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Abstract

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In what is now referred to by many as the United States, gun violence rages on. When one considers the country’s sheer number of annual gun deaths, the data is as overwhelming as it is distressing. Indeed, perhaps the only thing outpacing the trauma and loss of life wrought by gun violence is the anguish and grief of those who are impacted by it. Despite the shocking statistics and fervent calls for change, few efforts have been effective at curbing the harm. Such a reality raises pressing questions about why gun violence in the U.S. is so prevalent, and what can be done to prevent it. In this Contention, I maintain that the only way out of the U.S.’s centuries-long doom spiral of gun violence will be reckoning with the nation’s historical-ongoing trajectories of settler colonialism, heteropatriarchy, white supremacy, and imperialism. I further contend that any effort to eliminate gun violence in the U.S. mandates ending mass alienation and taking masculinity to task. Accordingly, I illustrate how guns are not actually the root of the problem, even though their ease of access and the culture(s) surrounding them are corollary symptoms that necessitate urgent intervention. In short, I argue that resolving gun violence in the U.S. demands a historical-structural-intersectional focus and that the source of the country’s firearm-involved deaths are alienation, despair, and oppression owed to capitalism, entrenched patriarchal social relations, and the settler colonial state––all of which must be abolished if we are seriously concerned with livable futures.

Keywords

Alienation gun violence masculinity mass shootings settler colonialism suicide

It seems to us that in the cases here chosen the events giving rise to the disorder are chiefly the bloodthirsty and pitiless atmosphere, the generalization of inhuman practices, and the firm impression that people have of being caught up in a veritable Apocalypse.

Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth (1963, 251)

Introduction: The etiology and realities of gun violence and death in the United States

As anyone who has read Frantz Fanon's (1963) gut-wrenching chapter “Colonial War and Mental Disorders” from his revolutionary text The Wretched of the Earth knows––no one is safe in a settler colony, especially those that are armed to the teeth. However, amidst the pervasive violence and intrinsic neuroses that define settler societies that are founded upon deracination, dispossession, and racial contempt, it must be mentioned that most monied and less melanated settlers are, statistically, much safer than “Others” (Crimmins and Zhang, 2019). Consider what is now widely referred to as the United States, more than 100 people, disproportionately low-income and working-class, die each day because of gun-related homicides and suicides (Rees et al., 2022). Upon disaggregating the data, one will see that two-thirds of the roughly 50,000 people, who are killed by gun violence every year are Black. Comparably, firearm-involved suicides, which affect White men five times more than anyone else, significantly outstrip all other forms of gun violence. In a reality that has become as grisly as it is somber, guns are now the number one cause of premature death in the United States (Kalesan et al., 2019). Notably, research demonstrates that three major causal factors involved in gun violence are income inequality, poverty, and lack of social mobility (Rowhani-Robar et al., 2019; Kim, 2019).

When reflecting upon the etiology, historical forces, and structural drivers of gun violence in the United States, one cannot deny just how much the logic of settler colonialism and malice of white supremacy have fueled fanatical prejudices, economic disparities, inescapable deprivation, and unequal access to healthcare, housing, education, and a dignified life for so many. For centuries, and from the initial acts of land theft and attempted genocide of Indigenous people to the proliferation of the plantation and slave economy, gun violence has been the United States' modus operandi––if not raison d’etre (Dunbar-Ortiz, 2018). In contemporary times, we need not look any further than the United States' militarized empire-building, “war on terror,” and repression of civil rights for evidence of the settler state's violent tendencies and penchants for taking up arms (Mirpuri, 2016). Globally, this translates to the United States having a gun homicide rate that is approximately 20 times greater than all other high-income earning countries. When contemplating the shocking statistics and lurid realities of gun violence in the United States, two principal questions emerge: (1) What diagnosis is needed, and more importantly and (2) What prescription will work?

