Abstract
This article describes Arab women's choice of the teaching profession, their advancement to management positions, and their function as school principals in Arab Israeli society, which itself is in transition from a traditional to a modern society. We examined this process as it relates to the theoretical concepts of private and public spheres in the context of gender. The article is based on 22 in-depth interviews, from which it seems that Arab women's choice of the teaching profession was mostly a default, which allowed them to solve the dilemma between their desire for self-realization and society's demands upon them as women. It also teaches about the path forged by women school principals from the closed, traditional family sphere to the open and modern public sphere, which was previously open only to men. Their promotion to management positions drove them to be leaders of teams and educational processes, in addition to being social leaders in their communities.
Introduction
The Arab society in Israel is in transition from traditional patriarchal lifestyle to a modern one. Integration into higher education serves as a bridge between the private and public spheres and between the expectations of traditional society and the opportunities of modern society. This integration plays a significant role in enhancing the economic status of women in Arab society. (Arar and Oplatka, 2016; Benveniste, 2023; Brezise and Hellier, 2018). In the context of minority communities, higher education serves as a tool for integration into the broader society (Nadiv, 2022). The increasing number of students in fields like economics, law, medicine, and nursing aids the integration of young Arabs into Israeli society, evident through improved employment opportunities, closer residential proximity to workplaces, and new social connections with diverse populations (Greenwald et al., 2018).
The traditional way of life limited women's activities to the private sphere, such as the home or teaching at the local village school, where it is safe and overseen by social supervision (Gabriel, 2017). Outside the private sphere was the public sphere, which allowed movement outside the village, opportunity for more diverse employment, and a greater possibility to make connections and acquaintances, but this sphere was limited for women (Cubillo and Brown, 2003). The distinction between the two spheres created gender segregation which affected all areas of women's lives for many years. In recent years, the processes of modernization and the gradual transition from a traditional and patriarchal structure of Arab society to a modern society have promoted possibilities for women to integrate into diverse employment opportunities (Fogiel-Bijaoui and Rutlinger-Reiner, 2013).
Arab women’s pursuing higher education face tension between their desire for independence and the social expectation to maintain a traditional lifestyle (Abo-Rabia-Queder, 2016; Dwairy, 2004), This shift extends the private/domestic sphere into the public sphere creating challenges at the family, local, and district levels.
This research endeavors to examine the managerial attributes of female Muslim Arab principals and the consequential significance of their leadership abilities within educational institutions. Under a qualitative approach, this study conducted in-depth interviews with 22 school principals. The central question is: What are the perceptions of female Arab school principals within the Arab community as to the personal and professional meaning of their role?
Theoretical framework
From the private to the public sphere
The concept of the public sphere plays a pivotal role in discussions surrounding women in development, offering a contrasting perspective to the traditionally defined private sphere (Fogiel-Bijaoui and Rutlinger-Reiner, 2013; Rendall, 1999). This discourse examines the historical dichotomy between these spheres and their implications for women's emancipation, highlighting the power dynamics entrenched within patriarchal structures (Simon-Kumar, 2007).
The private sphere encompasses familial, domestic, and personal domains, where individuals are engaged in intimate relationships, caregiving responsibilities, and household management (Scarborough et al., 2019). This sphere rooted in traditional and patriarchal gender norms imposes distinct roles and expectations, especially on women, perpetuating gender inequalities and shaping the division of labor and decision-making processes within households (Goldscheider et al., 2015).
The public sphere extends to arenas such as employment, organizations, politics, economy, and education, where interactions transcend the boundaries of the household. Historically dominated by patriarchal structures, it allows men to patriarchal control of power, economic and social sources, and resources, and to permanently increase their power and ability to control social resources (Bodnar, 2015). This sphere marginalizes women, reinforcing gender-based disparities in power, representation, and economic participation (Connell, 1990; Gabriel, 2017).
The patriarchal framework of the traditional family structure assigns men controls over the public sphere, where resources for advancement and growth are concentrated for participation (Von Flotow, 2016). This power dynamic confines women to the private sphere, limiting their agency and perpetuating social imperatives dictated by patriarchy (Fogiel-Bijaoui and Rutlinger-Reiner, 2013).
