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Abstract

The justification for this choice of topic was influenced by both personal experience and professional commitment. Through two significant placements, one in Malawi as part of the Learning for Life program and another in one of Dundee’s most deprived areas with a Scottish Index of Multiple Deprivation (SIMD) ranking of 1, I was confronted with the reality of childhood poverty. Despite the geographical and cultural differences, I observed similarities between the two placements, challenging my admittedly naïve previous perceptions of child poverty as a distant issue. My ultimately simplistic misperception of poverty in Scotland influenced the line of inquiry for this assignment. It will explore the perceptions of childhood poverty from the perception of the Global North (GN), interchangeable in this article for the term Western, and also from the Global South (GS). This essay will begin by exploring these perceptions, highlighting how child poverty in Scotland is often framed through relative deprivation and social exclusion, while poverty in Malawi is depicted as absolute and focused on survival. Next, it will examine why these differing perceptions exist, applying three key theoretical frameworks of Social Constructionism, Orientalism, and Stigma Theory, as well as looking into the role the media plays in perpetuating perceptions. Finally, Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs will be used to challenge these perceptions, arguing that all children regardless of location and external perception of the poverty they endure, require the same basic needs. Through a comparative analysis of children from both countries’ access to food security, housing, and healthcare, including support from government or aid interventions, this section will critique how perceptions can obscure the reality and severity of deprivation in both contexts.

Keywords

Scotland Africa perceptions poverty

Introduction

Growing up in an affluent area and attending a school that perhaps sheltered us from such hardships, my understanding of poverty was primarily shaped by UNICEF campaigns that were shown during assemblies. The videos depicted children unable to access education for a variety of reasons such as needing to work, period poverty, caring for sick family members, lack of appropriate clothing, hunger, and no electricity in their homes. Experiencing these firsthand during my time in Malawi was eye-opening, but what struck me more was that I had already witnessed every single one of these obstacles during my placement in Dundee. From children coming to school in December with no jacket or jumper because they cannot afford it, to children’s only meal of the day being the government allocated free school meal. It was a humbling realisation that such hardships were not confined to distant nations but were much closer to home. Within a 6-month window, my worldview shifted dramatically as I saw the lived experience of poverty in two countries that aren’t as far apart as they might first seem.

My ultimately simplistic misperception of poverty in Scotland influenced the line of inquiry for this assignment. It will explore the perceptions of childhood poverty from the perception of the Global North (GN), interchangeable in this assignment for the term Western, and also from the Global South (GS). This essay will begin by exploring these perceptions, highlighting how child poverty in Scotland is often framed through relative deprivation and social exclusion (Hakovirta and Kallio, 2016; The Scottish Government, 2024a), while poverty in Malawi is depicted as absolute and focused on survival (Dunga and Mafini, 2019; UNDP, 2022). Next, it will examine why these differing perceptions exist, applying three key theoretical frameworks of Social Constructionism (Berger and Luckmann, 1966), Orientalism (Said, 1978), and Stigma Theory (Goffman, 1963), as well as looking into the role the media plays in perpetuating perceptions. Finally, Maslow’s (1943) Hierarchy of Needs will be used to challenge these perceptions, arguing that all children regardless of location and external perception of the poverty they endure, require the same basic needs. Through a comparative analysis of children from both countries access to food security, housing, and healthcare, including support from government or aid interventions, this section will critique how perceptions can obscure the reality and severity of deprivation in both contexts (McKinney, 2021).

Global Perceptions of Childhood Poverty

Poverty is inherently shaped by cultural, economic, and political contexts (Aoki, 2008; Bessel, 2021; Cattan et al., 2024), thus its perception differs based on the influence of those factors. Notably, the GN, such as Scotland, and the GS, such as Malawi, where perspectives are contrasting in absolute versus relative poverty. The Scottish Government (2019) defines relative poverty, which one in four Scottish children live in (The Scottish Government, 2024a), as living on less than 60% of the median income after housing costs. This framework connects poverty to broader social exclusion where the impoverished are unable to participate fully in societal life (Townsend, 1979). In contrast, an absolute poverty framework is often used when discussing the GS (Decerf, 2022). The United Nations (2023) defines absolute poverty as living on less than $2.15 a day, which directly links poverty to survival, finding resources for basic needs such as food, water, shelter, and healthcare. This distinction between relative and absolute poverty is crucial, as the need for separate definitions shows how poverty is perceived differently based on the relevant societal contexts. However, Brady (2023) suggests that this split between definitions can lead to Western detachment from absolute poverty, creating a perception that people in the GN do not experience pure survival. Peck (2006) expands this by suggesting that stereotypes in the Western view frame childhood poverty as largely a problem of material deprivation in the Global South, particularly in Africa, rather than an issue closer to home.