The “boomerang effect:” diagnosing an endemic pathology and enduring plague

There are currently more guns than humans in the United States and most people killed by firearms across the country are between 15 and 35 years old (National Safety Council, 2023). Soberingly, gun-related injuries are now the leading cause of death for youth under the age of 18 (Gebeloff et al., 2022). In addition, even though there is no uniform definition, both mass shootings and the number of mortalities associated with active shooter events are steadily rising (Fox and Levin, 2022). On the flipside, police kill over 1000 people per year (surpassing mass shooters), with Black, Indigenous, and Latino groups being impacted 2–3 times more than others (DeVylder et al., 2022). Despite common geographical misconceptions, the death rate for firearm-involved fatalities is nearly 40% higher in rural counties than in urban areas, with the Deep South and Appalachia being socio-spatial hot spots (Woodard, 2023). Regarding firearm access, most US citizens can legally purchase a gun with only a hundred dollars or so within an hour. It is also not all that difficult to attain one illegally, for that matter. Viewed through a public health lens, gun violence in the United States is arguably an endemic pathology and enduring plague.

The unequal distribution of gun violence across racial and classed lines are stark reminders of the systemic injustice and forms of urban and rural “ghettoization” that exemplify the United States (Mills, 1997; Stroud, 2016). Working-class and poor communities of color and Indigenous groups remain overrepresented in homicide, incarceration, and gun death rates due to the complex interplay of centuries-long subjugation, generational economic exploitation, and undying forms of institutionalized segregation, disenfranchisement, and criminalization (Zarrugh, 2020). Put differently, the settler colonial state's sadistic one-two punch of “organized abandonment” (Gilmore, 2022) and militarized overpolicing has birthed an unimaginable amount of widespread yet avoidable suffering, violence, internal hostility, and imprisonment. Rather than presenting sociogenic diagnoses a la Fanon (1963) that get at the heart and history of gun violence, which could assist in solving the problem, media pundits and politicians of all stripes tend to broadcast sensationalized soundbites that frequently only offer perfunctory “thoughts and prayers.” The superficial assessments and performative rhetoric typically result in the stigmatization and denigration of victims whilst eliding root causes.

In an unconscionable reality marked by cruel irony that is profoundly revealing, cops across the United States continue to view as “wretched” and kill Black men, women, and others at higher clips than anyone else (Streeter, 2019)––yet idly stand by when defenseless children are murdered at gunpoint by mass shooters (e.g., Uvalde). At the same time, working-class and poor white men dominate gun suicide statistics (Richardson et al., 2021), which is partly because they are being warehoused and forsaken by an economy that prioritizes profit over “poor white trash.” Here, the fickle trap that is the time-honored and traditional “provider–protector” role, which far too many men of all complexions have relied upon for a fickle sense of self-worth and a fabricated feeling of manhood for generations, is not doing anyone any favors when it comes to securing mental health and creating safer societies (King et al., 2020). Such a state of things makes the argument that the United States remains a settler colony defined by cynicism and class war, which has not yet reckoned with either structural white supremacy or it's patriarchal moorings, difficult to refute. As the proverb goes, the center cannot hold and things fall apart. At present, the United States is experiencing its very own self-induced and foreseeable “boomerang effect” (although perhaps “ricochet” would be a more applicable term), a one in which the settler colonial violence upon which the nation was founded has (always) come home to roost (Césaire, 2000).

In the face of such a harrowing situation, concerns about what is causing all the gun violence in the United States are apt and must be urgently addressed. On this topic and amidst the incendiary debates and partisan platitudes being offered on gun rights, restrictions, bans, culture wars, and the Second Amendment, my contention is that the ubiquity of violence, trauma, and premature death owed to guns is a symptom of a much bigger and far more dangerous dilemma in the United States, namely, the deprivation, alienation, and desperation that are inherent in the country's settler colonial status quo. Here, it is crucial to point out that United States' capitalist economy, imperialist aspirations, and racial-carceral state are part and parcel of said status quo. In addition, and despite the numerous imaginative death threats I have received when writing about this issue (Gahman, 2020), including being lured to a remote farm, hamstrung, and fed to hogs, I continue to maintain that masculinity and patriarchy play major roles. In turn, I feel it goes without saying that mending the deep wounds and addressing the multifaceted problem of gun violence in the United States necessitates a nuanced intersectional approach that accounts for historical–structural forces, economic inequality, and the country's settler colonial and white supremacist foundations.