In recent years, women have shown increasing presence and activism in the public sphere through challenging traditional gender roles and advocating for gender equality. Women are reshaping societal norms and advancing toward a more equitable distribution of power and opportunities (Fraser, 2013; McRobbie, 2004).
Changes in the status of women in Palestinian society in Israel
Over the years, Arab society in Israel has been characterized as a traditional patriarchal society, where men are expected to provide and protect the family while most of his activities take place in the public sphere. Women are expected to manage the home, raising the children and educating them (Cubillo and Brown, 2003). This responsibility, traditionally imposed upon women, strengthens her obligations to the private sphere, that which is hidden from view. The main concern is the home and family, thus reducing activity in the public sphere (Fogiel-Bijaoui and Rutlinger-Reiner, 2013).
The characteristics of modern life in Palestinian society in Israel have promoted changes in the status of women. These are reflected in the increase in the average marriage age (Al-Haj, 1989) and the number of women studying in higher education. Education is perceived as having great significance in the general changes taking place in Arab society and particularly in the status of women (Fuchs and Wilson, 2018; Hidar, 2005). The reasons for women's integration into the employment sphere, originate from three factors: economic, social, and personal. The economic factor maintains that Arab women went to work following the high rate of unemployment of Arab men in the Palestinian society in Israel (Jerassi, 2002). The social factor stems from the activity of women's organizations in raising women's awareness of their rights, including the right to work outside the home (Jerassi, 2002). The personal factor primarily encompasses women's awareness of the imperative for gender equality, as well as personal and financial independence (Arar, 2010). These processes have been as attributed to young women's desire to be more independent regarding their professional, personal, and even familial future (Shapira and Hertz-Lazarowitz, 2004).
Challenges of female managers in Arab society
Higher education has led to an increase in the number of women employed in education, which is perceived as a respected profession (Wated, 2021). In the early 1980s, women represented 32% of the total teaching force in Israel's Arab sector, while at the beginning of the twenty-first century, this number had risen to 45% of teachers in Arab schools. Today women make up 75% of all schoolteachers in the Arab sector (Nasser-Abu Alhija and Israelashvili, 2021). These data show the significance of social change for women in the field of education and teaching. At the same time, the number of women school principals is increasing, albeit more slowly (Ghivoly et al., 2012). Arab women make up 58% of school principals in the Arab sector, while in the country's general educational system, women represent 68% of all school principals (CBS, 2023). Abu-Bakkar (2008) suggests four central challenges or rather barriers for women who want to work as a school principal in the Palestinian society in Israel: positions originate from the perception in a traditional society that women must avoid involvement in social conflicts, which can undermine the social structure. The reality of women in leaders’ positions forces frequent power relation struggles with male counterparts because they are perpetually in a minority position. Moreover, cultural practices give strength and power to men in the public sphere, especially in positions of power and influence. Women who are professionals working in the public sphere are sometimes expected to behave as they would in the private sphere and adhere to the leadership of their male colleagues. Integrating a woman into a leadership position in this cultural reality is a difficult task that requires strength and the ability to cope with severe resistance. Historically and culturally, women in Arab and Muslim societies do not possess the tools to cope with such situations (Glowork, 2017). Shapira and Arar (2015) and Abu-Bakkar (2008) noted that women have to answer to the dilemmas faced by the first female principals, who were required to explain the “renunciation” of their traditional role in raising children and investing in the family. Women leaders have to face challenges that originate from gender stereotypes, whereby they must fulfill both public and private roles, thus causing an imbalance between work and family affairs (Al-Asfour et al., 2017). Another study described the efforts required of women to manage in a man's environment that regards them with suspicion, and which often does not accept their professional authority (Abu-Asbah and Avishai, 2008; Nir and Kranot, 2006).
