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Abstract

Intimate partner violence (IPV) has profound negative consequences for affected men’s physical and mental well-being globally. Yet, limited attention has been given to the coproduction of media campaign interventions with male survivors to promote help‑seeking in Nigeria—an area to which this study makes an original and significant contribution through an intersectionality-informed approach. Ten male participants with lived experience of IPV took part in a focus group discussion in Delta State, Nigeria, and the data were analyzed using thematic analysis guided by intersectionality theory. The findings indicate that economic vulnerability functions as a key precipitating condition for abuse, while entrenched socio‑cultural norms surrounding masculinity contribute to silencing, invisibility, and constrained help‑seeking. The intersection of media outlets, length, captivating messages, authority, relatability, and resonance was perceived as crucial to instill trust and aid an effective media campaign to encourage help-seeking. Collectively, these insights provide a robust empirical foundation for policymakers and governments globally to inform the design of evidence‑based media campaign interventions that address intersectional barriers to enhance the visibility of male IPV victimization and strengthen help-seeking behavior, alongside accessible pathways to support.

Keywords

intimate partner violence domestic abuse men help-seeking Nigeria

Introduction

Men’s experiences of intimate partner violence (IPV) constitute a significant public health concern (Ike, Jidong, Carthy, et al., 2026). In the United Kingdom, an estimated 712,000 men in England and Wales experienced domestic abuse and IPV, equating to a prevalence rate of approximately 3.0% (Office for National Statistics, 2024). Within the context of Nigeria, existing literature suggests that men are significantly affected by IPV manifested in the form of verbal assault and financial loss (Ojo et al., 2025). Of central concern is the adverse impact of men’s experiences of IPV, characterized by poor help-seeking behavior, which represents challenges that are often overlooked, leaving many isolated in silence. This is especially as most literature on IPV and help-seeking has predominantly focused on women (Femi-Ajao et al., 2020; Ike et al., 2023; Ike, Jidong, Nwanzu, et al., 2025). Such concern is further compounded by the adverse effect of IPV on males, including psychological distress (Lysova & Dim, 2025), loss of self-esteem (Macassa et al., 2025), and economic decline (Huntley et al., 2019). Nevertheless, a gap remains in studies that draw on a coproduction approach to co-design interventions with males affected by IPV through an intersectionality theoretical lens.

A growing body of literature has often focused on how gender norms—about what a man “should” be—shape both the violence men experience and their attitude toward help-seeking (Kim et al., 2024; McLeod et al., 2024). This strand of literature argues for the role of stigma and masculinity in limiting help-seeking, as men often internalize norms of self-reliance, emotional restraint, and toughness (Hine et al., 2022). Another strand of literature stresses men’s experiences of IPV and domestic violence and abuse (DVA) across physical, psychological, and coercive-control forms, with victimization frequently under-recognized within services (Khan & Arendse, 2022; Machado et al., 2020), and public narratives that center women’s experiences (Ike, Jidong, Ayobi, et al., 2025). This strand highlights how invisibility affects men’s recognition of abuse, disclosure, and pathways to care—especially when abuse does not fit stereotyped images (e.g., male-perpetrated physical violence), and when services are perceived as “not for men” (Raufu, 2025). Concerning lived experiences of males’ IPV, Woodyard’s (2019) study with affected males found that they were a perceived sense that male victimization is construed by other as less serious compared with female victimization. The study also reports perceived law enforcement officers’ bias, and difficulty in speaking to family members about the victimization and violence as factors limiting help-seeking and access to appropriate services (Woodyard, 2019). Other studies highlight variability in men’s conceptualizations of abuse and emphasize the need for inclusive frameworks that acknowledge diverse experiences across gender and social locations (Torbati, 2025; Wright, 2016).