The perception of child poverty in Scotland is often perceived through the lens of social exclusion and inequality rather than a crisis of survival (The Scottish Government, 2015). The Scottish Government (2024b) and Congreve (2019) identify children in low-income families at risk of educational underachievement, poor health outcomes and limited life opportunities. However, despite these worrying risks and high levels of child poverty (Public Health Scotland, 2024), Lindsay et al. (2010) believe that many do not perceive it as real poverty compared to the imagery associated with child poverty in Africa.

Western media and public discourse reinforce a deficit view of Scottish children in poverty, often portraying them as trapped in cycles of welfare dependency (Sinclair et al., 2009). Bailey et al. (2016) further the idea that media narratives emphasise worklessness and parental laziness as causes of child poverty, rather than structural issues. This stereotype reduces the complexity of poverty in Scotland, overlooking the systemic faults such as the cost of living crisis, poor housing, and substance abuse issues which all perpetuate the cycle of poverty (Mago et al., 2013). Shipler (2004) and The Poverty Alliance (2023) also suggest that stereotypes of benefit dependent impoverished neighbourhoods being undesirable further reinforce the negative perceptions and social exclusion that children from these backgrounds experience, being labelled as having lower aspirations and more likely to partake in criminality and substance abuse.

Additionally, according to The Poverty Alliance (2023) many in Scotland do not equate child poverty with destitution, instead, it is associated with relative deprivation, such as lacking up to date items like digital technology, or less access to social and extracurricular activities (Hakovirta and Kallio, 2016). Indeed, Hakovirta and Kallio (2016) also found that children themselves often define poverty in social terms, mentioning the experiences of stigma and exclusion from peer activities. This perspective contrasts with the life-threatening view of poverty seen in GS portrayals.

On the contrary, child poverty in Malawi is understood as absolute deprivation (The Government of Malawi, 2018; UNDP, 2022; World Bank Group, 2024), framing child poverty through the lens of food insecurity, preventable diseases (such as malaria and HIV), and lack of access to education (Dunga and Mafini, 2019). According to Dunga (2017), Malawians perceive poverty as a systemic issue rooted in economic underdevelopment, colonial history, and weak governance, rather than failure of individuals. Moreover, Mtocha et al. (2024) scholars from Zomba University in Malawi, discuss poverty in Malawi as multidimensional, extending beyond material deprivation. Dunga and Mafini (2019) found that families in Malawi prioritise education as a pathway out of poverty, often sacrificing household necessities to pay school fees. This contrasts with GN perceptions that often assume that child poverty in the GS is solely about food and survival, rather than long term social mobility (Bugra, 2021).

Despite Malawian’s perceptions of their poverty, western portrayals of child poverty in the GS tend to sensationalise suffering (Chouliaraki, 2010; Howard, 2017). Organisations such as UNICEF and Save the Children frequently depict African children as passive victims, emphasising their extreme vulnerability and need for external aid (Chambers, 2015). Reis and Moore (2005) support this, suggesting that whilst these portrayals are effective in bringing in donations, they reinforce a simplified and disempowering view of childhood in Malawi. Kalebe-Nyamongo (2012) argues that such perceptions ignore local reliance and community based coping mechanisms, and instead reinforce GN perceptions that Western aid is the only solution.

The Western perceptions of child poverty are socially constructed through media narratives, aid organisations, and cultural discourse (McKendrick et al., 2008). The media of aid organisations the media of aid organisations can portray child poverty in the GS as hopeless and in need of external help, whereas news outlets frame GN poverty as a moral failing linked to welfare dependency (Sinclair et al., 2009). These representations reinforce stereotypes, stigmas and power imbalances (Tyler and Campbell, 2024). Three key theoretical frameworks – social constructionism (Berger and Luckmann, 1966), Orientalism (Said, 1978), and Stigma Theory (Goffman, 1963) – offer insight into why these perceptions persist.

