Content analysis of Austrian and German newspaper coverage of terrorist attacks in light of recommendations for reporting on mass shootings

Abstract

Media coverage of terrorist attacks can have harmful effects on public mental health. Media recommendations for reporting on mass shootings have been developed, which also appear relevant to coverage of terrorist attacks. However, it remains unclear whether journalists adhere to them. The authors investigated the quality of N = 1,909 articles about nine terrorist attacks in Western Europe between 2016–2020 published in Austrian and German daily newspapers. They assessed the quality based on characteristics adopted from media recommendations. Articles were mainly inconsistent with these recommendations. Coverage of Islamist terrorist attacks tended to focus specifically on attack, attacker, and responsible terrorist group, whereas articles on right-wing attacks emphasized the reason for the attack and its victims. Tabloids tended to use more inadequate photos and language related to mental illness, whereas broadsheets contained more details about attack and attacker. Further efforts are required to encourage journalists to utilize media recommendations.

Keywords

content analysis media media recommendations political violence terrorism terrorist attacks

Terrorist attacks, especially those that result in casualties, are highly newsworthy events that attract a lot of media attention and will typically be reported by the media (Chermak and Gruenewald, 2006; Holman et al., 2014; Kampf, 2014; Meindl and Ivy, 2017; Rohner and Frey, 2007). While journalism in a democratic society has a duty to inform its audience, media reporting, particularly on such sensationalist issues, also presents ethical challenges on a normative level (Christians et al., 2009). Furthermore, some scholars argue that terrorist organizations may use media attention to disseminate their goals and ideology (Kampf, 2014; Rohner and Frey, 2007; White, 2020), which adds to the ethical dilemma. A further challenge is that negative effects of media coverage of these events on mental health have been reported (Ahern et al., 2002; Holman et al., 2014; Leiner et al., 2016; Vasterman et al., 2005; White 2020).

Media coverage of terrorist attacks often features repetitive reporting and a sensationalist style with graphic images and details about the terrorists, their motives, and the weapons they have used for the attacks (Cousins and Brunt, 2002; Holman et al., 2014; Lim, 2016; White, 2020), and this is often perceived as controversial or even upsetting for audiences. For example, it has been reported that, after a terrorist attack in Vienna on 2 November 2020, the local press council received 1,500 complaints related to the quality of media coverage of the attack within the first 10 days, initiating a public debate about the quality of related media reporting (Der Standard, 2020).

Media reports about terrorist attacks may affect audiences on many different levels. Several studies have investigated the role of media coverage of terrorist attacks in psychological outcomes in children, adolescents, and young adults. In these studies, exposure to media coverage of terrorist attacks was associated with higher anxiety and symptoms of depression and posttraumatic stress (Monfort and Afzali, 2017; Pfefferbaum et al., 2018; Shoshani and Slone, 2008). Media coverage of terrorist attacks has also been found to increase fear and stress in adult populations, thereby contributing to a re-traumatization of the community (Holman et al., 2014; Propper et al., 2007; Rubaltelli et al., 2018; Schmuck et al., 2023).

Another negative effect of media coverage of terrorism is stereotyping and stigmatization of population groups that are portrayed as being responsible for the attacks (Alcalá et al., 2017). This is based on the theoretical conceptualization of intergroup conflict (Tajfel and Turner, 1979) and social identity theory (Tajfel and Turner, 1986), which describe how people rely on in-group and out-group distinctions to navigate their own identity and their environment (Tajfel and Turner, 1979). Members of the in-group are typically described as having positive characteristics in order to strengthen one’s own identity, while members of a perceived out-group are seen as similar to each other, especially in negative traits (Tajfel and Turner, 1986). Specifically, a majority of media reports have been found to connect terrorism to Islam, enhancing negative attitudes toward Muslims or Islamophobia (Laido et al., 2020; Powell, 2018). News reports about Islamic terrorism not clearly differentiating between Muslims and Islamic terrorists have been shown to activate negative stereotypes toward Muslims in general and subsequently increase Islamophobic attitudes and fear of terrorism in the audience (Schmuck et al., 2022; Von Sikorski, 2021). These reporting practices can have tremendous negative effects on the social cohabitation of different groups in society and contribute to biased and unfair misconception of this entire group, which can potentially reinforce out-group perceptions of these communities in Western societies (Kaskeleviciute et al., 2024; Matthes and Kaskeleviciute, 2024). There is also some evidence that high international media attention on terrorist attacks might encourage similar attacks (Jetter, 2017). Due to these adverse effects of media reporting, public health experts have advocated for a change in media reporting of terrorist attacks (Meindl and Ivy, 2017).