The roots of the problem: settler colonialism, White supremacy, and masculinity

It is imperative to note how the entwined and lasting legacies of settler colonialism and white supremacy have indelibly shaped the contours of gun culture and violence within the United States (Dunbar-Ortiz, 2021). The consequences of each, which are marked by the maltreatment and attempted elimination of Indigenous people, enslavement of Afrodescendant groups, and subjugation of numerous other negatively racialized populations, remain deeply etched into the United States' existing social and economic relations (Estes et al., 2021). Since contact, the relentless Westward expansion and nation-building project of white settlers was characterized by the expropriation and privatization of ancestral Indigenous lands, which involved armed confrontations and the transmission of diseases that led to the displacement and death of Indigenous communities. The dehumanization, exploitation, and condemnation of non-white ethnic groups, a classification which has historically shifted as a matter of convenience (e.g., Irish, Italian, Jewish, Asian, Muslim), soon followed (Fields and Fields, 2022). Notably, the imposed colonial borders, governance system, private property lines, and monopoly on violence of the white settler state remain.

The resulting intergenerational traumas and socioeconomic inequities endured by the settler state's “Others” persist as haunting specters, casting long shadows over contemporary discussions on gun violence. In relation to settler aggression and state-sponsored violence, the colonial-capitalist enterprise was intrinsically linked to the deployment of both race and guns as tools of conquest, occupation, and exploitation. The proliferation of firearms among settlers across the frontier of the “New World” was instrumental in claiming territory, upholding colonial-patriarchal dominance, and suppressing negatively racialized and working-class populations. From the United States' beginnings, guns proved to be essential weapons for settlers, landowners, and plantation-overseers alike (Horne, 2018). They enabled a burgeoning white ruling class to consolidate, codify, and “protect” private property, state power, and sovereign borders. Guns also featured prominently in repressing the agency and resistance of Indigenous people, enslaved groups, and later, dissident workers. Here, it is important to highlight how social anxieties related to economic inequality are regularly deployed to scapegoat immigrants, who are wrongly framed as “taking our jobs,” or worse, maligned as “alien invaders” or a “criminal disease” (Gahman and Hjalmarson, 2019). Over time, the link between firearms, domestic security, “standing your ground,” and defending property, capital, and nation has endured, all of which profoundly influence the United States' present-day gun culture.

Undeniably, gun violence put in the service of white supremacist domination, settler state-sanctioned crimes against humanity, and the United States' imperial ambitions has exhibited a regrettable durability that continues to have far-reaching ramifications (Glick, 2020). The use of firearms by white supremacist groups to intimidate and terrorize Black communities further underscores the instrumental role guns have played in perpetuating racial hierarchies and segregation. Vigilantism that was and remains underpinned by obsessive animus directed at socially constructed “Others” through ironic “Great Replacement” theories have historical precedents, ranging from antebellum slave patrols and lynchings to contemporary ethnonationalist militia movements and hate groups (Al-Hashimi, 2021). Targeted violence against Black, Indigenous, migrant, and other negatively racialized communities in the United States reveals the innate ties between armed belligerence and the perpetuation of white supremacy. Current manifestations, including racially motivated mass shootings and felony hate crimes, demonstrate just how deeply entrenched such ideologies remain within the white settler state.

