Researching citizenship education in Africa: Considerations from Ghana and Liberia

Abstract

Within the last 30 years, the African continent has experienced significant changes related to democracy, governance, and education; however, large-scale international studies of citizenship education have not included African nations. Despite this gap, youth political movements incubated in universities and secondary schools have been influential factors in political change; in addition, youth currently make up a large portion of the population of Africa, with 43% of the population under the age of 14. The ways that young people understand and enact citizenship will shape the direction of their nations and the continent. This article discusses considerations for researching citizenship education in post-colonial nations in Africa. Drawing on qualitative and quantitative studies of civic education in Ghana and Liberia, the paper proposes four major considerations for researchers: first, the importance of situating conceptions of citizenship in the context of historical and contemporary issues; second, the importance of considering reciprocity in research ethics; third, the need to consider the impact of the researcher on the work, and fourth, the willingness to look for civic influences beyond the civics classroom and the school.

From the 2009 April 6 Youth Movement in Egypt to the 2011 Y’En a Marre movement in Senegal, African youth have been part of powerful civic movements in recent years. The formation of youth as participatory citizens continues to be a central goal of education (Banks, 2008; Dewey, 1916). The need for education to equip youth to engage with issues in their societies is essential in emerging democracies and states with large youth populations, many of which are on the African continent (Resnick and Casale, 2011). This article focuses on consideration for researching citizenship education in such contexts.

Despite the crucial role of civic education in nascent democracies in Africa, the most comprehensive studies of civic education to date, the 1999 International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement Civic Education study (CIVED) and the 2009 International Civic and Citizenship Study (ICCS), included no countries from the continent (Schulz et al., 2010; Torney-Purta et al., 2001; Torney-Purta et al., 1999). At the same time, during the last 30 years, the African continent has experienced significant changes related to democracy, governance, and education (The Economist, 2010). In addition, youth political movements incubated in universities and secondary schools have been influential factors in political change; youth also make up a large portion of the population of Africa, with 43% of the population under the age of 14 (UNESCO, 2011). The ways that young people understand and enact citizenship will shape the direction of their nations and the continent.

In the decades to come, increased attention to researching citizenship and citizenship education among African youth is likely. Based on experience conducting both qualitative and quantitative studies of civic education in Ghana and Liberia, in this article I review key concepts important for civic education research in Africa, and then suggest four major considerations for researchers involved in this work: first, the importance of situating citizenship education research in the context of historical and contemporary issues; second, the importance of considering reciprocity in research ethics; third, the need to consider the impact of the researcher on the work, and fourth, the willingness to look for civic influences beyond the civics classroom and the school. In each section, I provide examples from my own work to illustrate the purpose behind the recommendation.

From 2008 to 2014 I engaged in research in and about Ghana and Liberia, conducting five studies: one historical case study of citizenship in Akuapem, Ghana (Quaynor, 2012a), two qualitative case studies focusing on citizenship education as implemented in secondary classrooms in Buduburam, Ghana and Paynesville, Liberia (2008–2009) (Quaynor, 2014a); one mixed-method case study that used surveys and focus group interviews to investigate the civic understandings of eighth grade students in four urban schools in greater Monrovia, Liberia (2010–2012) (Quaynor, 2012b); and one study based on qualitative interviews exploring the function of atai shops, tea shops where youth gather to learn about political issues, as non-formal sites of civic education in urban Liberia (Quaynor, 2014b). Although the full findings of these studies are reported elsewhere, in this paper, I draw on these experiences as well as published literature available in English to offer suggestions and considerations for the study of citizenship education in African contexts.

Any geographic division of research recommendations raises questions about differences between universal and particular considerations for studying comparative civic education. Why offer specific recommendations for citizenship education research in Africa? On the one hand, does making such recommendations further inscribe Africa as a place apart, and so indicate a neocolonial conception of Africa? On the other hand, does providing similar suggestions for the wide variety of contexts in Africa flatten the incredible diversity of contexts in this geographic area? Although these are important points, I maintain that considering the complexities of research in Africa, and noting the ways these complexities may differ across African contexts, is necessary to conduct meaningful and ethical research in this context. Below, I attempt to avoid generalization of recommendations by providing specific examples from research experiences related to Ghana and Liberia. In addition, I hope that this paper can spur discussion of considerations for research in a region that was not able to participate in major international citizenship education studies (Hahn, 2010).