There is the question of how detailed journalists should report about terrorist attacks. With terrorist attacks being highly newsworthy events, they will usually attract a lot of public attention and desire for (more) information on what has happened (Holman et al., 2014; Meindl and Ivy, 2017; Nussio et al., 2021). Thus, just reducing duration and volume of news coverage on the terrorist attack may not be a feasible approach (Meindl and Ivy, 2017). Journalists face the difficult task of informing readers about the attack while ensuring that their coverage does not exacerbate trauma, stigmatize any groups in the population, or have any other negative effects in audiences (Holman et al., 2014; Meindl and Ivy, 2017; White 2020). The objective of this study was to examine the quality of media reports on terrorist attacks in German and Austrian broadsheet and tabloid newspapers. We aimed to assess characteristics of media coverage of these incidences based on current media recommendations (Suicide Awareness Voices of Education [SAVE], 2017) in order to inform future reporting practices.

Recommendations for media reporting

In response to the growing concern surrounding media reports of terrorist attacks, an initiative led by SAVE (2017) in collaboration with international media outlets, researchers, and media experts has been established with the aim of developing recommendations for the safe reporting of mass shootings. Developing media recommendations is consistent with prescribing a normative role for media in society, as these recommendations typically aim to conceptualize a public discourse that should aid diversity and pluralism (Christians et al., 2009). Two authors of this work (Benedikt Till, Thomas Niederkrotenthaler) were involved in the development of the SAVE (2017) media recommendations. The primary objective was to prevent stigmatization of individuals with mental health issues and re-traumatization of communities due to media reporting about incidents where a person (or a small group) kills multiple others in a public setting (SAVE, 2017), which also extends to the reporting on terrorism in general. While not all terrorist attacks are mass shootings, these events typically align more closely with the conventional definitions of terrorism than is commonly acknowledged by government officials, academics, and media outlets (Hunter et al., 2021). The similarities in the conceptions of mass shootings and terrorist attacks are also reflected in the data of the Global Terrorism Database (National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism [START], 2022), which serves as the basis for the inclusion of terrorist attacks in our research. The vast majority of well-known mass shooting incidents (e.g., the “Las Vegas shooting” in 2017, the “Pulse nightclub shooting” in Orlando in 2016, the “Columbine High School massacre” in 1999, etc.) fall within the database’s definition of terrorism and are listed as terrorist attacks.

The media recommendations for reporting on mass shootings developed by SAVE (2017) were based on media recommendations for suicide reporting (World Health Organization [WHO], 2023). Whereas suicide and terrorist attacks are different phenomena, there are some similarities in patterns of how harmful effects could be avoided between reporting on terrorist attacks and suicide reporting (Laido et al., 2020). For example, both recommendations discourage the use of images of deceased individuals in order to avoid traumatization of audiences (SAVE, 2017; WHO, 2023).

Specifically, the recommendations for safe reporting on mass shootings (SAVE, 2017) suggest avoiding images that might glorify violence and omitting details on the identities (including photos) and goals of perpetrators. Journalists are also asked to focus more on the victims of the attack and their stories instead of focusing on the perpetrator. Other recommendations include avoiding reports that suggest that mental illness caused the terrorist attack, avoiding attributing the incident to one specific factor or event, refraining from labelling the incident as a ‘suicide attack’, and showing graphic images of the crime scene. Furthermore, journalists are encouraged to disseminate information on help services that are available for distressed individuals (SAVE, 2017). It is essential to note that the aim of all media recommendations for reporting on extremism and terrorism (European Commission, 2021; Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe [OSCE], 2019; SAVE, 2017) is not to conceal, hide, or distort the context of a terrorist attack, but to report about it in a way that does not stigmatize any groups within the population or negatively affect any readers.

Some media outlets, news agencies, and national press councils have developed and implemented internal editorial standards and best practices that provide some general guidance on news reporting, such as providing accurate, balanced, and impartial news, respecting the privacy of victims and perpetrators, or refraining from inappropriately sensationalist portrayals of violence (e.g., Arbeitsgemeinschaft der öffentlich-rechtlichen Rundfunkanstalten der Bundesrepublik Deutschland [ARD], 2021, 2024; Austrian Press Council, 2019; German Press Council, 2017). These standards, however, usually do not include specific recommendations for reporting on terrorist attacks. Already in 2016, in the wake of several terrorist attacks, some news media outlets in France (e.g., Le Monde) and Germany (e.g., Die Zeit) have adopted a code of ethics related to terrorism reporting that includes the decision to not publish the names and photos of (suspected) terrorists (Dalton, 2016; Ehrenberg and Huber, 2016). However, they do not have any additional specific recommendations of what to avoid and what to focus on instead. The French news agency AFP (Agence France-Presse, 2016) has included a specific section on mass shootings in their reporting policies, but this section is very brief and just highlights that reporting on mass shootings should be careful about providing perpetrators a platform for their agenda (based on concerns raised by scholarly work, such as Kampf, 2014; Rohner and Frey, 2007; White, 2020). The British public service broadcaster BBC (British Broadcasting Corporation, 2019) has a comparatively large section on war, terrorism and emergencies in its editorial standards, but the section provides guidance on journalistic work related to terrorism rather than specific recommendations on how to report on terrorist attacks, with the recommendation of using terms such as ‘bomber’, ‘attacker’, or ‘gunman’ instead of ‘terrorist’ being the only notable exception.