Here, both masculinity and patriarchal norms must be taken to task. Colonial narratives ascribed power, authority, and control to manhood. For example, settler colonizer men often relied upon rigid notions of masculinity to portray themselves as intrepid explorers, defenders, protectors, providers, and pioneers as a means of justifying how they “conquered” and “tamed” a feminized frontier (Connell, 2005). Doing so reinforced gendered hierarchies and shaped ideas about manhood as being closely tied to aggression and dominance. In stating this, my aim is not to vilify all gun-owning white settler men, of which I am both. The challenge of gun violence is a historical–structural matter and recourse to reductive identity politics and immaterial liberal ideals are as fraught as they are flawed. For some men, guns are viewed merely as benign tools, hobbies, heirlooms, pastimes, leisure activities, and ways to bond with or protect friends and family (Yamane, 2017). Apolitical subjective perceptions of guns like this remain widespread for many individuals, even though––objectively and socially––risk of injury and death increase when guns are brought into a home (Butler et al., 2020). In light of the facts at hand, and irrespective of personal opinion, neither gun violence nor masculinity can be divorced from social forces and power relations, which are perpetually at play and in operation.

Societal expectations pressure men to embody emotional restraint and unflinching stoicism, attributes commonly linked to differing gun cultures, that are impossible to maintain on a full-time basis (Carlson, 2015). Men who internalize these norms often subsequently suppress, self-medicate, mis-use substance, and avoid seeking help for depression, anxiety, and loneliness. Feelings of inadequacy or challenges to masculinity, regardless of race, can push some men towards violence or self-harm––where guns serve as instruments of asserting prowess, regaining control, or escaping it all (Stroud, 2020). Rigid forms of masculinity not only hinder open dialogue about emotions, but contribute to cycles of destructive, abusive, and addictive behaviors, where the need to uphold a certain image of manhood, toughness, and prove one's masculinity collides with resolving conflicts in constructive and caring ways (Scaptura and Boyle, 2022). Encouraging open conversations about emotions and mental health among men can challenge patriarchal mores, normalize sensitivity, and eliminate the shame of seeking help. Education campaigns that promote empathy and emotional intelligence can further provide healthier avenues for men who are dealing with insecurity, isolation, or feel they are not having their needs met. It would be absurd to argue doing these things will not reduce gun violence, no matter the context or race. And while rethinking (if not abolishing) masculinity is a necessary step, there are far more factors to consider.

An economy of death and despair: alienation, suicide, and mass shootings

At the global level, research shows that countries with higher levels of inequality experience higher rates of violence (Armstead et al., 2021), including gun-related assaults, homicides, and deaths. In the United States, one of the world's most unequal yet so-called “developed” countries, well over half––and in some years close to 70%––of all gun-related deaths are suicides (Bryan, 2021). On the other hand, mass shootings, which receive far more media attention, comprise only a small fraction of gun deaths. That said, over the past three decades, mass shootings, which are perpetrated predominantly by middle-aged white men, continue to increase in number at lamentable rates. Meaning, despite the statistics, they should not be diminished. Across the United States, individuals experiencing limited life chances, economic stress, ruinous debt, and systemic discrimination regularly develop chronic feelings of hopelessness, desolation, and dread (King et al., 2022). It is not uncommon for this alienation to result in self-harm and socially destructive behaviors, including gun violence and death by suicide, which escalate when firearms are easily accessible. What this demonstrates is that gun violence, be it related to suicide or mass shootings, is a social (as opposed to merely psychological) problem with deep-seated multidimensional origins. Given gun violence's correlation with poverty and inequality, the capitalist economy, which has been deliberately organized to abuse, abandon, and dispose of human life, is also culpable.

Due to the fact most US gun deaths are suicides, the matter deserves more critical attention. One of the biggest misconceptions about suicide is that it is extensively premeditated and planned out (Oquendo, 2015). Although accurate in certain cases, research suggests that people who commit suicide typically do so amidst triggering events and during spikes of acute crisis, psychological distress, and heightened susceptibility, which result from an accumulation of unaddressed trauma, hardship, and grief that compound over time (Drexler, 2013). Evaluating the social conditions and economic circumstances of suicide victims is just as beneficial as pouring over their psychiatric profiles, personality traits, and medical records. Social, economic, and cultural phenomena encompassing but not limited to material deprivation, institutionalized racism, financial strain, social ostracism, and limited access to and stigma surrounding mental health support services exacerbate suffering and feelings of alienation, anguish, and despair (Matthews, 2019).