National contexts

Liberia is unique in Africa in its origin and its path to emergence as a fully representative democracy. Founded as a republic in 1847 by both free and formerly enslaved blacks from the United States, citizenship was initially restricted to these individuals and their descendants; Liberia’s indigenous peoples did not have the right to vote until 1946 (Library of Congress, 1998). Since the end of over a decade of conflict in 2003, hundreds of thousands of refugees have returned home (Amnesty International, 2006); Liberia is still considered a fragile state that has yet to experience a peaceful transition of power from one ruling party to another (Williams, 2013) and has suffered a devastating Ebola epidemic during the writing of this article, in 2014 (CDC, 2014). Although schools are currently closed due to the epidemic (CDC, 2014), in normal circumstances, approximately 50% of young people attend school through the eighth grade (UNESCO, 2011). The economy relies heavily on agriculture, mining, and rubber production, and was experiencing rapid growth prior to the Ebola epidemic; following the outbreak of the disease, the International Monetary Fund projected that the GDP will grow 2.5% in 2014, down from 11.3% in 2013 (Sy and Copley, 2014).

In contrast with Liberia, Ghana is a former British colony that has the longest-lasting contemporary democracy in West Africa and has avoided major violent conflict. The government of Ghana has seen two peaceful transfers of power between political parties, and is recognized as one of the most stable democratic nations in Africa, with a historically strong educational system (Boafo-Arthur, 2008; Sefa Dei, 2004). School enrollment is high for the region, with 83% of children attending school through the eighth grade (UNESCO, 2011). Traditionally relying on exports of cocoa, gold, and some processed food, Ghana recently experienced an oil boom resulting in GDP growth of 15% in 2011, although 2014 saw inflation and a reduced projected GDP growth of 7.7% (Okudzeto et al., 2014).

Definitions

In order to situate research on citizenship education within social science scholarship, it is important to recognize the context and weight placed on several terms often used in comparative citizenship education research. The terms youth, school, and education are all complex and malleable. These terms are discussed and defined for the purpose of this article below, drawing on relevant scholarship. Any researchers studying citizenship education in Africa should carefully define these terms for their own work. Readers should note that citizenship education and civic education are terms used interchangeably in this paper to indicate the preparation of youth for participation in their political community.

Youth

In civic education studies, the word youth often indicates students under the age of 18 who attend school. However, anthropologists and political scientists use the word youth to indicate individuals who have not achieved full social adulthood through actions such as marrying, obtaining employment, or having children. For example, many anthropologists examine societal tensions in power between elders and youth (Diouf, 2003; Lancy, 1996). A current issue in many African countries is that young people are unable to graduate from the category of youth by engaging in established and stable employment and beginning their own families (Sommers, 2012). In addition to the expansion of the youth category due to economic pressures, defining the category of youth can be difficult in environments in which external events have upset an established age progression. For example, in my own research in Liberia, it was not uncommon for students in eighth grade to range in age from 13 to 29, as many students’ schooling was interrupted by up to 14 years of war. In addition, many students may have their own children, complicating their identities as youth, adults, or both. This has implications for comparative citizenship education research, as in the context of my study the majority of students in an eighth grade civics class were eligible to vote, bringing a sense of urgency into the civics education classroom (Quaynor, 2014a).