More recently, the European Commission (2021) and the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE, 2019) have developed and published detailed media recommendations for reporting on extremism and terrorism. These recommendations are quite similar to those issued by SAVE (2017). However, the SAVE recommendations have a strong focus on avoiding stigmatization of individuals with mental illness, which is an important public health topic that is not mentioned in the recommendations of the European Commission (2021) and OSCE (2019). Instead, these recommendations put a stronger emphasis on providing official information from credible sources and deconstructing terrorist narratives.

In spite of these major developments, there are currently no studies available that examined to what extent news articles are consistent with media recommendations when covering terrorist attacks. The current study explores the quality of media reports on terrorist attacks in light of recommendations for reporting on mass shootings (SAVE, 2017). We selected the recommendations by SAVE (2017) for our analysis, because (1) they provide a relatively large number of specific recommendations that allow adequate operationalization of coding definitions and categories; (2) they take different potentially harmful effects relevant to public mental health into account (i.e., traumatization of audiences, stigmatization of specific groups in the population, contagion effects); and (3) they were developed by a large group of international experts from various disciplines.

The extant literature indicates that terrorist attacks perpetrated by Islamist extremists receive greater media coverage than those carried out by far-right or far-left extremists (Elmasry and el-Nawawy, 2020). In fact, a study by Kearns et al. (2019) found that attacks by Muslim perpetrators received, on average, 357 percent more coverage in US news than attacks by non-Muslim perpetrators. Furthermore, evidence suggests that news media are more likely to categorize Islamist terrorist attacks as ‘terrorism’ and portray them in a more sensational manner and as more significant threats to society than other terrorist attacks (Elmasry and el-Nawawy, 2020; Hase, 2023; Powell, 2011; Völker, 2024). This might be indicative of the intergroup conflict (Tajfel and Turner, 1979) and the perception of Muslims as an out-group in Western society (Kaskeleviciute et al., 2024; Matthes and Kaskeleviciute, 2024). We thus expect that reports on Islamist terrorism would be less aligned with media recommendations (SAVE, 2017). Additionally, we hypothesize that the type of media influences the quality of media reporting about terrorist attacks. Given that German-language tabloid newspapers are known for their sensationalist reporting style and undifferentiated coverage of terrorist attacks (Esser, 1999; Hanusch, 2013; Von Sikorski et al., 2022), we expect that tabloid reporting are less consistent with recommendations for safe reporting on mass shootings (SAVE, 2017) compared to broadsheet newspapers.

Method

We conducted a content analysis of reports on terrorist attacks in Western Europe between 2016–2020 published in national daily newspapers in Austria and Germany. Newspaper reporting in Austria and Germany has many similarities (Trilling and Schönbach, 2013), making newspaper articles in these two countries comparable to each other. Based on the definition of mass shootings provided in the recommendations for reporting on mass shootings (SAVE, 2017), we only included reports on terrorist attacks resulting in at least three fatalities. We selected the 2016–2020 period for our analysis. We could not include more recent data because only data up to 2021 were available upon the start of data collection, and all terrorist attacks after 2020 were below the threshold of three fatalities. Based on these criteria, we identified 24 terrorist attacks in Western Europe between 2006 and 2020 via the Global Terrorism Database (START, 2022).

Sample

Inclusion criteria for newspapers was notable circulation in more than one federal state in the respective country and availability of the respective articles in the Austrian Press Agency (APA) news database. We selected the five most widely-read daily newspapers in Austria (Der Standard, Die Presse, Heute, Kronen Zeitung, Kurier) and Germany (BILD, Die Welt, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Handelsblatt, Süddeutsche Zeitung), respectively, based on current media reach analyses (Agma, 2022; Media Analyse, 2022). We included extra available Sunday and online editions.

We searched the APA news database for all news reports covering the 24 initially identified terrorist attacks published within the first week (0–7 days) of the respective terrorist attack with the search term combination of “terror” and the name of the city. We included only reports on nine terrorist attacks that generated a certain level of media coverage (i.e., a minimum of N = 500 articles; see Table 1 for details).

Table 1.

Overview of the nine terror attacks included in the content analysis.

