Cultural skimming,authenticity,and streaming preferences: Turkish serials ( dizi ) among young audiences in Qatar,Saudi Arabia,and the UAE

Abstract

This article explores how young audiences in Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates engage with Turkish television serials (dizi) within a fragmented digital media environment shaped by international streaming platforms and algorithmically curated social media. Drawing on exploratory, participant-led focus groups, the study examines how participants interact with Turkish serials produced as international streaming originals in comparison to traditional Turkish broadcast serials. Participants expressed a clear preference for broadcast dizi, which they described as emotionally compelling, culturally proximate, and reflective of what this study terms culturally sanctioned fantasy. These are narrative spaces that enable emotionally engaging yet culturally appropriate storytelling. In contrast, Turkish streaming originals were often viewed as emotionally detached and culturally distant. This response reflects an inverse cultural discount effect, in which narratives lose their appeal when reformatted for global audiences. Social media platforms, particularly TikTok and Instagram, played a central role in content discovery, often promoting episodic, short-form engagement. To describe this mode of viewing, the article introduces the analytical term cultural skimming, which captures the fragmented and algorithmically driven nature of serial engagement. These findings contribute to ongoing debates on cultural proximity, mediated authenticity, and transnational media reception within contemporary digital viewing practices.

Introduction

Since the mid-2000s, Turkish television serials, known in Türkiye as dizi, have become prominent within global television circulation, reaching audiences in over 170 countries and positioning Türkiye as the world’s third-largest exporter of scripted content (World Content Market, 2025). While Turkish serials have gained substantial popularity in Latin America and Europe, the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region represents one of their most commercially and culturally significant international markets (Arab News, 2017; France 24, 2024). The sustained popularity of dizi in the region is often attributed to cultural proximity, emotionally resonant storytelling, relatable portrayals of family and social dynamics, and high production values that blend traditional values with aspirational modernity (Al-Jenaibi, 2017; Alardawi et al., 2021; Berg, 2017; Buccianti, 2010). At the same time, existing scholarship has focused primarily on Turkish serials produced for domestic television, with studies emphasising regional circulation, soft power, geopolitics, and gendered appeal (Alardawi, 2023; Aljammazi and Asil, 2017; Berg, 2020b, 2022, 2023; Bermaki, 2017; Khedimi, 2021; Kraidy, 2019; Kraidy and Al-Ghazzi, 2013; Navani, 2022; Salamandra, 2012; Yanardağoğlu and Karam, 2013). In contrast, how younger Arab audiences engage with Turkish dizi produced specifically as international streaming originals remains largely underexplored. Such serials represent a relatively new phenomenon within transnational media flows and are characterised by shorter episodes, faster narrative pacing, and diversified genres designed specifically for global streaming audiences (Berg, 2023b; BroadcastPro, 2025; Vivarelli, 2022). However, prior studies suggest that younger Arab viewers, particularly men, often first encountered dizi passively through older female relatives, perceiving them as overly romantic, melodramatic, and primarily targeted at women, thereby reinforcing a generational, gendered distance from the genre (Berg, 2017, 2020b). This generational gap further highlights the need to examine how younger viewers perceive and engage with newer streaming formats in comparison to traditional Turkish television serials. This study addresses this gap by examining how younger Arab audiences in Qatar, Saudi Arabia (KSA), and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) engage with Turkish serials on international streaming platforms. These three countries were selected for their significant economic power, robust digital infrastructures, and regional influence on media consumption trends (Dennis et al., 2019; Khalil, 2024; Zayani and Khalil, 2024). Using exploratory, participant-led focus groups, the study investigates audience perceptions of streaming originals, engagement patterns, and factors shaping content discovery. Discussions were guided by open-ended prompts, allowing themes such as cultural familiarity, aesthetic preferences, and platform use to emerge organically. Key analytical concepts, including cultural proximity, mediated authenticity, and uses and gratifications, were drawn directly from participants’ narratives. These narratives ground the study in current debates on transnational media engagement and digital viewing among Arab youth.