Theoretical Frameworks

Social constructionist theory argues that our understanding of poverty is shaped by dominant narratives rather than objective facts (Andrews, 2012; Berger and Luckmann, 1966). Social constructionism highlights that these portrayals are not neutral but reflect Western ideological biases (Clawson and Trice, 2000). The media does not simply report on child poverty, it constructs and reinforces societal attitudes surrounding it (Clawson and Trice, 2000; Chambers, 2015; Sinclair et al., 2009). In the context of global child poverty, it means that our perception is more likely to be constructed around what we are shown on the news, in pop culture, and in aid campaigns, which paint dire situations in need of external intervention (McKendrick et al., 2008; Sinclair et al., 2009). While social constructionism explains how perceptions are shaped, it does not address historical power dynamics that play a role in Western perception.

This is where Said’s (1978) Orientalism becomes relevant, theorising the concept of ‘othering’, where GN societies construct the GS as fundamentally different due to the history of colonialism. Said (1978) argues that the GN inherently defines itself in opposition to the other, where we are the evolved and they are still developing (Wilson, 2019). Remers (2022) argues that this creates a simplistic saviour narrative where the West position itself as the solution, with examples such as religious missionaries, and volunteering trips (Bandyopadhyay, 2019). The western perception that they are the only ones who can help explains why child poverty in Malawi is deemed more extreme and urgent than in Scotland (Remers, 2022; Wilson, 2019).

While Orientalism effectively critiques GN paternalism, it can be challenged on the basis that not all western engagement with poverty is exploitative (Matthews, 2008). Humanitarian aid has tangible benefits for children in extreme poverty (UNICEF, 2024), from personal experience, I have borne witness to the positive impact of NGO work on local communities in Malawi. However, the issue remains that GN perceptions simplify complex poverty narratives, reducing Malawian children to passive victims rather than active agents of change (Kalebe-Nyamongo, 2012).

Goffman’s (1963) Stigma Theory explains how certain characteristics become socially devalued, which leads to exclusion and discrimination. In terms of perceptions of child poverty, socially undesirable traits are labelled onto children creating an idea about what poverty looks like (Tyler and Campbell, 2024). For example, in Scotland children from low socio-economic backgrounds are frequently stereotyped as lacking ambition, coming from dysfunctional families, or being destined for criminality (Sinclair et al., 2009). Public attitudes, shaped by stigma and stereotypes, constructs a perception moral hierarchy of poverty (Tyler and Campbell, 2024), the ‘deserving’ poor of the GN who are in poverty due to their own personal failings and ‘undeserving’ poor of the GS who are victims of system failure (Shipler, 2004). This is exemplified in the media where Scottish working class parents are demonised for needing to claim benefits (Turn2us, n.d.) but international aid is deemed necessary for those in Malawi.

Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs and Childhood Poverty

While perceptions of poverty differ between Scotland and Malawi, Maslow’s (1943) Hierarchy of Needs (HoN) suggests that all children require the same basic necessities to survive and develop, regardless of global position. However, the ways in which these needs are met, and how their absence is perceived, are shaped by economic structures, social policies, and global narratives (Aoki, 2008; Bessel, 2021; Cattan et al., 2024; McKendrick et al., 2008). By focusing on some of the physiological and safety needs of Maslow’s hierarchy, this section will critically examine how the differing perceptions compare to the realities of the struggles of child poverty in both countries.

Food insecurity is one of the visible markers of child poverty (McKinney, 2021; UN World Food Program, 2021), yet perceptions of the levels of hunger differ (Fanzo et al., 2024; World Vision, 2023). In Malawi, the GN narrative paints child hunger as a famine-like crisis (Chouliaraki, 2010) with NGOs and international aid providing emergency food packages to schools and community centres (Mary’s Meals, 2024; World Food Program, 2021). From a conversation with Augustine, Queen and Esnat (Robertson, 2024), my understanding was that this aid was welcomed and a great short term fix for children’s hunger whilst at school, but there is a reliance upon unpredictable weather conditions to grow crops to sustain themselves and their children when they get home. With the ever-changing climate crisis effecting crop growth (NASA, 2021), Craig et al. (2023) and Dunga (2017) suggest that the issue of food insecurity and self-sustainability in Malawi is far more systemic and complex to be fixed by NGO meal programs.

In Scotland however, child hunger is rarely in public discourse (Lindsay et al., 2010; Peck, 2006), despite the reality that many children go to school without breakfast, rely on free school meals as their own substantial daily meal, or depend on food banks (Chambers et al., 2024). This is a similar scene to that in Malawi, only it is government intervention rather than NGO/international aid. There are children in Scotland who are hungry at the hands of poverty (McKinney, 2021), but because their hunger is not portrayed as famine in the media, and there are mostly effective government interventions such as FSM and food banks, it is not perceived as equally catastrophic (Aoki, 2008). However, Garthwaite (2016) argues that the existence of food banks, while intended as a stopgap, have normalised food insecurity, allowing policymakers and the public to view hunger as a welfare issue and a choice rather than a crisis. Chambers et al. (2024) raises questions about how this couldn’t be normalised, arguing that until infrastructure like wage rises and cost of living decreases, food insecurity will be a very real and prominent issue in Scotland.