Date(mm/dd/yyyy)	Country	City	Perpetrator(s)^a	Fatalities^a	Injured^a	Weapon^a	N of articles in database
03/22/2016	Belgium	Brussels	ISIL^b	17	135	Explosive	1178
07/14/2016	France	Nice	Jihadi-inspired extremist	87	433	Firearm, vehicle	553
07/22/2016	Germany	Munich	Anti-immigrant extremist	10	27	Firearms	704
12/19/2016	Germany	Berlin	Jihadi-inspired extremist	12	48	Vehicle	1254
05/22/2017	United Kingdom	Manchester	ISIL^b	23	119	Explosive	628
06/03/2017	United Kingdom	London	Jihadi-inspired extremists	11	48	Melée, vehicle	501
08/17/2017	Spain	Barcelona	Muslim extremists	14	101	Vehicle	677
02/19/2020	Germany	Hanau	Anti-immigrant extremist	5	3	Firearm	505
11/02/2020	Austria	Vienna	Jihadi-inspired extremists	5	22	Firearm, melée	1639

Based on entry in Global Terrorism Database.

ISIL = Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant.

For each of the 10 daily newspapers, we made a random selection of n = 15 news articles per terrorist attack for the immediate time period after the attack (i.e. 0–3 days) and the subsequent four days (i.e., 4–7 days), respectively, resulting in a maximum of n = 270 articles per outlet (i.e., 15 articles × 9 terrorist attacks × 2 time periods). This procedure ensured an even distribution of articles per terrorist attack, newspaper, and time period. If the number of articles of a specific newspaper on a specific terrorist attack in a specific time period was smaller than n = 15, then all available articles were included in the analysis. This approach, based on procedures applied in previous content analyses (Matthes et al., 2020; Von Sikorski et al., 2022), yielded a total sample of N = 2,323 articles.

We screened all selected articles and included them, when (1) more than 50 percent of the article dealt with the terrorist attack; (2) the title of the article referenced the terrorist attack in the respective city; or (3) the first paragraph dealt with the respective terrorist attack and was an integral part of the overall article (Matthes et al., 2020; Von Sikorski et al., 2022). Furthermore, articles that were published (1) with the same title, (2) in the same newspaper, and (3) in the same publication format (i.e., print, online) were considered duplicates and excluded (n = 310 articles). This resulted in a final sample of N = 1,909 articles (see Figure 1 for a flow diagram).

Coding procedure

The articles were analyzed by two coders (Brigitte Naderer, Benedikt Till). After coder training, we randomly selected N = 100 articles (approximately 5% of the total number of articles) for intercoder reliability tests. Krippendorff’s alpha was ⩾ .70 for all categories, which is commonly considered a substantial level of agreement between coders (Hallgren, 2012; Krippendorff, 2004).

Measures

Based on the media recommendations (SAVE, 2017), we conceptualized 21 coding categories, including 17 categories for characteristics that should be avoided (e.g., stating the attacker’s name, portraying the attacker as heroic or as a victim, showing graphic images of the crime scene) and four categories for characteristics related to prevention (e.g., providing resources for mental health, explaining that many factors contribute to violence, consulting a mental health expert) (see Supplementary Table 1 for an overview of all coded characteristics).

Based on the Global Terrorism Database (START, 2022), we considered the terrorist attacks in Hanau and Munich as terrorist attacks of right-wing terrorists and the terrorist attacks in Barcelona, Berlin, London, Manchester, Nice, and Vienna as terrorist attacks of Islamist terrorists (see Table 1). We labeled articles that (1) focused on more than one terrorist attack, (2) covered any terrorist attack other than the ones preselected, or (3) discussed terrorist attacks and terrorism in general as “other”. Furthermore, based on categorizations of Austrian and German newspapers in previous studies (Matthes et al., 2020; Till et al., 2018; Von Sikorski et al., 2022), we categorized the newspapers Heute, Kronen Zeitung, and BILD as tabloids and Der Standard, Kurier, Die Presse, Die Welt, Süddeutsche Zeitung, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, and Handelsblatt as broadsheets.

Data analysis

To compare the frequencies of individual item characteristics found in the retrieved articles with regard to type of attacker (i.e., Islamist vs. right-wing terrorist) and type of newspaper (i.e., tabloid vs. broadsheet newspaper), we conducted chi-squared tests or, in case of low frequencies, Fisher exact tests (Martínandrés and Tejedor, 1997). For the comparison of coverage of terrorist attacks by Islamist vs. right-wing terrorists, we excluded articles on terrorist attacks labeled as “other”.