From Ramadan schedules to regional shifts: Dizi and Arab media

To understand the prominence of Turkish dizi within the Arab media landscape, it is important to examine their initial reception and strategic positioning in the region. A pivotal moment was the 2008 airing of the dizi Noor (known in Türkiye as Gümüş) (2005–2007), by the Saudi-owned Middle East Broadcasting Center (MBC), widely regarded as the most influential media network in the MENA region (Khalil and Kraidy, 2017). Scheduled during Ramadan, traditionally the peak television season across the Arab world, Noor benefited from heightened family viewership following the evening meal (iftar), a period of intensive drama consumption. Ramadan programming typically features Arab-produced serials specifically commissioned for broadcast during the holy month (Buccianti, 2016; Khalil and Kraidy, 2017). Thus, airing a Turkish dizi during Ramadan represented a significant departure from established programming norms. Nevertheless, MBC’s strategy proved highly effective. Noor reportedly attracted up to 85 million viewers, significantly boosting the popularity of dizi within the Arab television market (Al-Sweel, 2008; Kimmelman, 2010; Oxford Business Group, 2012).

MBC’s decision to dub Noor into Syrian colloquial Arabic, rather than into Modern Standard Arabic, or using subtitles, represented a notable shift from previous dubbing practices used for Latin American telenovelas (Berg, 2017, 2023b; Salamandra, 2012). The use of a familiar dialect improved accessibility and emotional connection, particularly for viewers less comfortable with subtitled content. This dubbing strategy subsequently influenced broader regional practices for adapting dizi and other serial content (Al-Jenaibi, 2017; Berg, 2023b; Khalil, 2020).

Scholars have identified structural factors such as declining production in traditional Arab media hubs, increased audience demand, improved diplomatic and economic ties between Türkiye and various Arab states, and perceptions of high-quality Turkish imports, as contributors to the regional popularity of dizi (Bryant and Hatay, 2013; Gürzel, 2014; Kraidy and Al-Ghazzi, 2013; Yanardağoğlu and Karam, 2013). Recent audience-based research suggests that dizi do more than merely fill production gaps. Instead, they address representational and affective gaps in Arab media through emotionally resonant storytelling, and culturally relevant themes such as family relationships, gender dynamics, and experiences of modernity (Al-Jenaibi, 2017; Alardawi, 2023; Berg, 2023b; Yanardağoğlu and Karam, 2013). These themes are often approached differently, or avoided altogether by local productions, due to prevailing cultural norms and industry practices (Khalil and Kraidy, 2017). MBC’s early investment in dizi leveraged its extensive pan-Arab infrastructure, enabling effective content adaptation for culturally diverse audiences and accommodating linguistic variations across regional Arabic dialects throughout the MENA region. This strategic infrastructure advantage has facilitated consistent high audience metrics such as ratings and viewer loyalty, reinforcing dizi as attractive imports. As a result, Arab broadcasters regularly acquire these serials, viewing them as reliable and audience-tested productions with proven regional appeal (Acosta-Alzuru, 2021; Al Tamimi, 2012; Berg, 2023).

Although Ramadan remains central to Arab television programming strategies, changing viewer habits, particularly among younger audiences, indicate a growing shift towards digital and on-demand viewing beyond this peak season. Responding to these evolving trends, MBC has expanded its subscription-based streaming platform Shahid, and established strategic partnerships with leading Turkish production companies, including Medyapim and Ay Yapim. These collaborations grant Shahid exclusive access and co-production rights to Turkish dizi, allowing MBC effectively to align its offerings with the emerging preferences of digitally connected Arab audiences, who increasingly seek year-round content availability and flexibility (Berg, 2023b; Zayani and Khalil, 2024).

Cultural proximity in the digital streaming age

Cultural proximity remains a significant analytical concept in media studies, offering insights into how audiences engage with content that reflects their linguistic, social, or cultural contexts (La Pastina and Straubhaar, 2005; Straubhaar, 1991, 2007). Recent scholarship complicates this perspective, however, suggesting that emotional resonance and thematic affinity may sometimes surpass shared national or linguistic affiliations (Eichner, 2020; Esser, 2020). Jensen and McCutcheon (2020) argue that viewers can strongly connect with culturally distant content when it conveys emotional authenticity, a process described as ‘same-ing the Other’. Similarly, Kaptan (2020) finds that Turkish viewers appreciate Danish dramas due to their distinctive artistic qualities, while Jacobsen and Meleiro (2020) demonstrate that Brazilian audiences interpret transnational content through localised ideological frameworks. These studies collectively highlight cultural proximity as a negotiated, context-sensitive phenomenon shaped by emotional connections, aspirational themes, and interpretive practices.