Moreover, in the man's managerial environment many times the lack of defined criteria and procedures, based on ability to select candidates for leadership positions, opens the door to chaos in the workplace environment. The choices are often made according to who knows who, and personal friendly relationships; however, women are not part of these networks. (Alotaibi, 2020).
Numerous challenges, stemming from familial, societal, and organizational contexts, serve as formidable barriers hindering women's integration into management roles. These obstacles impede their motivation to pursue, apply, and compete for such positions, and subsequently function effectively in the face of both overt and covert barriers rooted in the male-dominated patriarchal society.
School management as multidimensional management
Until the 1990s, the assumption was widespread that principals grew out of the teaching staff to lead their teams through the promotion of teaching, team building, and the existence of a quality course of study for the teachers and students (Agasisti et al., 2019). Since the 1990s and the era of privatization in education, a school of thought has developed that perceives administrators as capable of making organizational changes to suit the changing goals of education. The school is required to be a flexible organization, able to adapt itself to the frequent changes imposed on it (Hallinger, 2011). Today managers and administrators are required to promote teachers’ motivation for better teaching (Atasoy, 2020) and to be able to initiate team development processes at a professional level, together with other partners in the school, in order to meet the many complex challenges facing today's educational system (Evans, 2003). Teaching leaders are those who collaborate with teachers, students, and parents, and pave the way for the teachers’ development and guide them, regularly visiting the classrooms and investing efforts and actions that advance these goals (Imhangbe et al., 2019). Research emphasizes the crucial role of school leaders in actively supporting teaching and effective communication, underscoring the positive impact of school principal leadership in shaping organizational climate and culture, fostering trust, and promoting collaboration (Daniëls et al., 2019; De Jong et al., 2022).
Today's principal is required to manage current and future resources, and to be skilled in managing internal school relationships as well as external relationships with school boards, stakeholders, and interest groups (Arar and Nasra, 2020). Furthermore, the school today is a significant player in the neighborhood and the community in which it is located. Schools facilitate a reciprocal exchange of resources, embodying an active participant in the broader community resource network (Scanlan, 2013).
This article examines the challenges faced by women in managerial roles within Arab society and the complexities of school management. It explores the factors that facilitate the transition of women from teaching to management, highlighting their self-described management characteristics and the importance of their roles within school and the broader community. This examination is contextualized within the theoretical framework of gender-related concepts, specifically exploring the interplay between private and public spheres.
Methods
This was a narrative qualitative research study, which allows for an in-depth understanding of personal and social processes and can reveal a variety of perspectives (Marshall and Rossman, 2014). This approach is suitable for this study because it has been used in many disciplines to learn more about the culture, historical experiences, identity, and lifestyle of the narrator (Lieblich et al., 1998). Our study gave voice to women in the Arab Israeli society, as they referenced their personal and professional development as administrators and agents of social change.
Study participants
The research population comprised women school principals who had held that job for at least 7 years. We interviewed 22 female school principals and two former supervisors (see Table 1).
Table of participants.
Participant names in the article are pseudonyms.
Data collection
After mapping the schools which had female principals, we called each of them, introduced ourselves and the research, and asked their permission to interview them for the research. The interviewees connected us with other principals, thus generating a “snowball sample.”
Each interview spanned between 45 and 60 min 10 of them took place face to face and 14 by Zoom. All interviews were conducted by members of the research team, while some were conducted in Arabic and later translated into Hebrew. The language of the interview (16 in Hebrew and 6 in Arabic) and the interview mode (Zoom or face to face) were chosen according to the preference of the interviewee.
Research tool
A semistructured interview tool was created for this study, allowing for an in-depth understanding of the way in which the respondents experienced, perceived, and interpreted their role. At the same time, the semistructured interview allowed for flexibility in the progress of the conversation, permitting the interviewee to take the conversation in a direction she felt to be important (Adeoye-Olatunde and Olenik, 2021). The open questions focused on understanding the motivation that led them to choose a management career (“What was your motivation to change position from teacher to principal?”), the characteristics of their management (“Could you describe what are the characteristics of your management style?”), how they act as team leaders in the school and their significance as leaders in the community (“What do you think is your contribution as school principal to the community?”).