Concerning interventions, previous literature focused on the experiences of call handlers and domestic abuse charitable organizations that provide support for male victims in the United Kingdom (Hine et al., 2022). Others focus on men’s resort to escaping abuse through work and productivity, including withdrawal (Lysova & Dim, 2025). While these interventions appear relevant, they are, however, limited and call for a more inclusive design that addresses the needs of the affected population, especially in a country like Nigeria. For example, Nigeria, as a country, is characterized by patriarchal norms (Bojeghre, 2025), cultural values (Atteh, 2025), and religion (Etobe et al., 2025), all of which intersect to prescribe masculine norms and gendered expectations of the male as the head of the family and provider. The implication of which significantly limits help-seeking behavior. Underscoring the need for affected male victims and survivors’ involvement in the design of culturally appropriate interventions to encourage help-seeking.

In light of the preceding gaps, the present study makes an original and significant contribution by addressing them. The study focuses on males with lived experiences of IPV to coproduce a media campaign intervention designed to foster help-seeking for mental health challenges, including the violence experienced, while drawing on an intersectionality theoretical lens to make sense of the intersecting barriers and constraints that underpinned how the affected males navigate the challenges of help-seeking and abuse. As Kimberlé Crenshaw’s (1989) intersectionality theory posits, traditional or conventional approaches to discrimination often downplay the compounded effects of multiple identities. As such, factors such as gender, socioeconomic status, level of education, and political and cultural factors can intersect and serve as systemic barriers affecting people with overlapping marginalized identities. In essence, intersectionality theory represents a valuable lens to examine the disparities in male victims of gender-based violence, poor help-seeking behavior due to factors, including harmful masculine stereotypes, religio-cultural factors, and service providers’ indifference to the provision of culturally appropriate services. Intersectionality theory provides a useful lens to inform the coproduction of media campaign interventions to encourage help-seeking and disrupt the revolving cycle of silence, projecting affected males as the hidden victims of abuse.

Hence, the Research Question:

Research Question: What are men’s experiences of IPV and how can it inform the coproduction of media campaign intervention to foster help-seeking?

For this study, we adopt the definition of IPV in line with the World Health Organization (2013) and Garcia-Moreno et al. (2013), who defined it as “the behaviour within an intimate relationship that causes harm to a partner, including acts of physical and sexual violence, emotional abuse, verbal threats, isolation and controlling behaviours.” To address the research question, the next section details the methodology adopted. This is followed by the findings and a discussion linked to the literature.

Method

A case study design and qualitative methodology underpinned the study. It was also informed by an intepretivist epistemology, which emphasizes the complexity, dynamism, and subjectivity of social reality. In so doing, interpretivism prioritizes in-depth insight into participants’ experiences, beliefs, and meanings to make sense of their world (Bryman, 2016). Interpretivism therefore, offers a valuable lens to understand men’s experiences of intimate partners’ violence and how their shared experience can inform the coproduction of a media campaign intervention to encourage help-seeking. The present study is underpinned by a constructionist ontology, which stresses that knowledge is historically determined and produced by subjective human interests (Burr, 2024). Social constructionist theory acknowledges that knowledge is a product of social constructions and human interaction. The social constructionist ontological lens also offers a valuable lens for making sense of how gendered expectations of masculinity reflect the intersection of historically prescribed cultural and religious norms and their implications for help-seeking.

Ethics

Prior to data collection, we sought and received ethical approval from the Teesside University School of Social Sciences, Humanities and Law Research Ethics sub- Committee. The study was conducted in line with the Helsinki declaration. All participants were briefed on the study aims and objectives prior to participation. Participants were informed on how their data will be used, including confidentiality, anonymity, and right of withdrawal. All participants duly consented and completed the consent form prior to participation.

Participant Demographics and Sampling

A purposive sampling technique was adopted to recruit participants. Drawing on our existing networks with third-sector organizations, including non-governmental organizations and faith-based organizations (e.g., churches and mosques), we recruited participants from these sources. We also leveraged the Ministry of Justice in the Delta stage to recruit participants. To maximize recruitment, participants were also asked to suggest others with similar characteristics who might be interested in taking part in the study. In total, 10 males with lived experiences of IPV were recruited for the study. Of the 10, n = 4 had attained a secondary level of education, while the other six indicated a tertiary level of education. Regarding employment status, five were employed, while the other five indicated being unemployed. The participants were recruited from Delta State, Nigeria, and comprised states such as Adamawa, Delta, Katsina, Borno, Anambra, and Plateau states. The participants were between 18 and 59 years old.