The proliferation of streaming platforms further complicates traditional notions of cultural proximity. Algorithmic recommendation systems reshape viewing patterns by integrating global and local content, challenging conventional assumptions about proximity-driven consumption (Chalaby, 2023; Lotz et al., 2022). Although cultural familiarity remains important, even Straubhaar in his later work with colleagues (Straubhaar et al., 2021) recognises that audiences increasingly select content based on aesthetic preferences, emotional resonance, and thematic relevance, rather than solely on cultural similarity. These shifting dynamics are evident in audience engagement with dizi. Berg and Sansalone (2024) observe that Italian audiences are attracted to Turkish serials due to their blend of traditional values and aspirational narratives. Similarly, Berg (2023b) highlights that viewers in Arab, Chilean, and Israeli contexts engage with dizi differently, reflecting varied ideological positions and cultural expectations. Athique (2016) characterises this form of engagement as ‘non-resident viewing’, emphasising affective resonance with distant yet symbolically meaningful narratives, and further highlights the role of social imagination, whereby audience interpretations are shaped by lived experiences as much as by media content. Such developments indicate a broader transformation in audience practices. Zayani and Khalil (2024) describe regional experiences of digital media consumption as a ‘digital double bind’, where access to global content coincides with enduring attachments to culturally situated storytelling. In this context, engagement with dizi involves more than cultural familiarity alone. Viewers actively evaluate characters and storylines according to perceived emotional credibility and social plausibility (Berg, 2020a, 2022; Yanardağoğlu and Turhallı, 2020). Cultural proximity, therefore, emerges not as a fixed determinant, but as a relational and dynamic process, continually reframed by transnational flows, digital infrastructures, and evolving audience sensibilities (Berg, 2020; Georgiou, 2014; Qureshi, 2007).

Negotiating authenticity: Emotional realism and mediated believability

Building upon the discussion of cultural proximity, authenticity further clarifies how audiences engage deeply with transnational media. Rather than being an objective measure, authenticity refers to audiences’ subjective perception of how credibly media narratives reflect emotional and social realities (Ang, 1985; Esser, 2020; Van Leeuwen, 2001). Authenticity is thus dynamically constructed and continually renegotiated through viewers’ cultural experiences, social identities, and emotional expectations (Enli, 2015). Emotional realism, a key dimension of authenticity, emphasises believable portrayals of relationships, characters, and social situations that resonate emotionally with viewers’ lived experiences (Ang, 1985; Berg, 2022, 2023a; Esser, 2020; Kaptan, 2020, 2021). Ang’s (1985) foundational analysis highlights how audiences connect emotionally with media narratives through perceived emotional truths rather than through factual accuracy. Esser (2020) similarly notes that emotional credibility often matters more than empirical realism, as audiences evaluate narratives through recognisable emotional and social structures. Mediated authenticity, closely related but distinct, addresses audiences’ critical awareness that media narratives are constructed, yet are emotionally credible. Enli (2015) describes this as a negotiation, or ‘authenticity contract’, where producers blend culturally familiar elements with subtle narrative innovations to establish believability. Recent studies underscore this dynamic, illustrating that mediated authenticity emerges from balancing recognisable cultural narratives with emotionally compelling portrayals (Berg, 2023a; Enli, 2015; Khalil, 2024). However, global platform strategies seem to complicate these dynamics. Khalil (2024) argues that Netflix’s Arabic originals, despite claims of authenticity, often simplify local realities, highlighting discrepancies between intended and perceived authenticity. Therefore, authenticity in transnational media can be understood as an ongoing negotiation, involving emotional realism, cultural credibility, and narrative believability, potentially facilitating meaningful audience connections across diverse global contexts.