Maslow (1943) believes that for children to survive and thrive, they need safe and stable shelter, yet in Scotland and Malawi many children experience severe housing deprivation (Habitat for Humanity, n.d.). In rural Malawi, some children live in informal settlements with poor sanitation and inadequate shelter, even the children whose family owns the home, they may live without running water, any electricity, no locks on their doors, and the structure of their home is made with clay bricks, easily washed away by downpour. Siwale (2013) found in their study that this is vastly what the GN perceives the housing to be in African countries due to the influence of aid campaigns and stereotypes.

However, a survey by Shelter Scotland (2021) found that in Scotland, child homelessness and substandard living conditions are far less recognised, yet just as real. Some families who face absolute poverty in Scotland, are often placed in temporary accommodations, where children may live for prolonged periods of time without stability (Shelter Scotland, 2025; Watts et al., 2018). Others may live in cramped housing that is cold and mould ridden (ScotPHO, 2024), especially in winter with the cost-of-living crisis making it increasingly less accessible to heat homes adequately (The Scottish Government, 2024b). Because Scotland has a state welfare system, Shelter Scotland (2021) found that the assumption is that very few children are truly homeless or unsafe which it, supported by Watts et al. (2021) and The Scottish Government (2024c), argues that this is far from the truth. According to Maslow (1943) children sleeping in cold, overcrowded housing, or being moved from shelter to shelter, would suffer just as deeply as those in informal settlements in Malawi, neither are having their basic needs met. However, because their deprivation is behind closed doors rather than seen in aid campaigns, it is perceived as less urgent.

Access to healthcare is another essential component of Maslow’s (1943) basic needs. In Scotland, free healthcare through the NHS ensures that most childhood sickness is preventable and treatable. However, children from low-income backgrounds have been found to experience poorer health outcomes than their more affluent counterparts (Odgers, 2016), with higher rates of obesity, mental health issues, and poor nutrition. In continuum with this, Mallorie (2024) suggests that children from impoverished families have less access to treat health issues, despite the NHS being free, due to financial, logistical, or addiction related struggles.

Similarly, Malawi’s healthcare system is free, however, it is overburdened and often inaccessible from rural towns (Abiiro et al., 2014), leaving children vulnerable to preventable diseases such as malaria, HIV/AIDS, and cholera. When untreated, these diseases can be life threatening, thus UNICEF (2025) highlights the high child mortality rates in Malawi. These figures are plastered on campaigns, constructing a perception that children in Malawi and the GS are fighting to merely survive each day of childhood, which creates a further disparity in the perception of childhood poverty in Scotland and Malawi.

Conclusion

In conclusion, the way we perceive child poverty is deeply influenced by media narratives (Clawson and Trice, 2000; McKendrick et al., 2008), theoretical frameworks (Andrews, 2012; Berger and Luckmann, 1966), and long-standing global power dynamics (Remers, 2022; Said, 1978). These influences often obscure the reality of deprivation within our own communities, reinforcing the misconception that extreme poverty exists only in distant nations while overlooking the significant hardships faced by children close to home. In Scotland, systemic issues such as food insecurity, inadequate housing, and health problems are often downplayed by the media, painting it as an issue caused by welfare dependency. Meanwhile, in Malawi, poverty is framed as an urgent crisis requiring immediate humanitarian aid (UNICEF, 2025), yet such short-term relief does not tackle the systemic inequalities that perpetuate deprivation (Abiiro et al., 2014; Craig et al., 2023). Addressing child poverty requires a more nuanced perspective, one that acknowledges both the similarities and differences in global poverty experiences and moves beyond temporary solutions toward sustainable change (Bessel, 2021; Bugra, 2021).

Footnotes

ORCID iD

Felicity Robertson

Funding

The author received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Declaration of conflicting interests

The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Author biography

Felicity Robertson is a fourth-year MA Education student at the Univeristy of Dundee School of Social Sciences, Humanities and Law. She is training to be a primary school teacher and is interested in the socio-economic factors that influence primary education.

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