School

With the major expansion of modern schooling in the 21st century worldwide (Hannum and Buchman, 2003), the word “school” has come to indicate a formal institution with a teacher paid by parents, an NGO, or the state to teach students who have been separated into grades based on ability or age. However, it is important to note that in some regions of Africa, indigenous forms of schooling predate the arrival of European imperialism and missionary Christianity, both of which contributed to the establishment of European style schools (Coe, 2005). For example, multiple ethnic groups in the forest region of Liberia use indigenous apprenticeship systems and Sande or Poro societies, for women and men respectively, as formal institutions for socialization into political and social adulthood (Cassell, 1970; Lancy, 1996). In recent years, the Sande societies have become increasingly controversial, and are currently banned by the government of Liberia due to the practice of female genital cutting as part of initiation rituals (Azango, 2012). However, membership in such societies continues to be a meaningful part of socialization within many communities (Lomax, 2013).

Contemporary schools in Liberia and throughout Africa have a historical and organizational relationship to imperialism and colonization (Sefa Dei, 2004; Willinsky, 1998) that should not be ignored by researchers. However, schools have adapted to local contexts as government officers, teachers, students, and communities modify school structure and curriculum for their own purposes. Later in this article, I raise the importance of looking at civic education beyond school, in recognition of the importance of indigenous schooling practices and given the history of schools as sites of imperialism and colonization. For comparative civic education research, investigators should note that in places where schools have been created to socialize children away from their communities, lessons learned in school may oppose lessons taught at home (Adams, 1995; Coe, 2005). Thus, students’ political socialization may not align with the school curriculum in the same ways as in other contexts.

Education

Often in current discourses on education in Africa, education is equated with schooling. However, as noted by Shujaa (1994) and others (Adams, 1995; Coe, 2005), education and schooling are opposing terms when schooling was crafted by Europeans for Africans or other indigenous peoples as part of the colonial project. The contrast between school attendance and education has been of recent interest to many scholars and practitioners as United Nations agencies, other international organizations, and national governments in Africa have focused on providing free and compulsory public education as one of the six Education For All goals adopted in 2000 (UNESCO, 2014). In over a decade of implementation of this policy, many have critiqued the Education for All goal of school attendance as insufficient to equate to meaningful education for students (Heyneman, 2009). The measures for school attendance have focused on what World Bank economist Lant Pritchett calls “butts in seats” rather than student outcomes (Cohen and Bloom, 2005: 10).

The second reason researchers in comparative civic education should not equate education and schooling is that rates of secondary school attendance in Africa, though rising, are not universal; thus, studying civic education only in schools misses the civic education of a large part of the population. Despite this limitation, in most contexts, children of the elite and many future leaders in a country attend secondary school. The contours of civic education within schools may have strong implications for a country’s future directions, but researchers should not assume that schooling is the experience of all young people.

First consideration: Context

The first suggestion I offer for research on citizenship education in Africa is the importance of situating conceptions of citizenship in the context of historical and contemporary issues. Although this is important for research in many situations, it is essential in the variety of post-colonial and post-conflict contexts found in Africa. Historical and contemporary contexts shape the ways people understand terms such as “citizenship” and “democracy,” as well as the relationship between citizens and the government. Below, I discuss the implications of post-colonial contexts in further detail and then provide examples of the ways that historical and contemporary contexts were relevant to my work in Ghana and Liberia.

Historical ideas around citizenship, current political issues, identity, and conflict influence individuals’ identities and ideas about citizenship in the present moment (Enslin, 2003). For example, Africa has a shared yet varied colonial experience, and so colonization may impact conceptions of citizenship in various ways. Ghana’s history of both traditional leaders and colonial rule can be seen in student conceptions of democracy, as students stated that democracy means “being ruled by our own people” (Levstik and Groth, 2005: 563). In Rwanda, scholars report that given the history of ethnic divisions encouraged during the time of Belgian colonialism and in response to the horrific genocide, the new government prevented critical inquiry and promoted the teaching of a single, unified history (Freedman et al., 2008).