Data Collection

To aid data collection, the study initially established a steering committee comprising males with lived experience, who were instrumental in informing the questions to be asked during the focus group data collection. We also held an initial stakeholder community engagement and involvement comprising males with lived experiences of IPV who also emphasized the need for a media campaign intervention and suggested the appropriate types of questions that could be asked to ensure a coherent media campaign that meets the needs of the affected population. The collective input informed the design of the focus group guide, which was submitted for ethical approval and was approved by the first author’s University of affiliation. Examples of questions contained in the focus group guide include What are your experiences of IPV? What are your experiences of help-seeking? What factors do you think limit or foster help-seeking? What are your views on the role of the media in fostering help-seeking behavior? What type of content would you input to aid an effective media campaign? What do you think are the factors to consider in an effective media campaign to encourage men’s help-seeking behavior? What media outlets do you think are most appropriate to aid an effective campaign for affected men? Are there any thoughts you would like to add that may not have been covered in this focus group?

In total, one focus group comprising 10 participants was conducted. The focus group was conducted by a male with lived experience (trained by the research teams in focus group interviewing techniques). The focus group facilitator was also supported by a trained male senior research fellow with lived experience of working with the affected population, as well as by other senior members of the project team, comprising a psychologist and a barrister.

Data Analysis

The recorded focus group was transcribed verbatim into a Word document. Members of the steering group were trained in thematic analysis by a senior member of the research team with a doctoral (PhD) qualification. Thematic analysis from an intersectionality theoretical lens was adopted to analyze the data. Braun and Clarke’s (2013) six-step process of thematic analysis was adopted to analyze the data. This includes familiarization with the dataset through an immersive reading of the focus group transcript. The next stage involves fully coding the transcript into units of meaning. To ensure intercoder reliability, two members of the research team reviewed the coded dataset. When discrepancies arose, they were brought to the broader research team, which deliberated and resolved them. In the third stage, the code was submerged into themes and in the fourth stage, the themes were further refined against the codes to ensure coherence and their reflection of the participants’ views across the data set. In the fifth stage, the themes were defined, and in the sixth stage, the findings were reported. All participants’ identifiable information, including real names, was deleted and replaced with anonymized names. Table 1 showing summary themes including representative quotes.

Table 1.

Summary Themes and Representative Quotes.

No	Themes	Representative quotes
1	Economic vulnerability and harmful gendered stereotype as a precipitating factor to abuse	“I think sometimes women tend to respect a man who provides. And once that shield of provision is out of it, a man is likely to be abused, either emotionally, even physically. So, I think that finance is a major cause of abuse.” (Olamilekan) “Culture really plays a great role in the lives of men over here especially when it has to do with gender-based violence I experienced from my wife. Whatsoever you do as a man, as a man, you need to extra work yourself or you will be looked down on with contempt. You need to extra work yourself for your family, and if you cannot do it, if you cannot work for your family, the way they will look at you, they will say you are not capable and you are not fit to be a man.” (Osahon)
2	Silence and invisibility	“I am suffering gender-based violence because the culture here is that it is not possible for a lady to hit a man. You understand so, whether its gender based physical violence or sexual violence, a male cannot come up and speak up because he is going to be laughed at from his friends to family members.” (Tobore) “Society has made it in such a way that the men are always superior than the woman. They are always stronger than the woman. So, coming out to talk about this is, a rare case. It hardly happens. So how can the woman be more stronger than him? How can she put the man back on the ground? So, it is something that hardly happen in Africa because we believe women are always inferior, hence the culture of silence that informed my reluctance to seek help. [. . .] I think we need to stand up to tell the societies. Yeah, some women’s biological makeup and gene, are more stronger than men, so it can happen and men can also be a victim of domestic violence.” (Ewomazino)
3	Media outlet and length	“Depending on media platforms, mostly I think you should just follow the normal 1.30 seconds to as long as two minutes, because if it is longer than that, there is going to be distractions and people will lose the point.” (Folarin) “The length of the video campaign should not be too long, [. . .] 30 seconds to two minutes is very, very OK.” (Abidemi)