The broader structural determinants of (ill)health noted above, which intensify under capitalist social relations and neoliberal economic policies (e.g. austerity), can exaggerate existing experiences of estrangement, worthlessness, detachment, and ideation (Sanchez et al., 2020). In far too many instances, individuals then spiral into crises and neuroses that result in extreme outcomes such as violence against others or taking one's own life––frequently with firearms. Meaningful work, financial stability, accessible healthcare, community connection, spiritual wholeness, leisure time, creative expression, strong social bonds, and feeling loved thereby remain critical facets of any proposed solution to reducing gun violence. On this point, undoing the scorn and shame that come with seeking therapy and assistance for depression, anxiety, addiction, and loneliness––in conjunction with the free provision of mental health support––are crucial. Collective empathy, the redistribution of wealth, and anti-racist praxis combined with user-friendly and readily available care services will enable people to identify and address underlying concerns that aggravate social anomie, low self-esteem, disillusionment, and misery, all of which can manifest in anger management issues, hostile outbursts, and violent episodes (Chandler et al., 2022).

A note of caution when discussing mental illness. While research indicates links between certain instances of gun-related violence and individuals struggling with mental health, this relationship is far from straightforward and should be approached carefully (Van Brunt and Pescara-Kovach, 2019). The vast majority of people experiencing psychological, emotional, and mental health challenges are neither dangerous nor criminal. Hence, appeals to keep guns out of the hands of “bad guys,” “crazed lunatics,” and “criminal terrorists” are overly reductive and ultimately miss the mark. When we talk about gun violence, it is not solely a matter of individual mental health. The broader historical-structural context of the United States as a grossly unequal and virulent white settler society must be taken into account. Placing the entire emphasis on the psycho-affective state of individuals would be akin to trying to describe an elephant in the dark by only touching its tusk, as the analogy goes. The realities of mental illness and violence are far more complex and solving the problem will not happen by focusing only at the interpersonal and psychological levels, which can quickly devolve into ableist and racist stereotypes (Beltzer et al., 2023).

Markedly, if we are to diagnose the United States' rampant gun violence accurately and honestly, it is essential to recognize that rectifying the central contributing factors of poverty, exploitation, discrimination, and alienation are vital parts of the prescription. This requires a total overhaul and reordering of social and economic relations. That said, one quick yet admittedly partial way to reduce gun violence includes securing mental health support, dignified work, a good income, and the material means of life for all. Regrettably, the United States currently has neither the political will nor collective compassion to implement these easy changes. The settler state's institutions have inculcated too many into an ill-fated ideology suggesting that life belongs only to the market and flourishing can only be achieved through competitive individualism and capitulating to bosses, rent-seekers, and exploiters. To improve realities and reduce the country's high rate of gun violence and suicide, ultimately, the United States' economy of death and despair must be torn asunder.

Mass gun violence is the product of a range of diverse elements, including the oppression of various groups and whether people's material, emotional, and spiritual needs are met. Colonial-capitalism was and remains meticulously designed and managed not to meet the needs of the many and keep most in grinding states of desperation. Instead of opting for simplistic explanations that only place a either a suicide victim or mass shooter's personality and state of mind under the microscope, we must delve deeper, recognize that gun violence is a historical-structural issue, and look for ways to improve the broader contexts, economies, and relations within which people are living, working, and dying.

Abolishing imperialism, the military–industrial complex, and the police

What is often left out of conversations related to gun violence in the United States is the interplay of the military-industrial complex, arms trade, and nation's gun lobby. These compounding elements unquestionably contribute to the proliferation of firearms and the country's grievous gun-related death toll. And although gun violence is a multidimensional dilemma shaped by an array of social and psychological factors, that the United States harbors a formidable weapons manufacturing industry, has an annual military budget of nearly $USD900 billion, and churns out a substantial proportion of the world's artillery is not insignificant (Thorpe, 2020). Hundreds of years spent idolizing settler colonial incursions onto Indigenous territories via contrived holidays in conjunction with state-driven propaganda espousing American exceptionalism that glorifies flag-waving nationalism and patriotic “war heroes” have only made things worse.