Because colonization has profoundly shaped the economic and political realities of Africa, scholars might consider the use of postcolonial theory when designing citizenship education research in such countries. Postcolonial theory allows for the exploration of the multifaceted nature of identity and agency of individuals and groups in post-colonial states (Babha, 1994; Said, 1978; Spivak, 1988; Wa Thiong’o, 1986). Although some critique this term as implying that colonialism no longer drives political, economic, and social policies (Tuhiwai Smith, 2012), others find that a focus on post-colonialism helps to conceptualize dynamic yet unequal systems of power and privilege (Dimitriadis and McCarthy, 2001; Hall, 1996). The historical context of research in post-colonial areas should also consider the potential use of research as exploitation (Tuhiwai Smith, 2012). For these reasons, I have used post-colonial theory as an interpretive lens in my studies. This means that when surveying students about civic actions, I list multiple types of political participation, such as “taking concerns to a traditional leader,” “serving in the Army,” “protesting policies I deem to be unfair,” and “teaching others in my community.” When inquiring about civic attitudes and identity, I ask students about local, ethnic, religious, national, and global ties. In addition, I incorporate grounded theory (Glaser and Strauss, 1967) in each study to avoid the exclusion of ideas that were not part of my research questions.

Historical and contemporary contexts are also relevant to comparative civic education research via the use of the terms “citizenship” and “democracy.” Researchers studying citizenship education in Africa should be careful to define the terms citizenship and democracy for their work. There is a danger that otherwise, the researcher may inscribe his or her own socialization regarding these terms onto the study participants. For example, the Western liberal conception of the citizen arose with the development of capitalism; thus, the role of democracy was to safeguard property rights and individual liberties (Barber, 2003). American conceptions of citizenship thus often highlight political and civil rights over social and economic ones (Barber, 2003). Recently, scholars have critiqued the manner in which US conceptions of democracy highlight holding free and fair elections over ensuring proportional representation or the establishment of a healthy civil society (Chauvet and Collier, 2009; Kelley, 2012; Wonkeryor et al., 2000). Researchers working in post-colonial contexts have raised concerns over transplanting Western conceptions of democracy (Ho et al., 2011; Kubow, 2007).

In Liberia and Ghana, indigenous conceptions of democracy instead focus on the empowerment of individuals and groups, as well as social equity (Moran, 2006; Wonkeryor et al., 2000). For example, Moran (2006) discusses democratic practices among the Glebo in Southeastern Liberia from her fieldwork in the early 1980s. In one example of collective democracy, a group of women who disagreed with a head tax that was being levied upon their town refused to work and came to meet with a local chief to redress their concerns. In the Akuapem region of Ghana in the 19th century, procedures for the election or dismissal of a leader and other officials varied slightly by town but involved deliberation, election by a council, and rituals and oaths of office (Brokensha, 1966). Individuals were members of groups called houses within clans, with each clan having a female and male head selected in rotation from the different houses (Middleton, 1979). In both contexts, cultural proverbs may also contain a variety of indigenous conceptions of democracy. For example, in Ghana, the Ashanti proverb “Wo nsa da mu a, wonni nnya wo,” translates as “If your hands are in the dish, people do not eat everything and leave you nothing.” This is a reference to a traditional style of eating in which many people share one dish of food. It is associated with a parallel Adinkra symbol, used as a representation of the need for participatory government (Yankah, 1989).

Neither a collective nor individualistic definition of citizenship or democracy is inherently better than another. However, researchers may want to ground their own definitions in the context of their study. In my own work, I asked participants how they defined these terms, and used information from focus groups and local textbooks when creating a quantitative survey.

Understanding the historical context for citizenship in Liberia and Ghana was of enormous help to me during the data collection and analysis phases of my studies, enabling me to identify which issues were being elevated by students and teachers and which issues were left untouched. For example, citizenship in Liberia is obtained by descent or by naturalization; being born in Liberia does not automatically qualify someone to become a citizen (Constitution of the Republic of Liberia, 1984). Citizenship is also restricted to persons of “Negro descent” (Guannu, 2004: ix). This restriction has its roots in the desire of Americo-Liberian settlers of the 1820s to preserve their right to self-governance. When Lebanese traders arrived in Liberia in the 19th century, they were not allowed citizenship and thus had to lease land from Americo-Liberian settlers (Ciment, 2013).