Results

Of the N = 1,909 articles included in the content analysis, n = 1,264 (66.2%) covered a terrorist attack by an Islamic terrorist, n = 250 (13.1%) covered a terrorist attack by a right-wing terrorist, and n = 395 (20.7%) focused on multiple terrorist attacks or on terrorism in general and were labeled as “other”. A total of n = 485 articles (25.4%) were published in tabloid newspapers, whereas n = 1,424 (74.6%) articles were published in broadsheets.

The overall frequency of many characteristics that are recommended to be avoided were higher compared to characteristics related to prevention across all articles. For example, despite recommendations for safe reporting on mass shootings (SAVE, 2017) explicitly suggesting omitting these features, 28.3 percent (n = 540) of all articles stated the perpetrator’s name; 16.5 percent (n = 225) of all articles that contained at least one photo published a photo of the crime scene; and 51.4 percent (n = 91) of all articles that mentioned mental illness used stigmatizing language when describing mental health issues. In comparison, the overall frequency of prevention-related characteristics in all articles was relatively low. For example, only 0.6 percent (n = 11) of all articles provided information on resources for mental health, and of those articles that mentioned mental illness, only 11.9 percent (n = 21) cited a mental health expert. See Table 2 for an overview of the results.

Table 2.

Numbers of characteristics that are recommended to be avoided and characteristics related to prevention in retrieved newspaper articles on terrorist attacks (%).

	Right-wing attack(n = 250)	Islamist attack(n = 1,264)	χ²	Broadsheet newspaper(n = 1,424)	Tabloid newspaper(n = 485)	χ²
Characteristics to avoid:
Details of method	35 (14.0)	217 (17.2)	1.51	231 (16.2)	66 (13.6)	1.88
Details of planning	18 (7.2)	133 (10.5)	2.57	147 (10.3)	35 (7.2)	4.05^*
Heroic description of attacker	1 (0.4)	53 (4.2)	n/a^{a **}	56 (3.9)	19 (3.9)	0.00
Victimized description of attacker	22 (8.8)	37 (2.9)	19.22^***	79 (5.5)	19 (3.9)	1.97
Name of attacker stated	76 (30.4)	394 (31.2)	0.06	427 (30.0)	113 (23.3)	7.98^**
Citation of attacker	54 (21.6)	72 (5.7)	69.19^***	137 (9.6)	39 (8.0)	1.08
Citation of attacker’s family or friends	9 (3.6)	85 (6.7)	3.50	78 (5.5)	34 (7.0)	1.54
Citation terrorist group	13 (5.2)	206 (16.3)	20.78^***	236 (16.6)	33 (6.8)	28.52^***
Monocausal explanation of the attack	57 (22.8)	168 (13.3)	14.92^***	245 (17.2)	49 (10.1)	14.01^***
Mental illness mentioned	94 (37.6)	35 (2.8)	324.87^***	149 (10.5)	28 (5.8)	9.46^**
Stigmatizing description of mental illness	47 (50.0)^b	22 (62.9)^c	1.70	71 (47.7)^d	20 (71.4)^e	5.34^*
Citation of bereaved	21 (8.4)	62 (4.9)	4.92^*	56 (3.9)	29 (6.0)	3.56
Attack labeled as ‘suicide attack’	11 (4.4)	132 (10.4)	53.30^***	179 (12.6)	29 (6.0)	16.19^***
Suicide of attacker mentioned	67 (80.7)^j	129 (36.4)^k	8.91^**	235 (52.2)^l	29 (34.9)^m	8.37^**
Photo of crime scene	35 (18.0)^f	154 (17.1)^g	0.11	153 (15.8)^h	72 (18.1)ⁱ	1.05
Photo of attacker (mugshot)	3 (1.5)^f	48 (5.3)^g	n/a^{a *}	22 (2.3)^h	37 (9.3)ⁱ	33.61^***
Photo of attacker with weapons or in military style	9 (4.6)^f	66 (7.3)^g	1.80	54 (5.6)^h	39 (9.8)ⁱ	7.89^**
Characteristics related to prevention:
Resources for mental health	1 (0.4)	9 (0.7)	n/a^a	7 (0.5)	4 (0.8)	n/a^a
Mental health expert cited	6 (6.4)^b	4 (11.4)^c	n/a^a	19 (12.8)^d	2 (7.1)^e	n/a^a
Information about victims	56 (22.4)	202 (16.0)	6.08^*	215 (15.1)	70 (14.4)	0.13
Photo of victim	12 (6.2)^f	33 (3.7)^g	2.59	12 (1.2)^h	36 (9.0)ⁱ	50.62^***

Values are presented as frequencies with percentages given in parentheses. Symbols (*) indicate significant differences with chi-squared tests or, in case of low frequencies, Fisher exact tests; ^* p < .05. ^** p < .01. ^*** p < .001 (two-tailed).

n/a = not applicable, because Fisher exact test was calculated (which only provides p-values and no chi-squared-values) due to small cell sizes.

