morning outfits because they had more time to dedicate to styling, even more so for special occasions. In line with Entwistle and Wissinger (2023), we contend that FIMs construct stylish mom attire that is modified by the demands of everyday life.
Conclusion
SMIs have become influential voices on the internet, making it necessary to understand the pivotal role of FIMs in the influencer marketing industry, impacting followers’ consumption and lifestyle choices. Drawing from affective labor and self-presentation theories, this study offers an understanding of the SMI phenomenon by recognizing emerging generations of mothers as significant participants in the fashion industry, both as influential consumers and as marketers. FIMs demonstrate the emotional effort and strategic practices involved in their social media work. According to Sacks and Birndorf (2019), becoming a mother pushes a woman to reexamine herself because of body-altering and hormone-modifying facets. Many FIMs found influencing and blogging to be an outlet that empowers them to prioritize themselves and rediscover their identity post-motherhood.
Though conventional institutions of expertise are losing value (e.g., fashion editors and journalists vs influencers; Jezer-Morton, 2022), FIMs utilize belongingness, authentic presence, and solidarity to alter motherhood discourse while meeting brand collaboration deadlines to generate income. Our findings show that FIMs attempt to redefine motherhood through online affective labor by openly discussing traditionally taboo topics, such as postpartum depression, prioritizing themselves, and personal fertility trials. This social implication is significant since previous studies have suggested that idealized motherhood on Instagram negatively impacts new mothers’ mental well-being (e.g., Kirkpatrick & Lee, 2022). It is important to note that FIMs not only act as a support system for others who lack resources but also use their Instagram presence as an outlet for their motherhood challenges. Applying an affective labor theory framework (Hardt & Negri, 2004), we observed that FIMs communicate emotional acceptance through their intangible work on Instagram. This involves content creation and the strategic deployment of their social abilities to cultivate personal connections with their audience.
New mothers seek someone they can relate to and find support (Baker & Yang, 2018) to reclaim their identities or reinvent themselves after motherhood. To that community, FIMs contribute a motherhood style embodying self-confidence, expressing love for fashion, and encouraging multitasking while looking presentable. Through a self-presentation lens, FIMs’ Instagram presence offers a narrative of autonomy, aspirations, and expandability in personhood related to dress. Self-presentation in fashion has two objectives. First, FIMs build confidence as they navigate the physical and emotional sentiments regarding their changed bodies. Therefore, they share personal self-discoveries and style tips and recommend brands to their followers. Second, FIMs maintain a sense of style while carrying out their daily to-do lists. In this regard, they care about how others perceived them to avoid perpetuating the myth that motherhood leaves no place for self-identity. Clothes signal how individuals view themselves and desire others to view them (Sacks & Birndorf, 2019). FIMs opt for comfortable yet stylish clothing that makes them feel good and they broadcast this information on social media.
Limitations and Future Research
This study has some limitations. First, although U.S.-based FIMs were the focus of this current study, future work could be improved by including an international sample. A cross-cultural comparison could provide valuable insights into FIMs’ motherhood and fashion in diverse cultural settings. Second, emerging social media platforms could be considered. FIMs mentioned other platforms they use to enhance their social media presence so future research could explore communication practices between social media outlets (Instagram vs Pinterest) and strategies used within platforms (Instagram Stories vs Posts). Third, while it can be argued that social media has negatively impacted women’s empowerment, participants’ experiences were positive and set the tone of this research. Future studies could examine the dark side of social media’s influence on self-identity. The scope of our research is confined to the experiences of heterosexual, affluent, married women navigating motherhood, fashion, and social media. To broaden our understanding, future studies should investigate the perspectives of women with diverse sexual orientations, socioeconomic statuses, and marital statuses navigating multiple facets of their identities.
Footnotes
Acknowledgements
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.