When the restriction of citizenship to blacks was discussed in classes I observed, students had no questions about the requirement; teachers whom I interviewed described this principle as common sense. However, the restriction of citizenship to individuals of particular ethnicities was under more debate. In my qualitative study, eighth grade students engaged in an extended discussion around whether people of Mandingo ethnicity could be Liberian citizens. The issue arose during a lecture about the mechanics of the government, and different positions in the different branches. When the teacher, Pastor John ¹ asked, “Who makes up the government?” the students answered “the citizens.” Pastor John then posed the question, “Can a foreigner hold these positions [in the government]?” “No,” many students replied, although a male student disagreed, saying, “But during the Tolbert years, … was not Liberian.” Pastor John then queried students about the tribes in Liberia, asking “In Liberia, how many tribes?” Students’ answers differed: “15,” “16.” Pastor John disclosed later in an interview that he knew the person to whom the student was referring: the government member was a member of the Mandingo ethnic group, a people who were traditionally Muslim traders and who also lived in neighboring Guinea. Another student protested the idea of Mandingoes being citizens, saying “but they weren’t born in Liberia.” Pastor John maintained, “These people they are citizens of this nation. The Liberian Constitution states that Liberia has 16 tribes and one is Mandingo.” A student questioned him, asking, “Are you quoting Liberian history?” “Yes,” replied Pastor John.

The discussion continued, with students protesting that many Mandingo people, born in Guinea, were only living in Liberia for business opportunities: “in Monrovia the money plenty; the businesses plenty.” A student questioned Pastor John about this population, saying “If it happened this way—if they are from Guinea are they citizens because Mandingo is a tribe [in Liberia]?” Pastor John responded by referencing a map of Liberia in the textbook, reiterating that if a Mandingo person was born in Liberia or of Liberian parents, they could be Liberian. In a later interview, Pastor John informed me that he knew this principle was difficult for students because all other ethnic groups are associated with one of the 15 counties of Liberia. However, the issue of Mandingo identity is recurrent in discussions of Liberian citizenship, with adults claiming that at times, Mandingo individuals born in Guinea might use their ethnicity to claim Liberian citizenship for trading purposes (Quaynor, 2014b).

Language was another important consideration for citizenship education research in both Ghana and Liberia. Although English is the language of schools in both contexts, participants sometimes used linguistic references when describing what it meant to be a citizen. For example, when describing which Mandingo individuals were Liberians and which were not, both adult and youth participants stated that Liberian Mandingos could speak Liberian English. Language is a politically charged issue in Ghanaian schools as well, with some parents not wanting children to learn in their local language in school (Quaynor, 2012a). Other scholars have noted the deep political questions surrounding identity and language in African contexts (Anchimbe, 2007; Stroud and Heugh, 2004), and citizenship education researchers should be aware that language is not a neutral issue in their work.

Across the globe, contexts influence ways that students understand citizenship. Within Liberia, discourse around citizenship by descent restricted to particular ethnic groups made it difficult for students to conceptualize multicultural citizenship and citizenship for migrants. Knowledge of contemporary issues is also critical for both qualitative and quantitative researchers. In Liberia, corruption, gender, development, and religion were all current issues discussed by students in my focus group interviews; if quantitative measures intended to measure students’ attitudes related to current issues, it would be important to include these topics.

Second consideration: Reciprocity

Reciprocity is a key feature of many African societies (Wiredu, 1992) and a central part of entering into relationship with other individuals. Qualitative researchers (Bogdan and Biklen, 2007) discuss the need for reciprocity in establishing trust and obtaining valid answers to questions. This role of reciprocity holds true for quantitative measures of civic education as well, when relying on students and teachers to provide thoughtful answers to sometimes sensitive subjects. Navigating reciprocity at the same time as avoiding corruption or the appearance of corruption is important, especially in societies like Liberia that face significant challenges related to corruption (Dahn, 2008; Powers, 2006). Reciprocity should be proportional to the researcher’s resources and may consist of sharing knowledge, skills, or social capital rather than material goods. Benefits to participants should be clear and transparent from the outset of the research process. The main principle I propose here is that if the researcher is materially benefitting from the study, such as using the information obtained for career advancement or degree attainment, the participants should benefit in some way from the study as well.