Thematic analysis
The interviews were transcribed, and the texts were analyzed by the authors of this article who are researchers and by the research assistant.
We used Braun et al.’s (2014) six-phase process for thematic analysis. To begin with, each of us acquainted ourselves with the transcribed data and identified potentially significant elements. This was followed by the generation of initial codes to highlight crucial aspects of the data related to addressing the research question. These codes were then consistently applied to the dataset, segmenting and categorizing the information throughout. Subsequently, a search for overarching themes took place, involving an examination of the codes and compiled data to uncover broader patterns of significance. The identified themes were then reviewed and applied to the dataset to ascertain if they effectively address the research question. The themes were refined, divided, combined, or eliminated. After this, the themes were defined and named, accompanied by a detailed analysis of each theme. Finally, a comprehensive report was produced, integrating the analytical narrative with data segments and connecting the analysis to existing literature. The themes reflect the theoretical framework of the private and public spheres as reflected in the professional development of women principals in Arab society.
Ethics in research
We received the approval of the Institutional Ethics Committee after fulfilling all the requirements. In accordance with research ethics, participants received an email including research objectives and questions before being interviewed. It was made clear to them that this was an academic study, that all their personal details would remain confidential, and that the goal was to examine in depth the phenomenon of women principals in Arab schools in Israel.
They were introduced to the research team and signed a consent form. Participants were informed that the interviews would be recorded and transcribed and were assured of confidentiality. We emphasized their right not to answer all questions and stop the interview without consequences. In the written manuscript, pseudonyms are used for anonymity.
The two researchers belong to a different population sector and culture, which required them to avoid biases, and to be aware of the possible lack of understanding of some of the cultural nuances in the conversation. To address this, a student from the Arab society who is familiar with the cultural codes and sensitive to them was chosen as a research assistant.
Findings
With the increase in the number of women principals in schools in Palestinian society in Israel, this study sought to examine how school principals view their leadership in the Arab society that is in the process of transitioning from a traditional to a modern society.
From the analysis of the interviews, four central themes emerged: the first involves the choice of teaching as a convenient way to bridge the aspiration for career development and personal growth and the social restrictions imposed on women in Arab society. The second theme teaches about the influence of their parents who represented a model for combining the traditional and the modern way of life, as guides and contributors to personal motivation for development and growth. The third theme describes the leadership of female principals and their perception as leaders of educational teams, that is, those who lead a professional team in the public sphere. The fourth theme elaborates on their activity in the community and their contribution to society.
Theme 1: Choosing the teaching career
Arab women experience an ongoing conflict between the social restrictions dictating their obligation to family and society and their desire to develop a professional career. Higher education and their subsequent expectation to develop a professional career presents young women with a dilemma. The choice of a career in education allows them to bridge this dilemma.
This is how Amal, described the dilemma between family and professional development: I graduated with a master's degree in a medical field, I was looking for a job close to home and convenient for a woman at the beginning of her career, even though it was not what I had planned. That year I got married and had to start working. I got a position as a high school science teacher in the same village where I lived and you know life overwhelms you, you also need to prove yourself as a woman, as a teacher, as a mother and as a sister-in-law. I was newly married and did not want to travel far and work in other options such as a laboratory or a pharmaceutical company, although I dreamed of continuing to a doctoral degree in the medical field, but marriage and pregnancy led me to advance in the field of teaching which was easy at that time.
Nasahr presented another example: When I finished studying it was clear that I was going back to the village, the studies were for the sake of self-respect, both mine and my parents’ but it was clear that as a woman I had to reintegrate into the accepted family path: partner, marriage, children and family. This is not what is explicitly said, but it is very clear in the many, many messages conveyed to you by everyone around you. And there aren't many jobs for women in the village either, so entering as a teacher was my way of combining what I learned and my education, with the desire to develop myself and to reconcile with what society expects of me.