Uses and gratifications in the streaming era

The Uses and Gratifications (U&G) framework provides a valuable lens to understand audience motivations for engaging with media content and platforms. While cultural proximity (Straubhaar, 2007) and mediated authenticity (Enli, 2015) help explain how viewers connect culturally and emotionally with narratives, U&G specifically addresses why audiences actively select particular platforms, genres, and content within their media routines.

Initially developed to examine active audience behaviour, U&G proposes that individuals purposefully engage with media to fulfil psychological and social needs, such as entertainment, escapism, identity exploration, and social interaction (Ruggiero, 2000). Central to U&G is the notion of audience agency and contextualised decision-making, positioning it as an alternative to deterministic models of media consumption (Chen, 2011; Dhir et al., 2017). Contemporary scholarship further emphasises how streaming platforms, through personalised recommendation algorithms and distinctive platform affordances, complicate traditional understandings of audience autonomy, and reshape viewing practices (Deuze, 20111; Steiner and Xu, 2020; Taneja and Webster, 2016).

Platform-specific affordances, such as personalised recommendations, autoplay features, and binge-viewing interfaces, play a significant role in structuring audience interactions with content (Napoli, 2011, 2014; Sundar and Limperos, 2013). Although designed to enhance user experiences by simplifying content selection and enabling continuous viewing, these features simultaneously blur boundaries between active choice and passive consumption, redefining conventional notions of viewer engagement and media use (Anghelcev et al., 2021; Steiner and Xu, 2020).

Motivations identified in recent streaming research include emotional connection, escapism, cultural inclusion, routine, and social interaction (Camilleri and Falzon, 2021; Malik et al., 2016; Steiner and Xu, 2020). These motivations are further shaped by cultural and regional contexts such as linguistic accessibility, narrative complexity, and local storytelling traditions (Lotz et al., 2022; Park et al., 2025). Enhanced narrative immersion and emotional engagement have emerged as key gratifications sought by viewers, underscoring the importance of emotional realism and mediated authenticity within contemporary media environments (Anghelcev et al., 2021; Steiner and Xu, 2020).

Social media platforms, particularly TikTok and Instagram, increasingly shape contemporary viewing practices by promoting short, user-generated clips and highlights through algorithmic feeds. Drawing on participants’ accounts, this study introduces the analytical term cultural skimming to describe the way viewers increasingly discover and engage with Turkish serials through fragmented, algorithmically driven interactions. These engagements are typically episodic and lack sustained narrative immersion, reflecting a shift towards incidental and selective exposure. Recent research confirms that such short-form content often prompts passive, high-engagement responses, with discovery shaped more by algorithmic visibility than by deliberate choice (Molem et al. 2024; Zannettou et al., 2024). These findings reflect broader transformations in digital media environments, where user practices and platform algorithms intersect to shape content visibility and audience behaviour (Lotz et al., 2022; Kim and Zo 2025; Napoli, 2014).

In combination, the U&G framework and cultural skimming offer a lens for understanding how audiences navigate platform affordances and media content in algorithmically curated environments.

Methodology

This study examines the extent to which university students aged 18 to 25 in Qatar, the UAE, and KSA, engage with Turkish serials produced specifically as streaming originals for international platforms. This demographic is characterised by high digital connectivity and substantial exposure to transnational media. Although not representative of all Gulf youth, their perspectives offer valuable insights into contemporary regional streaming practices. The selected Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries, Qatar, UAE, and KSA, are particularly appropriate due to their robust digital infrastructures, economic prominence, and role as significant markets for Turkish serials (Buccianti, 2016; Navani, 2022; Tokyay, 2017; Zayani and Khalil, 2024). The study employs focus groups to facilitate participant-led discussions and capture diverse viewpoints, drawing on methodological approaches well-established in audience research (Krueger, 2014; Morgan, 1997) and cultural and media studies (Livingstone, 2002). Participants were recruited through personal networks and snowball sampling to ensure diverse representation (Biernacki and Waldorf, 1981; Sadler et al., 2010). In each country, 10 focus groups were conducted, evenly divided by gender into five male and five female groups to accommodate cultural sensitivities. Each group comprised four to eight undergraduate students enrolled at universities in the respective countries. Verbal consent was obtained in both English and Arabic to ensure ethical clarity and transparency. Discussions were conducted according to each country’s prevalent linguistic practices. In Qatar, sessions took place in English due to the researcher’s limited Arabic proficiency. Although English is the primary language of instruction at international universities in Qatar, and informal code-switching between English and Arabic is common in everyday student interaction, such code-switching was not observed during the sessions. In the UAE, bilingual discussions incorporating both English and Arabic naturally reflected participants’ typical communication patterns. In KSA, discussions were conducted entirely in Arabic, reflecting the predominant instructional language at the participants’ institutions.