After reflection and consultation with West African friends and colleagues, I decided to use varying forms of reciprocity in the different studies I conducted. Because my historical study of citizenship in Ghana was based solely on secondary sources, I did not engage in any reciprocal activities. However, I did invest time in learning some Akuapem Twi, the language of the region under study. In my pilot study in Ghana, I partnered with an international NGO, the Niapele Project, which was implementing a school feeding program in the focus school, contributing an article based on my visit to the Niapele Project’s newsletter to help them with fundraising activities. During the qualitative project in Liberia, as I had connections to the Carter Center and local political leaders through my university, I arranged a field trip for students to visit the Capitol and the Supreme Court; this trip took place after data collection. In the second Liberian study, which was funded by a grant from the Open Society Foundation, I budgeted for a donation of school materials to each participating school; the specific materials donated were based on a school’s need for textbooks, paper, pencils, or additional chairs. In two of the four schools in this study, it was possible for the participating classes to vote on which materials should be procured. In my third and ongoing study, I am providing reciprocity in the form of social relationships, as I am asking adult friends, colleagues, and acquaintances to share their experiences and insights through phone and email conversations.

In addition to these variations in reciprocity, I make an effort to keep in contact with participants to share study findings. This process has been difficult. Because the academic style of the written product of a study may not be accessible to participants, I have created and sent a study summary with main findings when the work is complete. Other options I have considered as part of reciprocity in the research process include contributing to the national conversation via writing articles for local media, taking care to preserve participants’ anonymity, and providing workshops for students and teachers.

These particular forms of reciprocity may need to be adapted to the scope and context of particular studies, but each researcher is ethically bound to defend his or her decisions and respect Institutional Review Board policies, which existed for both my home university and universities in Ghana. Serious consideration of appropriate reciprocity is critical given both the use of gifts in interpersonal relationships in West Africa and any resource differential between the researcher and the population of study. If the context in which a study takes place is resource-limited, as are many schools in Ghana and Liberia, it is naturally unsettling for a researcher to arrive with a laptop and cell phone to complete research with participants, then exit to a coffee shop in the afternoon at the same time some students are not able to afford to eat lunch. I am not suggesting that researchers stop using the technology they need, but that they consider this resource differential when planning their work. Although reciprocity has serious ethical implications, I suggest that these cannot be avoided by refusal to engage in reciprocal relationships. The tradition of keeping an objective distance from research subjects has its home in the imperialist gaze and is unethical in many contexts in Africa. Each researcher must honor his or her participants’ shared mutual humanity.

Third consideration: Researcher identity

Citizenship and democracy, and by extension, civic education, are based on the concepts of belonging and power. Any research conducted on this topic should consider how the identity of the researcher and his or her relationship with participants might cause them to think differently about belonging and power. For years, educational scholars have noted the ways a researcher’s positionality as an insider or outsider to participants can be a benefit and challenge to research (Merriam et al., 2001). Researching citizenship education in Africa requires investigators to consider the ways their own positionality may affect the study, and to make modifications to the study as needed to ensure meaningful data are collected. In addition, researchers need to elucidate the role of this positionality when publishing the results of a study. Below, I describe specific ways the positionality of a researcher may affect both qualitative and quantitative studies, and provide examples of ways civic education researchers in Africa have worked to address these effects.

When studying civic education, there are benefits and challenges to being considered an insider or an outsider by participants. A participant may be able to relate more easily to an insider researcher from the same national or ethnic background, but may be less likely to express views that are outside of the national or cultural norm, such as acceptance of homosexuality. On the other hand, a participant could be more likely to express such views with an outsider researcher from a different national or ethnic background, but may also be more likely to give answers aligning to one international norm, such as supporting teaching children about their rights.