From the quotes, we understand that the young women completed their studies but reconciled their personal ambitions for a career to meet the expectations of family and society. The decision to teach at the local school was viewed by them as a solution that allowed them to combine their desire for a career with social expectations. Leaving the village each day for work is a complicated issue and considered unsuitable for a young woman starting a family. Such a request would be perceived as less than respectable for a young woman and could create tensions with her partner or his family members. Therefore, teaching in the local school is viewed as an acceptable solution to this dilemma (Abo-Rabia-Queder, 2016). The local schools allow the young women to remain in an environment considered familiar and safe by their family members. The closeness to family in the villages gives a sense of security to both the young woman and her family since the school is a known environment where social supervision ensures proper behavior. Furthermore, the school schedule—both daily hours and the year's schedule—allow a young woman to be at home with her children in the afternoon and evening hours and during school vacations.
A different explanation for this choice was offered by Mina: Their comfort zone is in the education system. They don’t believe in themselves, that's why you won’t find them [Arab women] in politics, nor will you see them in high tech in the near future, nor in senior positions. As soon as the Arab woman gets out of her comfort zone and starts to believe in herself and her ability then she will go further. Believe me, it's not the society, write that down in a big way.
This explanation also contributes, albeit from a different angle, to understanding the reality of women in a society in transition. It presents criticism within society of women directed toward other women who avoid developing a career. The criticism is that it is not the external social restrictions, some of which may have already been removed, but the women's internal restrictions that direct them to choose teaching. Teaching is a safe and relaxed space for them, which allows them to combine professional work with the needs of the home, without having to deal with social, family, and possibly even professional complexities.
Theme 2: Their parents’ influence
In this theme, the parents and the family are presented as a model for choosing management and leadership as a way of life. In many of the interviews, the participant emphasized her family of origin and especially her parents for their major contribution to her professional choice. The interviewees shared that their parents’ behavior and the messages they passed on to them from childhood had a great impact on their motivation to move forward and become leaders in their field.
Samar described her family: I belong to a family whose members are all educators. My late father was an Arabic language teacher and … he himself was an assistant principal of a school and had a significant part in the educational activities in the village. From my father I learned to love education as an occupation that fills the heart. He always told me believe in your own way, do your things the best way you can, don’t make assumptions for yourself and don’t make assumptions for those around you, in order to succeed you have to do things correctly.
Mina spoke of the influence her parents had on her personality: My mother was a city girl who moved to the village, so we grew up a little different from the people around us; she was rebellious and set boundaries for others. My father was involved in politics and economics and hosted many politicians. Father hosted many Jewish people, had many acquaintances, many friends. This affected the different kind of education we received, the life of abundance and the requirement that we be independent, that we work hard. I grew up free, I will remain free, and I will die free. This word has great meaning and that is who I am today. This is what they gave me: freedom to think, create, exist, work, and achieve.
This theme is evidence that the parental home was of central significance in the interviewees’ choice to pursue a managerial career. The theme also elucidates the characteristics propelling transition in Arab society in Israel. The parents’ engagement and encounter, as part of a minority group, with Jewish Israeli society influenced them to encourage their daughters’ quest for higher education and professional development. In most of the interviews, the activity of the parents, especially the fathers, was mentioned as being in the public sphere as teachers, politicians, and businesspeople. Activity in the public space was thus perceived by today's female school principals in their youth as a correct model for personal development and social contribution. At the same time, this model was new and not acceptable by all, creating a dilemma between the support for the individual's development in the family space and the demands of the society at large. Our findings are similar to results that emerged in other studies in this field (Shapira et al., 2011a, 2011b).
Theme 3: Women principals’ management characteristics
This theme emphasizes the interviewees’ description of their management style as needing to be attentive, supportive, and available to the team, to act cooperatively and less rigidly and critically. This management style generally contrasts with the male management style that preceded them in the schools.
Suha said: I work in partnership and transparency, showing them their mistakes and how to correct them. I am always available. I am a good listener. I am with them and for them when they need my help. But I also show them their mistakes and deficiencies at work. There is transparency in my work as well as cooperation. I don’t work alone. A leader must feel the needs of those he leads but never allow the mission to be canceled or unfinished. He will listen, accommodate, help and encourage implementation of the goals together. A leader will pull the others up despite the personal difficulties.