Findings

Informed by thematic analysis from an intersectionality theoretical lens, the findings yielded the following main themes: (1) Economic vulnerability and harmful gender stereotype as precipitating factor to abuse, (2) Silence and invisibility, (3) Media outlet and length, (4) Captivating messages, (5) Authority and trust, and (6) Relatability and resonance. The themes and corresponding extracts are reported below.

Economic Vulnerability and Harmful Gender Stereotype as Precipitating Factors to Abuse

A dominant pattern in the dataset is the economic vulnerability men face, which makes them susceptible to experiencing violence. Such economic vulnerabilities refer to the susceptibility of individuals to financial instability, exploitation or deprivation, due to limited access to resources, opportunities, and protections. From an intersectional perspective, this concept is not uniform—it is shaped by the overlapping and interacting systems of patriarchy and societal gendered expectations of masculinity and culture. Talking about this, one male participant said:

I have been a victim of where my wife [. . .] and the brothers came to beat me up said I am not taking care of my wife (their sister) and stuff like that, you know. The threat that she will send people to come and beat me up in the house, I will be scared to sleep in the house. You know, problems everywhere. So sometimes you can’t say it out. (Gbubemi)

The preceding extract shows how male victimhood is complicated by patriarchal expectations, family enforcement, and cultural scripts of masculinity, producing a unique form of violence and silencing that cannot be understood through a single lens of gender alone. In making sense of the participant’s lived experiences, as a man experiencing IPV, this challenges dominant norms that men are always perpetrators and women victims (Ike, Jidong, Ayobi, et al., 2025; Ike, Jidong, Ike, et al., 2025; Ike, Jidong, Nwanzu, et al., 2025; Femi-Ajao et al., 2020). His identity as a husband is central—due to him being accused of “not taking care” of his wife, reflecting previous literature highlight of perceived cultural expectations of male responsibility (Bueno, 2025; Folorunsho et al., 2025). As such, the intersection of masculinity with providing and protecting, and failure to meet these expectations, appears to legitimize the punishment and violence experienced. On a similar vein, while commenting on the role of economic factors in exacerbating violence and abuse, another male participant said:

I think sometimes women tend to respect a man who provides. And once that shield of provision is out of it, a man is likely to be abused, either emotionally, even physically. So, I think that finance is a major cause of abuse. And another point is around issues around self-esteem. I think it is very critical because sometimes I feel [so] because based on some of the thing I know. (Olamilekan)

The preceding extract highlights how gender, economics, and psychological factors overlap and intersect in shaping experiences of violence and respect. Cultural norms appear to equate manhood with financial ability. As such, the participant extract seems to reinforce the view highlighted in previous literature that a man’s worth is often perceived by society via measuring his capacity to provide, and when that shield of provision is lost, his social standing and respect diminish (Bueno, 2025; Folorunsho et al., 2025). In essence, patriarchy does not only privilege men—it also appears to burden them with rigid roles. Failure to meet these roles can expose men to abuse, stigma, or loss of respect. Economic dependence, therefore, shifts power relations in intimate partnerships, making men vulnerable in ways often overlooked.

Silence and Invisibility

A notable pattern in the dataset is how male victims of gender-based violence are rendered invisible due to how dominant narratives frame violence as something that only happens to women (Femi-Ajao et al., 2020; Ike et al., 2023). Thus, the intersection of cultural norms and law enforcement agencies’ perceived nonchalant attitude toward victims was construed to reinforce exclusionary narratives that erase victimized male groups, leaving them without recognition or support. Talking about this, one participant said:

I am suffering gender-based violence because the culture here is that it is not possible for a lady to hit a man. You understand so, whether its gender based physical violence or sexual violence, a male cannot come up and speak up because he is going to be laughed at from his friends to family members, so even the law enforcement agencies. If a man goes to the police station to go and report the gender-based violence, then they will call him a woman rapper. And what that implies is that he is a lazy person. Because of that mockery, the mockery factor, most men find it difficult to actually report. Then again, another factor is that nobody acts on it. You understand the law or response agencies do not act on it. (Tobore)

The extract highlights how cultural expectations of masculinity (a man is strong and less likely to be hit by a woman) silence male victims (Westmarland & Burrell, 2025). As the participant extract shows, his perceptions that men are mocked, labeled as “lazy” or “woman rappers,” shows how patriarchal norms appears to harm men who do not conform to dominant ideals of strength and invulnerability. The findings indicate how gender stereotypes intersect with cultural norms to produce stigma (Ike, Jidong, Nwanzu, et al., 2025). The extract further gives credence to the point that violence is not experienced in a vacuum—it is shaped by local cultural narratives about gender, power, and respectability. Social stigma and community pressure, manifested in the form of mockery from friends and family, compound the problem. This demonstrates how social networks intersect with gender identity, amplifying silence and discouraging reporting. In making sense of the participants’ views, law enforcement agencies appear to reinforce these stereotypes by the perceived ridiculing of men who report abuse—a finding also reported by other studies (Ike, Jidong, Carthy, et al., 2026; Pisano et al., 2025). This appears to show how state institutions are perceived to intersect with gender norms, creating systemic barriers to justice. Another participant also said,

I think is our culture and background, especially in the Nigerian society, right where they make us believe us, the male folks, that you have certain responsibilities. Right, and that we are stronger and that even when issues happen, you are supposed to manage it or handle it without even letting it leave maybe the family or leave the home. (Daopunye)

The preceding extracts highlight how masculinity norms manifest in how men are socialized to be “strong” and “responsible,” which discourages vulnerability (Barure, 2025; Folorunsho et al., 2025). This appears to intersect with patriarchal structures, where men are expected to protect and provide, even at the cost of their own well-being. The idea that problems should remain within the home appears to reflect cultural values around privacy, respectability, and family honor. This intersects with gender roles, reinforcing silence and discouraging men from seeking external help. Men who speak out risk being mocked or labeled as weak, thus highlighting social stigma, which further limits help-seeking.

Media Outlet and Length

In coproducing the intervention, a recurrent pattern in the dataset was the need to contextualize the video’s length, including the chosen platform for dissemination, to encourage engagement and effectiveness. In this light, emphasis was accorded to brevity (short clips), content type, audience attention type, and platform-specific norms. Commenting on this, one male participant said,

Depending on media platforms, mostly I think you should just follow the normal 1.30 seconds to as long as two minutes, because if it is longer than that, there is going to be distractions and people will lose the point [. . .]. YouTube shorts and all those short shorts with Tiktok are, the quickest videos people watch, and it usually last between 30 seconds to 45 seconds or one minute max. They are very, very effective. (Folarin)

On a slightly similar vein, another participant said:

The length of the video campaign should not be too long, [. . .] 30 seconds to two minutes is very, very OK. So then again now the platform we are using for the media campaign, you know we have to look at the age group and what captures their interests in the country currently now. (Abidemi)

The extract highlights how video effectiveness depends on platform norms, audience attention spans, and the type of content (short reels). The intersection of platform-driven expectations, attention span, and content-context fit is perceived to determine brevity, which links to higher engagement, retention, and, by extension, effectiveness through conciseness. The extract thus reveals that video length is not arbitrary but shaped by the intersection of platform culture, audience psychology, and content type. Short-form videos (30–60 s) dominate TikTok, YouTube Shorts, and Facebook Reels because they fit the attention economy. Longer videos are often perceived to be reserved for platforms like YouTube, where audiences expect depth (Jung et al., 2025). The overarching point made by the participants is that video length should be tailored to both platform norms and audience expectations to enhance its effectiveness in encouraging help-seeking for gender-based violence. In addition to video length, the participant emphasized the need to reach out to the audience with limited access to social media through other platforms, such as radio. Talking about this, one participant said:

I think radio is actually very essential to reach the people in the local community because many of them who cannot access Tele (Television), who cannot access the social media actually, listen to radio. (Olamilekan)

The preceding extract highlights the need for the accessibility of communication platforms, such as radio, to bridge the gap for people without access to television or digital platforms. Other studies have also highlighted the important role of accessible media to enable wide coverage of people who might be disadvantaged by using a specific media outlet (Chang et al., 2004; Vitalis et al., 2025). Thus, it serves as a tool of equity in information sharing. In this light, radio is seen as a mechanism of community engagement, embedded in local life, making it effective for reaching grassroots audiences, thus addressing the digital divide and inequalities in access to technology. Radio also appears to compensate for this divide by being low cost and widely available (Maina et al., 2025). In essence, the extract reveals that radio functions as an inclusive, accessible, and community-rooted medium. It is essential to reach populations excluded from television and social media due to the intersection of economic or infrastructural barriers.

Captivating Messages

The content of the media campaign message is crucial in achieving the desired aims to encourage help-seeking behavior of men affected by IPV. As a result, participants commented on the intersection between attention-grabbing visuals, platform-driven communication, and structured storytelling that indicates a clear progression from introduction (problem) → body (context/explanation) → conclusion (solution/support) to ensure the narrative flow, viewers stay engaged, and understand the message. Thus, further ensuring that the campaign is not just informative but also solution oriented. Commenting on this, one participant said:

Firstly, let it be eye-catching. You can just show on the screen how maybe on the roads. Now I am just talking about the roads on Facebook or so how that a man is being violated aggressively. OK, maybe being beaten up aggressively, being chased. Just show something that has to depict violence. That alone will catch the attention of persons to want to know what next. Right. So, then you can chip in certain other things. The main body, then the conclusion can be how that person’s is made aware of the advocacy and which helplines they can reach out to when such things happen to them. (Daopunye)

The extract highlights that effective advocacy campaigns rely on a balance of attention-grabbing visuals, platform-specific strategies, structured storytelling, and actionable support. The overarching theme is that awareness could lead to empowerment: viewers are first drawn in by urgency, then educated, and finally offered concrete resources to respond to violence. This appears to reinforce previous literature view on the role of the media, including captivating valuable media content in informing behavior change (Nilsson et al., 2026). Commenting on the importance of valuable content, another participant said:

I think is the basic ways to do this. I think the caption should be “Saying no to domestic violence,” then there should be a picture showing a lady maybe hitting a man on the head or slapping a man or something trying to depict the domestic violence you understand. So, I think that should be the introduction. Before the main body of the adverts or the campaign, [. . .] And then you can talk about the effect of intimate partner violence on men which include depression, anxiety, low self-esteem and post-traumatic stress disorder. The media content can include why it is important to seek help, the need to be rise above societal and cultural stigma or expectations of men and information on where to seek help such as the police, mental health professionals and local authorities. Yeah. So, I feel that should be the best way to catch the audience and encourage men’s help seeking. (Abidemi)

The preceding extract highlights the need to raise awareness through symbolism. As such, beginning the campaign with a striking caption and imagery to signal the issue immediately appeared construed by the participant to be considered significant. Violence appears thus required to be depicted through imagery to highlight seriousness and urgency. The psychological impact of gender-based violence on men’s mental health underscores the need for a media campaign intervention that depicts violence and its invisible, long-term effects (Ike, Jidong, Ayobi, et al., 2026; Mutinta, 2025). This is further emphasized by the intersection of the need to break cultural stigma by challenging adverse societal expectations that appears to make men remain silent, alongside a pathway to support in the form of helplines and resources that ensure the campaign is action-oriented. In essence, the extract highlights that an effective campaign against domestic violence must combine attention-grabbing awareness, recognition of psychological harm, cultural critique, and practical support pathways. This is more so as advocacy for male victims requires both visibility and empowerment: making the issue seen, naming its effects, dismantling stigma, and offering concrete help.