Of the n = 94 articles that mentioned mental illness of the attacker(s).

Of the n = 35 articles that mentioned mental illness of the attacker(s).

Of the n = 149 articles that mentioned mental illness of the attacker(s).

Of the n = 28 articles that mentioned mental illness of the attacker(s).

Of the n = 194 articles that contained a photo.

Of the n = 902 articles that contained a photo.

Of the n = 967 articles that contained a photo.

Of the n = 398 articles that contained a photo.

Of the n = 83 articles that reported that the terrorist attack resulted in the death of the attacker(s).

Of the n = 354 articles that reported that the terrorist attack resulted in the death of the attacker(s).

Of the n = 450 articles that reported that the terrorist attack resulted in the death of the attacker(s).

Of the n = 83 articles that reported that the terrorist attack resulted in the death of the attacker(s).

In contrast to articles about right-wing terrorist attacks, those featuring Islamist terrorist attacks included more descriptions of the attacker as heroic, more references to terrorist groups, and more images of the attacker. However, they included less victimization of the attacker, less citations of the attacker, less monocausal explanations of the terrorist attack, and less citations of bereaved individuals. Furthermore, Islamist terrorist attacks were more frequently labelled as ‘suicide attacks’ than right-wing terrorist attacks, whereas mental illness and suicide (as cause of death) were more frequently reported in articles about right-wing terrorist attacks. In terms of prevention-related characteristics, articles of right-wing terrorist attacks had a higher probability of providing details about victims’ lives than those of Islamist terrorist attacks.

When comparing articles in tabloids with those in broadsheets, we found that tabloids used more stigmatizing language regarding mental illness and were more likely to show photos of the attacker, both with and without weapons. However, tabloids were less likely than broadsheets to include other characteristics that are recommended to be avoided, such as details about the planning of the terrorist attack, the attacker’s name, citations by a terrorist group, or monocausal explanations of the attack. References to mental illness, suicide, and ‘suicide attacks’ were more common in broadsheets than tabloids. In terms of prevention-related characteristics, articles in tabloids had a higher probability of publishing photos of victims of the terrorist attack than articles in broadsheets.

Discussion

This study found that Austrian and German newspapers’ coverage of terrorist attacks often did not align with recommendations for safe reporting on mass shootings (SAVE, 2017). Articles tended to frequently include characteristics that are recommended to be avoided and lacked characteristics related to prevention. The current reporting may increase prejudice and stigmatization against individuals with mental illness, traumatize survivors, and potentially trigger imitational incidents (Holman et al., 2014; Jetter, 2017; Laido et al., 2020; Meindl and Ivy, 2017; Monfort and Afzali, 2017; Pfefferbaum et al., 2018; Powell, 2018; Shoshani and Slone, 2008; Von Sikorski et al., 2021). This practice in media reporting may stem from lack of awareness of the potential effects of media reports about terrorist attacks that feature graphic images and details about the terrorists and their attacks as well as unfamiliarity with recommendations for safe reporting on mass shootings (SAVE, 2017). This reporting style does not align with the current understanding of constructive journalism. This conceptualization suggests reporting on solutions and developments alongside problems and disasters in order to provide a more balanced framing of events (McIntyre and Gyldensted, 2017; Van Antwerpen et al., 2025).

In 2016, several French news media (e.g., Le Monde, La Croix) decided as an act of self-imposed voluntary commitment of the editorial teams to no longer publish names and photos of terrorists, and called for a further debate on developing and implementing a common codex for media reporting on terrorist attacks (Dalton, 2016; Ehrenberg and Huber, 2016). Some German media outlets (e.g., Die Zeit, B.Z. am Sonntag) supported this decision and likewise started to ban identifying information of terrorists from the cover pages of their publications, but refused to commit to an absolute and mandatory embargo of images of terrorists (Ehrenberg and Huber, 2016). Efforts to create more awareness on the potential effects of sensational media reports about terrorist attacks among journalists may prompt a rethinking of how to report terrorist attacks within the editorial offices. A first integral step in order to initiate this process may be to translate current recommendations for safe reporting on mass shootings (SAVE, 2017) into German, tailor them to current local reporting styles, and promote them in press releases, on social media, and in curricula for media training and journalism.