Extensive work by qualitative researchers has noted the ways that individual characteristics including class, sexuality, language proficiency, gender, ethnicity, race, and nationality can affect the view of a researcher as an insider or an outsider (Chawla-Duggan, 2007; Dwyer and Buckle, 2009; Merriam et al., 2001; Merton, 1972). In both Liberia and Ghana, most participants were interested in who I was and why, as an American, I was studying schools in their country. My race and gender were not remarked upon as often, although it is possible that my gender helped me notice that women wearing pants/trousers could be a controversial issue in some conservative Liberian contexts. An individual from the same country but from a different ethnic group as the participants may also be seen as an outsider, and should consider which group has more power within the society (Sefa Dei, 2004). Identity, and by extension, insider/outsider status, is multifaceted. For example, Johnson-Bailey (2003) notes that when she engaged in interviews with other African American women, her skin tone and economic background gave her outsider status to some of her participants, but not to others. Given the history of colonialism and power discussed in the previous section, researchers should be able to explain their relationship to the people who are participating in the study, and understand possible effects of this relationship on the study design and findings.

When research involves interacting with people, it is only natural for there to be an interaction effect on the findings of research. In a limited resource environment such as Liberia, students or teachers may feel pressure to give the right answers to outside visitors, in order to be eligible for potential future opportunities or financial benefits. In my qualitative study in Liberia, I noticed that when I asked students what citizenship meant and I had been observing their civics class, students gave me citizenship definitions and examples directly from the textbook. This may have been how students conceived citizenship; however, my presence as an adult in the classroom may have made my questions seem like an oral exam to which there were right answers. In response, I always prefaced my questions with statements that I was learning how students thought about citizenship, and that there were no right or wrong answers to these questions. In addition, I provided metaphors as part of my focus group interviews in my second study. For example, when I wanted to know about the different dimensions of citizenship, I gave students the example that being a mother involves feelings and actions. Students typically said that being a mother meant that a woman loved her children and showed this love by feeding and taking care of them. I then asked students what it meant to be a citizen, asking students to also consider feeling and actions. In a study in Ghana, Groth (2006) gathered information on student conceptions of citizenship by providing cameras to students and asking them to take pictures of others who were being good citizens.

When designing and implementing quantitative studies, it may be important to incorporate multiple researchers into the design and implementation of the study in order to account for the unique viewpoint of researchers with various types of insider and outsider status. For example, although I used many questions adapted from the 1999 IEA Civic Education Study in my mixed methods project, I incorporated questions about citizenship practices based on common civic practices in Liberia. Before giving the survey to students, I asked teachers and administrators to provide feedback to ensure that the questions were appropriate for the age and context of students. During this process, teachers suggested additional questions related to citizenship practices that I would not have thought to include.

Furthermore, it may be important to consider the potential role of the researcher as the survey is being introduced. If there is a concern that students will attempt to answer in a particular way to please the researcher, it may be important to pilot the survey with a similar question framed in both positive and negative terms. Researchers also may elect to perform cognitive interviews (Dillman, 2008) to understand a participant’s thought process as they answer survey questions. Thus, the research team can understand the way the wording or context influences student responses.

Although I did not have the capacity to ask multiple individuals to act as investigators in my studies, I collected data from multiple sources, asked other scholars to review my codes, and checked findings with participants. I also always observed classrooms prior to holding focus groups with students, in order to learn more about the classroom context and establish some rapport with students. In future work, I plan to use investigator triangulation when possible. Ideally, international survey researchers will consider including both insider and outsider researchers’ input to the development and administration of such surveys.

Fourth consideration: Research beyond the school

The final recommendation offered in this article is the importance of including out-of-school sites in civic education research in Africa. Although schools are often the most convenient location to engage in research on citizenship education, they have inherent limitations as well. In some societies, they do not serve all young people. Furthermore, although the concept of citizenship education is expansive and includes the broader idea of political socialization, civic education within school is often restricted to learning about the basic structure of government. The Octagon Model, used in the 1999 IEA CivEd study, recognizes many environmental influences on youth political socialization: Public discourse, peer groups, family, formal community, schools, and informal community (Torney-Purta et al., 2001; Torney-Purta et al., 1999).