Authority and Trust

Effective media orientation program or social marketing to aid change requires the affected population’s buy-in to build trust and instill confidence (Weinreich, 2010). A recurrent pattern in the dataset was the perceived need to involve relevant authorities, such as stakeholders with influence, to help instill trust in the media message being promoted. Such stakeholders are deemed necessary to aid validation and confidence in the media orientation program. Talking about this, one participant said:

You know talking about the conclusion part, you can now say that OK, this project is being backed by the National Orientation Agency, the Ministry of Justice and the Nigerian Police. Now, those are trusted entities that people can relate with and is actually OK. (Eserovwe)

The preceding extracts highlight the need for a strong way to close the campaign message—by anchoring it in trusted institutions that give credibility and reassurance. The participants’ extract emphasizes that institutional endorsement transforms advocacy into action. By naming the National Orientation Agency, the Ministry of Justice, and the Nigerian Police, the campaign gains legitimacy, relatability, and authority. As such, trusted institutions are perceived to provide the backbone of effective advocacy, reassuring victims that support is both real and accessible. Similar findings on the need for trusted authority such as religious leaders to deliver media campaign message have been found to be helpful in encouraging community receptiveness toward former Boko Haram members (Blair et al., 2021). On a similar vein, another participant said:

When you mention religious leaders, celebrities, these are people that people still listen to including the human, right. That is, all those people, people listen to them. So, I believe strongly that if those people are used in this regard, it is going to be effective. (Alexandra)

The extract highlights that trusted voices and popular figures amplify advocacy campaigns. Religious leaders provide moral authority, while celebrities bring visibility and relatability. Together, they bridge cultural gaps, challenge adverse masculine expectations, and make campaigns more effective. The overarching point stressed in the participant extract is that social influence is a powerful tool in driving awareness and behavior change.

Relatability and Resonance

The delivery of the media campaign intervention is crucial to ensuring its effectiveness in improving help-seeking behavior (Duthie et al., 2024; Plackett et al., 2025). A dominant pattern in the dataset is the voice and messenger identity, which were considered integral in shaping the credibility and impact of a campaign, especially when addressing sensitive issues like men experiencing IPV. Talking about this, one participant said:

We are talking about the voice we should use as to me, I prefer male voice. OK, because I think that will be I think we have to relate more with the male person than the female. You know, the female is talking about gender-based violence for men. But like I wanted to actually say in fact you even kill it from the beginning. They call it dead on arrival. Do you understand? So, but if a male comes up to deliver such on something that links with men, affect a man oh like men to men commenting on their own experience, it sinks, but the woman coming to deliver message on seeking help for gender-based violence for men is dead on arrival. Thank you. (Eserovwe)

Here, the participant extract denotes that voice choice is not neutral—rather, it appears to intersect with cultural norms, gender expectations, and audience perceptions. For campaigns about male victims of gender-based violence, a male voice was perceived to carry greater authenticity, relatability, and impact, helping to dismantle stigma and encourage help-seeking. The implication of the findings is that for a media campaign intervention designed to foster help-seeking to succeed, the messenger must align with the audience’s identity to avoid dismissal and maximize resonance. In essence, female voices, though valid, may be undermined by cultural biases that frame men’s issues as less severe if voiced by women. By extension, running the risk of dismissal of the media campaign. As a result, a plausible explanation for why the participant might have held such a view could be tied to audience relatability, in which the campaign is perceived as more effective when the messenger reflects the audience’s identity and lived experience of gender-based violence. It could also be tied to the perceived extensive focus on women as victims (Femi-Ajao et al., 2020; Ike et al., 2023), which further seems to undermine men’s vulnerability to also be victims and as such taken less seriously when they report abuse. On a slightly similar note, another participant said:

If we create a video, and you see different male faces talking about the same issue, then it sends a message that it is not just limited or it is not something that is minute (small), but rather something that is experienced by so many males out there. So even though I know a female voice can also be of impact. I would get a greater level of impact when we have more of the male voices in such campaigns. (Kosisochukwu)

The preceding extract stresses the importance of relatability and representation. Here, in making sense of the participant perspective, seeing multiple male faces and hearing male voices makes the campaign more authentic, creates a strong masculine connection, and is impactful for male victims of gender-based violence. In essence, collective male testimony could potentially break stigma and transform silence into solidarity, while the choice of messenger strategically enhances credibility.