Media coverage of terrorist attacks varied with the assumed political background or motive of the perpetrator. Coverage of Islamist terrorist attacks tended to focus more on the identity of the perpetrator (e.g., these articles more often contained photos of the attacker). The predominant narrative in these types of articles seemed to be that the perpetrator was a specifically recruited and trained individual (often referred to as ‘soldier’) who carried out a ‘suicide attack’, which was later claimed by a terrorist group. This is despite the fact that 12 out of 15 perpetrators, who were involved in the examined Islamist terrorist attacks and died during the attack, did not officially die in a ‘suicide attack’ (i.e., by explosives attached to their bodies), but were actually killed by police forces. The media tended to use the term ‘suicide’ in an unreflective and misleading way when reporting about Islamist terrorist attacks, which may stigmatize suicidal individuals and label them inadvertently as dangerous.

The narrative found in the current study is consistent with previous content analyses concluding that news media more often frame violence by Islamist terrorists as terrorism, and portray them as bigger threats to society due to their networks and organized terrorist cells than violence by right- or left-wing terrorists (Hase, 2023; Powell, 2011). Consistent with this pattern, articles on Islamist terrorist attacks in the current study had the tendency to cite terrorist groups (e.g., ISIS), whereas articles on right-wing terrorists had a higher probability of quoting the attacker himself, indicating that there was no network involved and the attacker was acting alone. This pattern of media framing aligns with social identity theory (Tajfel and Turner, 1986), as Islamist attackers are portrayed as members of a cohesive outgroup, emphasizing collective threat, whereas right-wing attackers are portrayed as isolated individuals, minimizing perceptions of a broader networked threat.

Articles on right-wing terrorism tended to focus on the motives of the attacker for their actions, often citing mental health issues as a reason for the terrorist attack. Accordingly, right-wing terrorists were more frequently portrayed as victims of traumatic adversaries. A similar tendency to ‘humanize’ non-Islamist terrorists by providing details of their private life (e.g., personal relationships, daily life routines) aiming to enhance readers’ understanding of potential motives was found in a previous study (Elmasry and el-Nawawy, 2020). The portrayal of a ‘dehumanized other’ is considered a strategy to emphasize differences between an in-group and an out-group in order to internalize and systematize a common enemy, which has been frequently identified in Western media’s portrayal of Islamists (Steuter and Wills, 2009). We additionally found that articles on right-wing extremists tended to emphasize the impact the terrorist attack caused on victims and their families.

The finding that the media report differently about Islamist and right-wing terrorist attacks and constantly perpetuate these trivializing patterns is consistent with social identity theory and the assumption that in-group members are described in a manner that strengthens one’s own identity, while members of a perceived out-group tend to be portrayed in a negative way (Tajfel and Turner, 1986). This is very worrying from a public health and safety perspective. Stories that describe perpetrators of terrorism with the very same profiles as those identified in the present study for Islamist and right-wing terrorists, respectively, may counteract efforts in terrorism prevention and counter terrorism surveillance by disregarding potentially dangerous individuals who do not fit the profiles commonly provided. This may result in an underestimation of safety threats posed by individuals, organizations, or structures that are not consistent with the characteristics portrayed and emphasized in the media. For example, in contrast to the portrayal of right-wing extremists predominantly found in the current study, there have been several cases of terrorist attacks in the past that involved right-wing terrorists who actually did not commit their attacks alone, but were part of a larger network (e.g., the National Socialist Underground in Germany) (START, 2022). Furthermore, the identified tendency to associate mental ill health specifically with right-wing terrorism stigmatizes individuals with mental health issues and may increase barriers to seeking help when experiencing mental health issues (Casados, 2017). Journalists should take greater care to avoid reproducing stereotypes when reporting on terrorist attacks.

The quality of coverage of terrorist attacks also varied by media type. Contrary to our expectations (Esser, 1999; Hanusch, 2013; Von Sikorski et al., 2022), broadsheets were no less sensationalist when reporting about terrorist attacks than tabloids. In fact, articles in broadsheets were more likely to contain features such as naming the attacker, detailing the planning of the terrorist attack, and linking violence to mental health issues. It could be argued that this pattern was observed because broadsheet articles were significantly longer and therefore covered more aspects of terrorism compared to tabloids. Despite their greater length, however, these articles were not more likely to contain prevention-related characteristics than tabloids.

Some characteristics that are crucial to avoid for responsible reporting on terrorist attacks were still more frequently found in tabloids. For example, tabloids had a higher probability of publishing a photo of the attacker, including those that depicted the attacker along with their weapons or in military style. Furthermore, if mental illness of the attacker was reported, articles in tabloids had a higher probability of using stigmatizing descriptions. These findings may reflect the sensationalist reporting style of tabloids, particularly related to death and terrorism (Esser, 1999; Hanusch, 2013; Von Sikorski et al., 2022), and is consistent with stigmatizing language found in previous studies (Bowen et al., 2019). Tabloid journalists may need to be more informed about negative effects of stigmatizing language when discussing mental health issues. For example, the Austrian initiative Stigmafrei, which is led by individuals affected by mental health issues and their relatives, informs journalists about harms from stigmatizing reporting (Niederkrotenthaler and Ladinser, 2021). Aspects of terrorism coverage should be included in such education efforts to appease constructive journalism (McIntyre and Gyldensted, 2017; Van Antwerpen et al., 2025). Furthermore, strategies and measures to improve the quality of reporting on terrorist attacks need to concern all types of publications.