The focus groups were exploratory, and participant-driven. Discussions began with open-ended prompts regarding participants’ awareness of, and engagement with, Turkish serials produced as international streaming originals. Conversations subsequently progressed to include viewing habits, platform preferences, and content evaluations. This flexible approach allowed participants to share detailed insights, based on their everyday media experiences. Each session lasted between 45 and 90 minutes, depending on participant engagement and depth of conversation. Data collection methods included face-to-face and virtual formats. In Qatar, focus groups were conducted in person. In the UAE and KSA, sessions occurred virtually via Zoom, due to logistical factors and participant preferences. Institutional gender segregation policies in KSA necessitated virtual meetings for male participants. Zoom’s interactive features supported equitable participation by managing turn-taking effectively and ensuring balanced contributions among participants (Lathen and Laestadius, 2021). Virtual discussions provided flexibility and accessibility but required careful management to address technical issues and maintain participant engagement (Keen et al., 2022; Lobe et al., 2020).

All sessions were audio-recorded and transcribed verbatim, with Arabic transcripts being subsequently translated into English. Data were analysed thematically, using the framework proposed by Braun and Clarke (2019). Manual coding allowed close engagement with the data, enabling themes to emerge directly from participants’ narratives. This approach ensured rigorous immersion in qualitative data, enhancing the trustworthiness and reliability of the analysis (Nowell et al., 2017).

Findings

The findings are organised around three key themes. The first examines how participants evaluated streaming platforms in relation to authenticity and cultural familiarity. The second focuses on gendered patterns of emotional engagement and genre preference. The third explores how social media platforms shaped discovery and viewing practices. Together, these themes highlight how cultural proximity, authenticity, and platform dynamics influence engagement with dizi among younger Gulf audiences.

Platform preferences and perceptions of authenticity

Participants frequently described their platform choices as connected to evaluations of narrative authenticity. While several services were discussed, Shahid and Netflix were the most consistently referenced in shaping engagement with dizi. Shahid was often perceived as offering more emotionally grounded and culturally familiar content, particularly because it features serials originally produced for Turkish broadcast television. These were commonly associated with themes such as family, honour, and social cohesion.

The Netflix ones look better in terms of production, but they don’t feel Turkish. It’s like they are made for a different audience.

They try so hard to be like American shows but I think it doesn’t work.

Participants often framed Shahid’s content as closer to their lived experience, whereas Netflix’s Turkish originals were described as aesthetically polished but emotionally distant. These responses echo Enli’s (2015) concept of mediated authenticity, where emotional credibility and cultural recognisability play a central role in audience engagement. Participants’ views also reflect concerns raised by Khalil (2024) about the Netflix paradox, in which global content strategies may obscure or dilute key cultural markers that initially foster audience attachment.

Platform preferences appeared shaped not only by narrative content but also by the broader ethos of each service. Shahid was seen as preserving the aesthetic and moral sensibilities of Turkish television, whereas Netflix was associated with narratives tailored for more global audiences. These distinctions may reflect a reversal of the cultural discount described by Hoskins and Mirus (1988), where attempts to universalise culturally specific content can result in diminished resonance.

Although participants expressed reservations about Netflix’s Turkish serials, some also referenced Miracle in Cell No. 7 (2019), a film centred on a mentally impaired father wrongfully imprisoned for murder and his relationship with his young daughter. The film was brought up briefly and described as emotionally powerful.

I cried so much during that movie. It was the only thing on Netflix that felt really emotional and close to our values.

While the film did not spark extended discussion, it suggested that participants were willing to distinguish among types of Turkish content on Netflix. Unlike the serials that were viewed as culturally disconnected, Miracle in Cell No. 7 was seen as more emotionally grounded and more consistent with participants’ expectations of affective storytelling marked by recognisable cultural markers.