Samah added the importance of emotional partnership as a means of harnessing the team to work: How strong I am, how sensitive I am. I can talk about things enthusiastically in a team meeting and I can cry because I’m proud of it. Being a leader is knowing that at any given moment, in moments of success or failure, in moments when you want to consult and discuss with others, you’ll look around and you’ll find people who believe in you and run with you. …It is important for me to work in partnership with the team, I let the team build a work plan to achieve the goals.
Nada summed up the uniqueness of her management style with these words: They asked me in the management interview what I was afraid of. I answered that I was afraid of losing my femininity and that the position would make me aggressive rather than strong. I understand that strength and power is not necessarily forceful and aggressive but rather inclusive and empathetic… My management is more of a circular collaboration, this is the power of female management…
The interviews revealed the management style that characterizes the female leaders as emphasizing empathy and listening, personal support, and the creation of commitment to the team's partnership in their goals and their way of achieving them. We learn that in their opinion it is precisely these qualities that allowed them to reach a management position and to promote the systems they lead. This is also evident from other studies on female managers in Arab society (Shapira et al., 2010). Their behavior and the participatory discourse they introduced constituted an innovation that challenged the patriarchal and masculine style of management that has been dominant in schools in Arab society (Shapira et al., 2011a, 2011b).
Interestingly, an examination of their discourse on leadership indicates the extent of their internalization of leadership in their patriarchal society as being masculine. When they speak of themselves and their activities they use feminine gender language, but when they refer to themselves as leaders, the discourse becomes masculine (“he” or the masculine form of “you”). This gender reversal corresponds to the findings of a study that examined factors that promote women to key positions in various organizations (Moor, 2015).
Theme 4: Principals as social agents
The women principals serve as social agents to deal with social matters, bridging intergenerational gaps and offering solutions to family and social crises, which are often a consequence of Arab society being in the transition stages from traditional to modern.
Maryam described: I know that I am an address for many matters both in the family and in the village. Today everything changes very quickly, parents are not used to it, people look around and talk. Parents are very confused about all kinds of things, especially the education and lifestyle of young people who are very different from their parents’ generation. It takes a lot of patience to listen. I am also approached to find solutions to people's difficulties, to problems between children and parents, to matters within the family. People see me as an address.
She also describes an initiative for her involvement in helping the head of the local council, who she perceives as an acceptable and authoritative figure, in events [that were potentially dangerous]: “In the events that just happened, the head of the council called and told me that I needed to go talk to the young people who did not go down to the intersection, that there would be no riots. He said, ‘You know how to talk to them, influence them, they know you and they listen to you’.”
Nada described her influence in the village, concerning the mistaken social perception of the special education school: I entered the school that was on the verge of closing and many in the community did not want it at all because of the stigma surrounding students enrolled in a special education school. In the [Arab] sector they do not want their children to be in special education. When they ask me, which school do you work at? I say the name of the special education school that includes children with autism and children with mild and moderate mental disability … They didn’t know what a school for special education was … I opened a Facebook page for the school and a lot of people joined suddenly. Today, even in the office, in the community and outside of it, they heard good things about the school and now the school has changed 180 degrees.
Describing her place as a counselor for families: Families in conflict, say a child with problems at home. As a counselor, I always hear problems, so my place as a leader is that I change hats, sometimes manager, sometimes counselor… and adds her perception of her place in the community: I am a social and dominant figure and I also volunteer in several forums and in female leadership … I’m very strong in marketing.
The quotes reveal how the role of women leaders emerges as significant figure in the society around them. They are an agency of change not only in the school but in the community. Their position as professionals gives them status and allows them to operate in the public space traditionally perceived as masculine, patriarchal, and political. This activity shows the significance of their activity in the public sphere.
Discussion and conclusions
This study examined the perceptions of women school principals in the Arab sector, who are the first generation of women principals. The theoretical framework for this study is the dichotomy between private and public spheres (Bodnar, 2015; Landes, 2013), and its meaning for women which their communities in transition between traditional to modern societies.