Limitations of this study

The study has some limitations. First, we only assessed articles on terrorist attacks in Western Europe published in major Austrian and German newspapers, limiting generalizability to other media types, regions, or cultures. Second, the definition of terrorist attacks was based on the Global Terrorism Database (START, 2022), which has been criticized in the past for not registering all types of terrorist attacks as well as blurring the line between terrorism and other forms of (political) violence (Hase, 2023). Third, because we only analyzed articles published within the first week of the respective terrorist attack, we might have missed patterns in article content later on in time. Fourth, we have coded all articles solely based on the recommendations for reporting on mass shootings developed by SAVE (2017). While there are considerable overlaps with media recommendations for reporting on extremism and terrorism provided in other guidelines (European Commission, 2021; OSCE, 2019), there might have been some other characteristics of terrorism media reporting that were not captured by our approach. Finally, we analyzed the quality of news reporting in articles on terrorist attacks retrieved from the most widely read (available) daily newspapers in Austria and Germany, regardless of the respective newspaper’s focus. For example, the German daily newspaper Handelsblatt has a particular focus on news related to economy and finance. We did not take any topical focus of the newspapers into account in the data analysis.

Conclusion

The study revealed gaps between recommended and actual reporting on terrorist attacks, as articles in Austrian and German newspapers mainly did not align with recommendations for safe reporting on mass shootings (SAVE, 2017). A change in policies in the editorial offices of both tabloid and broadsheet newspapers with a clear commitment to responsible reporting on terrorist attacks is needed for a possible improvement in the quality of coverage of terrorism.

Supplemental Material

sj-docx-1-mwc-10.1177_17506352261421848 – Supplemental material for Content analysis of Austrian and German newspaper coverage of terrorist attacks in light of recommendations for reporting on mass shootings

Supplemental material, sj-docx-1-mwc-10.1177_17506352261421848 for Content analysis of Austrian and German newspaper coverage of terrorist attacks in light of recommendations for reporting on mass shootings by Benedikt Till, Thomas Niederkrotenthaler and Brigitte Naderer in Media, War & Conflict

Footnotes

Acknowledgements

We thank Zrinka Laido for her input in developing the coding system for the current content analysis.

ORCID iDs

Benedikt Till

Thomas Niederkrotenthaler

Brigitte Naderer

Ethical Considerations

Not applicable

Consent to participate

The manuscript does not report findings from studies involving human participants, human data or human tissue.

Author contributions

Benedikt Till: Conceptualization, formal analysis, investigation, methodology, project administration, funding acquisition, supervision, visualization, writing – original draft.

Thomas Niederkrotenthaler: Conceptualization, methodology, supervision, writing – review and editing.

Brigitte Naderer: Conceptualization, data curation, investigation, methodology, supervision, visualization, writing – review and editing

Funding

This research was funded in whole by the Austrian Science Fund (FWF) [Grant-DOI: 10.55776/P36029]. For open access purposes, the authors have applied a CC BY public copyright licence to any author-accepted manuscript version arising from this submission.

Declaration of conflicting interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and publication of this article.

Data availability statement

The data underlying this article (i.e., the newspaper articles) were provided by the Austrian Press Agency (APA) and are subject to copyright restrictions; they cannot be shared publicly. The dataset generated and analyzed during the current study (i.e., coding data) is available at: .

Supplemental material

Supplemental material for this article is available online.

Author biographies

Benedikt Till (DSc) is Associate Professor at the Public Mental Health Research Unit, Center for Public Health, Medical University of Vienna, Austria. He is an internationally recognized expert in the area of mental health and the media and a founding board member of the Wiener Werkstaette for Suicide Research.

Thomas Niederkrotenthaler (MD, PhD) is Full Professor and Head of the Public Mental Health Research Unit, Department of Social and Preventive Medicine, Center for Public Health, Medical University of Vienna, Austria. He is an internationally recognized expert in the area of suicide prevention research. Address: as Benedikt Till. [email: thomas.niederkrotenthaler@meduniwien.ac.at]

Brigitte Naderer (PhD, Univeristy of Vienna) is a researcher at the Public Mental Health Research Unit, Center for Public Health, Medical University of Vienna, Austria. Her research focuses on the effects of the media on adolescents and young adults, media literacy, and health communication. Address: as Benedikt Till. [email: brigitte.naderer@meduniwien.ac.at]

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