Participants also compared dizi to regional Arab productions, particularly referencing One Wife is Not Enough (Zawja Waheda La Takfi) (2024). This Ramadan serial was criticised in regional media for its portrayal of polygamy and marital infidelity, which several participants considered inappropriate for family-oriented viewing during the holy month (Al Bawaba, 2024; Kuwait Local News, 2024).

That show crossed the line. Ramadan is supposed to be about family and faith. Instead, we were watching scenes about cheating and multiple wives.

In Gulf shows, especially during Ramadan, you expect something that brings the family together. But sometimes it feels like they are trying too hard to be shocking. Turkish dramas don’t need to go that far to be interesting.

By contrast, dizi were described as addressing similarly provocative themes with more narrative restraint and cultural sensitivity.

Even when Turkish shows show relationships or difficult topics, they don’t make you feel uncomfortable. They know where the limits are.

These reflections were not only about individual taste but often about the social context of viewing. Several participants implicitly or explicitly assessed dizi based on whether the content was appropriate for shared family settings, including during culturally significant periods such as Ramadan. In this sense, dizi were not only culturally legible but also socially manageable, offering narratives that could be watched with parents or siblings without discomfort.

These comparisons contributed to broader assessments of authenticity. For many participants, authenticity was understood not solely in terms of national origin or production context, but rather in relation to how effectively a narrative engaged with moral boundaries and social expectations. Dizi were often perceived to navigate this balance more effectively than some regional alternatives, which contributed to their continued emotional appeal among younger Gulf audiences.

Genre preferences and gendered emotional engagement

Participants also expressed genre preferences that often aligned with gendered patterns of emotional investment and identification. Male participants frequently mentioned historical and action-oriented serials, particularly Diriliş: Ertuğrul (2014–2019), Kuruluş Osman (2019– 2025), and Çukur (2017–2021). These serials were described as emotionally powerful and morally grounded, often portraying ideals such as bravery, faith, and collective responsibility.

Watching Kuruluş Osman reminded me of how our history is filled with courage and faith. It’s more than just entertainment, it’s inspiring.

Historical Turkish dramas are different because they show real courage. It is not just about romance. It is about values and honour.

Çukur was described as emotionally intense and socially layered. Participants understood it as a contemporary crime drama that blended action, loyalty, and moral ambiguity within an urban setting.

I watched all the episodes of Çukur, not dubbed but with subtitles in the original language, because it combined different genres. Even my close friends became hooked, and when we travelled to Türkiye, we visited the filming locations.

These responses suggest that dizi such as Kuruluş Osman and Çukur functioned for some male participants as emotionally resonant texts through which Muslim masculinity and collective identity could be affirmed. These portrayals were frequently contrasted with what participants implicitly understood as the absence or marginalisation of Muslim male figures in Western media. This interpretation is supported by recent studies that highlight how historical dizi provide symbolic spaces for reclaiming Muslim representation and cultural agency (Berg, 2023b; Yilmaz and Shakil, 2021). The contrast with female participants’ emphasis on emotional, relational, and aspirational narratives highlights the importance of considering how genre preferences are shaped not only by cultural familiarity but also by gendered frameworks of meaning, emotional engagement, and representation.

Female participants often described strong emotional connections to traditional dizi genres that focus on romantic relationships, family dynamics, and interpersonal conflict. These serials were commonly valued for their emotional realism and their ability to explore private life in a culturally respectful manner. Their appeal was also closely tied to intergenerational viewing practices, especially with mothers or other female relatives.

I used to watch these shows with my mom after school. It became our thing, and I still think of her every time I watch a Turkish drama.

Participants emphasised that these serials enabled them to engage with aspirational or emotionally complex storylines while remaining within socially acceptable limits.

Turkish shows, we watch them because the way they think about things is very similar, things that are acceptable or are not. If you see a romantic relationship, okay, there are things that we do not see here, but they know their boundaries. I feel these limits are very well put in.

American or even some Arab shows sometimes feel inappropriate for different reasons. That is why Turkish dramas are much better. They have visually appealing aesthetics but also follow cultural norms that we understand.