This division of spheres significantly influences life's realities, impacting not only women's behaviors but also shaping their perspectives on what is permissible, forbidden, desirable, and achievable. Within this context, we aim to examine the experiences of women leaders who transitioned from the private sphere to the public sphere. Our focus is on understanding their self-perception regarding their career and the societal roles imposed upon them.
The findings of this study indicated that the choice of the teaching profession after graduation served as a solution to their dilemma between the expected society norms to take care of their family in the private sphere (Arar, 2010; Fogiel-Bijaoui and Rutlinger-Reiner, 2013) and their desire to develop a professional career in the public sphere (Kurtz, 2007). With this choice, they have moved from the public sphere during their studies, return home to the private sphere, and again to the public sphere as teachers and then as principals.
The interviewees in this study described the private sphere in their family as encouraging and promoting their growth because they had received inspiration and a personal example from their parents to acquire an education and realize their ambitions. This step was expressed in stepping out into the public sphere, despite the complexities of such a move for some of them (Greenberg and Sagiv-Reiss, 2013). Our findings demonstrate how challenging is this movement for young women in a society that is in transition from tradition to modernity.
These principals prefer a democratic style of management based on listening, sharing, and teamwork but without renouncing the use of the authority that comes from the definition of their role (Shapira et al., 2010). They altered the public sphere in school and allowed additional democratic management language to be expressed, based on innovative approaches to leadership. This type of management has consequences for the professional quality, teaching and achievements, and for the atmosphere of the teachers’ room, which is one of the most significant resources of the school (De Jong et al., 2022).
In addition, their activity as managers in the public sphere is broader than just in school. They act as social leaders by being professionals, capable of leading and possessing knowledge and power. The novel information yielded in the current study, which we did not find in previous studies and literature, was that women school principals act as a social change agent. They are called upon to solve problems within the family and in the community as a whole and to promote social issues.
The combination of the personal path they took and their professional activities together with high level of commitment to their duties gives them a significant social status in school in the public sphere outside the school and in the community. Their activity in the community and their ever-expanding status contribute to the devaluation of the traditional leadership, which is patriarchal, establishing a different collaborative leadership. Women leaders in the public sphere contribute not only to themselves but also to the society that is passing through transition processes. The findings show that being in one sphere is not a static situation because in a community in change, women adeptly navigate between the private and the public spheres, relate to their age, familial roles, and societal expectations. Their participation in the public sphere is expressed in management roles at school, with students’ parents, in civil society, and in the community.
This study presents an innovative finding which highlights that the recognition of women in their roles as school principals contributes to their broader acceptance as social change agents. There is no documentation of this social role in the research literature dealing with women school principals in Arab society. Their involvement in the community shows the significance attributed to them as respected leaders. This involvement in the public sphere, once constrained, now plays a significant contribution to the transition from tradition to modernity of the Arab society in Israel.
This article contributes to a deeper understanding of the theoretical conceptualization surrounding the private and public spheres (Bodnar, 2015; Buschman, 2020; Kurtz, 2007), particularly focusing on the movement of women within Arab society across these spheres. Additionally, it highlights the practical significance of familial support in facilitating the progress of women in Arab communities, emphasizing teaching as a profession that enables them to navigate the balance between personal development and societal expectations. Encouraging parental support for daughters’ pursuit of higher education and advocating for women's advancement into leadership roles, where their societal impact is substantial, is recommended.
The limitations of the study stem from the fact that a small number of women principals were interviewed for this study. Some were recruited using the “snowball” method, so it is possible that the interviewees, who are known to each other, have similar professional and personal experiences, and these may have biased the research findings. At the same time, this is a wide qualitative sample of interviewees from different regions in the country, and their comments revealed the shared meaning they found in their roles as managers and leaders. Further research involving a larger-scale sample would certainly be beneficial as would an investigation of the opinions of village residents and community leaders, regarding the phenomenon of women school principals.
Footnotes
Declaration of conflicting interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