Like youth elsewhere, Ghanaian youth often participate in structured activities outside of school, such as athletic teams, religious organizations, and community or cultural development groups. Coe (2005) highlights the ways that messages about culture and identity communicated by government schools, traditional leaders, and religious leaders directly conflict. Studying only the formal civics curriculum and students’ political attitudes will provide an incomplete picture of the process of political socialization.

In Liberia, civic education in school is one facet of a rich civic culture that contributes to youth political socialization. It includes political discussions at Atai shops, neighborhood youth associations, church associations, media programs, and indigenous societies. Below, I share a brief description of an inaugural ceremony for one of these neighborhood youth associations, the Matadi Youth United for Progress (MAYUP). This description illustrates the rich informal citizenship education found in such contexts, with critical and pointed messages from community elders.

On 31 May 2009, 40 people assembled in a yard enclosed by palm fronds, sheltered by two UNHCR tarps, ready for the MAYUP dedication ceremony. The first speaker was Prithi Garlo, a local NGO leader, who used her speech to remind students about principled leadership, saying, “Corruption can kill anything. Maybe you will chop ² the money the organization has collected from selling things and go buy some chicken. Leadership begins from every step you take.” She expressed a stake in the success of MAYUP, stating “If you fail today, I fail.” The next speaker was a local pastor, who opined that although over 60% of the population in the country was between the ages of 15 and 35, “The youth policy written four years ago has not yet been passed by the government … the opportunities in government are given to people in the United States. We will not lift Liberia up by denying youth” (L. Quaynor, field notes, 31 May 2009).

The MAYUP induction ceremony followed, and the officers swore their oaths of office, the president and chaplain on the Bible, and the vice president on the Qur’an. The newly installed president, a young man, gave an address listing the goals of the organization, which included good governance and increasing membership. There were then concluding remarks from a member of the board of directors representing the elders in the community, saying,

We as a community will look out for you … We are happy that our children are running faster than us. Copy what is good—if you see us failing, quietly, you tell us daddy, mother, we will listen to you. Question whatever you are not satisfied with.

The meeting ended with a collection of money and pledges for financial support of the organization by community members (L. Quaynor, field notes, 31 May 2009).

As a researcher, this meeting was a powerful complement to my school-based observations, allowing me to learn more about the civic context of the surrounding neighborhood. This observation indicated that youth implemented a majority conception of democracy, which differs from indigenous Liberian democracies (Moran, 2006). It also showed that some elders encouraged critical inquiry, and that the older generation supported youth activism.

This view was somewhat different than messages about citizenship noted during my pilot study in Ghana, when Liberian refugees living in Buduburam organized a sit-down strike to protest inadequate conditions in the camp and a lack of decision making on the permanent status of refugees (Binnendijk, 2009). In this situation, protestors were disparaged in the media, and interviews with Ghanaian educators and parents indicated that many felt the Liberians’ actions demonstrated ungrateful and rude behavior. Rather, Ghanaian individuals I interviewed believed that contributing to development projects or arranging friendly meetings with refugee officials would be a more appropriate course of action.

It is important for researchers across the globe to consider the ways students are prepared for citizenship outside of school. I suggest that this importance is magnified in many African countries, due to both the colonial history of school and the low rate of secondary school attendance. Thus, any large scale studies of civic education or comparative citizenship education research in Africa should consider the political socialization present in out-of-school contexts.

Conclusion

Given the many competing priorities of governments in Africa, it may be years before government officials decide to fund any large scale studies of civic education. However, with the trends of democratic and economic growth across the continent, it is possible that many local and international researchers will increase the study of civic education as it is a powerful tool for developing civic activism and social cohesion (Steiner-Khamsi et al., 2002). This paper is intended for scholars, policy makers, and educators engaging in civic education research in Africa, with four main recommendations: the importance of context, reciprocity, researcher positionality, and out-of-school sites of civic education. Future research about civic education in Africa has important potential contributions to make in the field of comparative citizenship education research, broadening the concept of civic education as a whole and providing information about the funds of knowledge African youth in the diaspora bring to schools worldwide. This paper offers recommendations based on my own research experience to encourage scholars engaging in such work and to promote the quality of future studies.