These reflections suggest that female participants assessed dizi not only for emotional and aesthetic appeal but also for how well they navigated cultural and moral boundaries. Their preferences were grounded in an interpretive practice conceptualised here as culturally sanctioned fantasy, in which viewers could explore themes of love, ambition, and desire without violating community norms or personal comfort. This finding aligns with feminist media scholarship that positions melodrama as a genre through which women negotiate social contradiction and emotional tension (Ang, 1985; Berg and Sansalone, 2024; Modleski, 1982).

Together, these reflections point to gendered patterns of engagement in which dizi were evaluated not only as stories but also as culturally and socially meaningful texts. For female participants in particular, these serials offered content that was emotionally accessible, morally legible, and suitable for family settings. The centrality of intergenerational viewing further reinforced the perception of dizi as content that could be safely and meaningfully consumed in domestic space.

Social media’s influence on viewing practices

Social media platforms, particularly TikTok and Instagram, were frequently mentioned by participants as significant channels for discovering and engaging with dizi. For many male participants, initial exposure occurred through short, algorithmically recommended clips rather than through full episodes. This form of selective, episodic engagement is conceptualised here as cultural skimming, referring to a pattern of fragmented interaction with content that enables viewers to evaluate narratives quickly, often without committing to sustained viewing.

I saw clips from a Turkish series on TikTok and thought it was interesting. I only realized it was Turkish when I checked the comments.

Female participants also described encountering dizi through algorithmic feeds, but their engagement often extended beyond the initial clip. Several mentioned following fan communities, reading summaries, and using comment sections to assess content before deciding whether to watch full episodes. Some also described accessing dizi through unofficial platforms that provided subtitled or early-release versions of episodes.

Everyone watched, at some point, Turkish shows on illegal sites. They have different shows, and you can also get access sooner to the shows.

Participants of all genders highlighted the convenience, immediacy, and low barrier to entry associated with social media clips. These forms of casual and repeated engagement were particularly common during culturally significant periods such as Ramadan, when audiences reported encountering trending clips as part of everyday browsing routines.

To be honest, I see a lot of Turkish shows trending on TikTok or Instagram, especially during Ramadan. I end up watching them.

These practices suggest that algorithmically curated content streams have become a key entry point into serialised storytelling. The encounter with dizi was frequently shaped not through intentional search but through ambient discovery, with emotional or cultural relevance often inferred from very short segments. Participants used indicators such as dialogue tone, visual cues, or viewer comments to judge whether a series felt meaningful or culturally appropriate, often without watching a full episode.

Short clips are better. You get the best parts without needing to watch the whole thing.

While short clips were described as useful by all participants, the way they were engaged with appeared to vary. Male participants more often recounted relying on the clips themselves to determine whether to continue watching, whereas female participants were more likely to describe a multi-step process. This included watching clips, checking comments or summaries, and verifying the availability of subtitled or complete episodes through official or unofficial platforms. These distinctions suggest that while initial discovery may be shaped by algorithmic visibility for all users, continued engagement is influenced by linguistic accessibility, content evaluation, and context-specific viewing preferences.

The concept of cultural skimming may thus help capture a broader shift in transnational media engagement, where audiences navigate content abundance through affectively charged, socially shaped fragments. These interactions are increasingly structured by platform algorithms and reinforced by peer commentary and social validation cues such as likes, shares, and reposts. This pattern is consistent with Kim and Zo’s (2025) analysis of algorithmically structured viewing, which highlights the importance of short-form, episodic interaction in digital media environments and its role in reshaping traditional viewing practices.

Discussion and conclusion

This study examined how young audiences in Qatar, KSA, and the UAE engage with dizi within a digitally fragmented and algorithmically curated media environment. Drawing on participant-led focus groups, the analysis explored how cultural proximity, mediated authenticity, and platform-based discovery shape viewer engagement with transnational serials. Three key themes were identified, including platform preferences and perceptions of authenticity, genre preferences and gendered emotional engagement, and the role of social media in shaping discovery and viewing practices.