The accessibility of guns within the United States can be partially attributed to domestic arms production; the reification, defense, and veneration of private property; and the country's overzealous appetite for border securitization and war. Globally, the United States' hundreds of international military bases and interventions in geopolitical conflicts as a self-avowed “peacekeeper” often entails fomenting violence and exporting arms to combat zones (Chomsky and Vltchek, 2017). The inevitable return of those weapons, whether through illicit trafficking or lawful channels, is only a matter of time. Not to be forgotten amidst the militarism and country's long-standing mantra of “we support our troops,” are the ironies surrounding the ways in which soldiers are disposed of after their respective tours of duty. Insufficient treatment facilities, lack of mental health support, and underfunded rehabilitative care for the wounded and those experiencing post-traumatic stress are multipliers of suffering, self-harm, and gun death (Dempsey et al., 2019). As a veteran I spoke with plainly stated about his US military experience, “it's a war machine that chewed us up and spit us out.” Indeed, when chauvinistic nationalism on the global stage is coupled with sacrificing G.I.'s, jingoist “survival of the fittest” storylines, and permissive “stand your ground” laws domestically––it makes for a veritable powder keg vis-a-vis gun violence. Put simply, the repercussions of the United States' imperialist compulsions and entanglements abroad frequently revisit the settler state.

Moreover, the gun lobby, which vehemently opposes substantive gun control measures and is epitomized by the likes of the National Rifle Association (NRA), wields a potent amount of political clout (Schwartz, 2022). Championing unfettered gun rights and promulgating Second Amendment hysterics that benefit corporate manufacturers are key pages out its playbook. The influence of the gun lobby, which has vested interests in the military-industrial complex, significantly sways legislative decisions at both federal and state levels. The arms industry and gun lobby thereby not only weaken regulations, but erect formidable barriers to implementing effective policies. This is the case unless revolutionaries like Sitting Bull, Harriet Tubman, and John Brown or emancipatory movements such as the Black Panthers, Young Lords, or American Indian Movement arm themselves, speak of self-defense, and confront the racism of the settler state. If freedom fighters “from below” take up arms, then the US government will swiftly step in––in draconian fashion––to control and “regulate” their guns and lives (Fernández, 2020; Granse, 2019; Oates, 2021).

The abolition of both domestic policing as it is practiced in the United States and broader carceral state remain pivotal to reduce gun violence. While the US police forces purport to play a crucial role in “serving and protecting” the public––and kill over 1000 people year in doing so––their actions and brutalities have rightly been lambasted for underwriting racism and gun death (Subbaraman, 2020). Several ways in which police propagate gun violence include abusing their authority and using trigger-happy excessive force, especially against low-income communities of color. Charged atmospheres of extreme fear and intense distrust coupled with contentious relationships and combative encounters with police officers are the result. Additionally, the acquisition of surplus military equipment by law enforcement, i.e., the militarization of policing and “rise of the warrior cop,” has led to numerous confrontations with fatal outcomes (Balko, 2013). Racial profiling is another long-standing concern, which negatively affects poor and marginalized communities most and harkens back to the days of Jim Crow and de facto segregation (Reed, 2022). Overpolicing and disparate rates of arrest and incarceration, particularly across negatively racialized and low-income demographics, further strains relationships with law enforcement.

At present, the lack of accountability within police departments when officers are guilty of misconduct or murder further erode public trust. This impunity has historically and rightly been met with mass protest and civil unrest. Critical voices contend aggressive and lethal forms of police malfeasance are neither anecdotal nor a product of “bad apples,” but rather, institutionalized features and the function of the US criminal justice system (Taylor, 2016). In turn, calls from anti-violence advocates to defund and abolish the police and prison industrial complex continue to gain traction (Davis and Shaylor, 2020). Proponents argue abolitionist solutions will reduce gun deaths by addressing the root causes of violence and crime, like poverty, structural racism, and systemic inequality (Kaba and Ritchie, 2022). Here, it is important to call attention to the impacts that gun violence has on youth. Young people are disproportionately affected by gun violence as both victims and witnesses (Kravitz-Wirtz et al., 2022). Investing in youth mentorship, education, and after-school programs (as opposed to militarized police forces) will attenuate gun and gang violence by providing youth with better and safer alternatives and futures to move into.

The ideas and goals behind defunding the police include reallocating resources from conventional law enforcement agencies to community-based programs, social services, mental health support workers, and conflict resolution initiatives (Jacobs et al., 2021). The underlying assessment is that shifting away from heavily armed and adversarial forms of policing will lead to safer communities, less reliance on firearms for self-defense, and fewer violent interactions between police and civil society. In short, demilitarizing the police will reduce the chance that excessive force is deployed, thereby attenuating violence. As anyone who watches mainstream news or is on social media can attest to, defunding federal and state police forces and the abolition of the US prison system remain polarizing issues with varying opinions related their respective feasibility and future results. Nonetheless, shifting away from militarized, punitive, and carceral models of policing and retributive criminal justice to community-based forms that are transformative and reparative in nature has been evidenced as a way to prevent violence and make communities safer (Piepzna-Samarasinha and Dixon, 2020).

A call to arms against settler colonialism, white supremacy, and masculinity

When reviewing the overwhelming data, crushing statistics, and decades-long disputes on gun rights, restrictions, violence, and death in the United States, the debates about (in)effective diagnoses and prescriptions carry on ad nauseum. Amidst the volatile polemics and provocations, however, what tends to be omitted are the inextricable and irrefutable links that exist between gun violence, colonialism, racial capitalism, structural inequality, alienation, and war. Here, it is vital to reiterate that poverty and unequal access to basic human needs have historically been linked to spikes in social anomie, conflict, and despair. Given this, perhaps it is time to start viewing mass shootings, rising suicide rates, and gun deaths in the United States as a settler colonial disorder and capitalist pathology?

With respect to finding viable solutions to gun violence in the United States and given the evidence at hand, it is foolish to think that having more guns in either a house or society will make for a safer respective home or community. It is equally as erroneous to avow that firearms themselves cause violence, kill people, and should be banned across the board––even though stricter regulations, background checks, and waiting times are sensible immediate actions to take. While nuanced policy interventions aimed at effective gun control and comprehensive mental health support are critical components, the only realistic resolution will demand confronting the deep-seated ideologies underpinning the state violence, racial discrimination, economic exploitation, and patriarchal-imperialist impulses that define the United States as a present-day settler colony––which are seldom either discussed or even admitted by policymakers and mainstream media outlets.

To end and in short, efforts to address gun violence must extend beyond legislative action and encompass social, cultural, and economic transformation. Liberal ideals and playing by the rules of the bourgeois settler state have not and will never lay the groundwork for a more just, harmonious, and safer society. Rather, correcting ongoing historical wrongs, abolishing exploitative institutions, and promoting redistributive and revolutionary processes on the terms and preferences of targeted, abandoned, and poor constituencies are vital first steps. My contention thus remains that healing the wounds inflicted by settler colonialism and reckoning with the enduring legacies of white supremacy will never come to fruition so long as the capitalist economy, modern nation-state, and our prevailing notions of masculinity continue to operate, exist, and rule the day. Whether these realizations and emancipatory remedies are ever collectively recognized and meaningfully pursued within what is currently called the United States by some remains to be seen. Until then, an anxious, alienated––and heavily armed––nation awaits.

Footnotes

Declaration of conflicting interests

The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Author Biography

Levi Gahman is a Reader at the University of Liverpool and affiliate with the Institute for Gender & Development Studies and Department of Geography at the University of the West Indies. His research focuses on emancipatory social movements, environmental conflict, grassroots struggles for self-determination, and radical pedagogy. Levi is author of Land, God, and Guns: Settler Colonialism and Masculinity in the American Heartland (ZED Scholar) and Building Better Worlds: Ideas and Inspiration from the Zapatistas (Bristol University Press), as well as a former addiction counsellor, human rights observer, and current resident of L8-Toxteth.

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