Participants frequently described Shahid as their preferred platform for engaging with dizi, especially due to its emphasis on Turkish broadcast serials. These were commonly associated with familiar narrative structures and shared social values. In contrast, Netflix’s Turkish originals were often described as visually appealing but emotionally distant. This distinction echoes Khalil’s (2024) framing of the Netflix paradox and supports Istanbulli's (2025) critique of glocalisation, where content adapted for international markets may lose the cultural specificity that initially appeals to regional viewers. These patterns are also consistent with a reversal of the cultural discount described by from Hoskins and Mirus (1988), suggesting that narratives may lose affective resonance when stripped of their cultural context.

Genre preferences further shaped participants’ engagement with dizi. Male participants frequently cited historical and action-oriented series such as Diriliş: Ertuğrul, Kuruluş Osman, and Çukur. These serials were described as morally grounded and emotionally impactful. Participants valued them for centring Muslim male protagonists and for exploring themes such as courage, loyalty, and collective identity. These qualities were often described as lacking in other media. This reading aligns with studies that suggest historical dizi may function as symbolic spaces for reasserting cultural representation. Female participants, by contrast, described strong identification with narratives focused on romance, family, and interpersonal dynamics. These serials were frequently watched in intergenerational settings and were appreciated for their balance of emotional complexity and moral clarity. The notion of culturally sanctioned fantasy emerged from these accounts to describe how participants engaged with emotionally provocative themes that remained within culturally acceptable boundaries. These findings build on feminist perspectives that position melodrama as a genre through which women negotiate emotional realism and moral expectation (Ang, 1985; Berg and Sansalone, 2024; Modleski, 1982).

Social media platforms also played a central role in how participants discovered and evaluated dizi. TikTok and Instagram were commonly cited as sites of initial exposure, particularly during culturally significant periods such as Ramadan. The concept of cultural skimming emerged from participants’ descriptions of encountering short clips and partial scenes. Participants often relied on visual or emotional cues to assess whether a series was worth watching. This practice reflected a form of rapid, affectively driven evaluation shaped by algorithmic feeds and peer interaction rather than sustained narrative immersion.

Although both male and female participants encountered content through algorithmic recommendation, female participants more often described follow-up strategies such as reading comments, checking summaries, or accessing subtitled episodes on unofficial platforms. These responses suggest that viewing decisions were influenced not only by content but also by language accessibility, platform limitations, and culturally shaped viewing routines. Several participants also noted the value of fan communities and viewer-led discussions in evaluating which serials were worth investing in. This corresponds with Yakin and Kaymas (2024), who emphasise that transnational fandom groups formed around Turkish television serials continue to play an interpretive role in new media ecosystems. While their study focuses on structured Facebook fan pages, the present findings highlight how similar practices unfold across algorithmically driven platforms such as TikTok and Instagram, where peer commentary and shared clips shape viewer expectations. Cultural skimming offers a way to understand how serialised narratives circulate in fragmented and socially embedded forms. These dynamics reflect broader shifts in digital media cultures, where algorithmic visibility and emotional recognition increasingly shape viewer engagement (Kim and Zo, 2025).

Participants consistently emphasised that dizi felt emotionally credible and culturally appropriate, especially when compared with other regional or international series that were seen as provocative or disconnected from shared values. These perceptions contributed to the enduring appeal of dizi, particularly on Shahid. The continued availability and popularity of dizi on Shahid, even during periods of diplomatic tension when Turkish content was removed from regional broadcast television, underscores their resilience as a media form (Gulf News, 2018; Uras, 2018). Participants viewed Shahid as a reliable source for content that reflected their tastes and moral expectations. These patterns highlight how audience demand for culturally meaningful narratives persisted even when political contexts shifted.

While this study focused on university students in Qatar, KSA, and the UAE, its findings contribute to wider discussions about transnational media consumption, algorithmic curation, and everyday media practices. The notion of culturally sanctioned fantasy and cultural skimming, developed from participant accounts, provide tools for understanding how younger Gulf audiences navigate authenticity, emotional resonance, and cultural appropriateness in digital environments. These perspectives may also be useful for future research examining audience engagement with transnational content across varied platforms and regional contexts.

Further research might explore how these dynamics differ across generational groups, linguistic communities, or interface designs. Investigating how recommendation systems, interface personalisation, and viewer-driven discovery shape content access could further explain how meaning is constructed within increasingly fragmented and algorithmically mediated viewing experiences.