Discussion

The purpose of the study was to explore Nigerian men’s experiences of IPV and how it can inform the coproduction of media campaign interventions to foster help-seeking. Informed by an intersectionality theoretical lens, the findings yielded several themes, including (1) Economic vulnerability and harmful gender stereotype as precipitating factor to abuse, (2) Silence and invisibility, (3) Media outlet and length, (4) Captivating messages, (5) Authority and trust, and (6) Relatability and resonance. The themes will be discussed in relation to the literature.

First, we found that the economic factor was construed as a significant precipitating factor for abuse. Cultural norms and gendered expectations of males as head intersects to place affected victims in vulnerable positions, which makes them susceptible to abuse. Our findings are congruent with previous literature on men with limited financial resources’ vulnerability to intimate partner abuse, increased stress and limited ability to leave the abusive relationship (Kolbe & Büttner, 2020). However, it is not congruent with previous studies, which often emphasize female victims as mainly disadvantaged due to economic factors, including financial difficulties, which make it challenging to leave the abusive relationship (Conner, 2013; Slabbert, 2017; Ike, Jidong, Nwanzu, et al., 2025).

Second, silence and invisibility appears to embody the societal and cultural expectations of men. In essence, we found that men appeared socialized to embody strength, responsibility, and silence in the face of hardship. This cultural framing seems to discourage male victims from reporting abuse, as doing so risks ridicule, stigma, and dismissal by family, peers, and even law enforcement. The intersection of masculinity norms and societal expectations creates a powerful barrier to help-seeking. The findings resonate with previous literature, which emphasizes the role of masculine expectation in impacting men’s help-seeking behavior. The finding appears not to be incongruent with previous literature on male hegemony, which emphasizes patriarchal and the positive impact of men as heads (Adisa et al., 2019). This is given the adverse effect men face when exposed to violence, which precludes them from help-seeking and resorting to the culture of silence. As such, males further face stigma, which compounds their invisibility as victims of IPV. Male victims often appears to face mockery and are labeled as weak or “lazy” if they disclose abuse. This silencing effect seems to render their experiences invisible, reinforcing the idea that IPV is only a “women’s issue.” In essence, the intersection of gender stereotypes, cultural narratives, and institutional neglect combines to marginalize men’s experiences.

A third finding is the length of video, which we found that effective video campaigns appears to depend on balancing brevity, platform norms, audience demographics, and cultural relevance. Short videos are preferred, but success also seems to hinge on tailoring content to the platform and the interests of specific age groups. The findings reinforce the need for media campaigns to be context-sensitive, as well as theme- and audience-driven. The findings resonate with Islam and Goldwasser’s (2025) study, which emphasizes the need for a finer-grained, theme-focused media message to influence public behaviors and opinions.

A fourth finding is the media outlet, length, and captivating messages. Our findings show that campaign effectiveness depends on tailoring content to platform norms and audience attention spans. Short-form videos (30–60 s) are perceived to be most effective on TikTok, YouTube Shorts, and Facebook Reels, while longer formats can be used for interviews or reports on YouTube. In essence, captions that explicitly say no to domestic violence, paired with symbolic visuals, were intended to immediately signal the issue, while structured storytelling (introduction → body → conclusion) ensures clarity and engagement. The findings resonate with previous literature on media as a means of changing norms and the need to adopt a tailored message (Syarifuddin et al., 2025).

Finally, we found that messenger identity and credibility appear integral to the success or otherwise of a media campaign designed to foster help-seeking. The choice of voice and messenger is critical. Male voices are often perceived as more authentic and relatable in campaigns targeting male victims, creating a “man-to-man” resonance that breaks stigma. Featuring multiple male faces reinforces that the issue is widespread, not isolated. At the same time, female voices and perspectives can contribute, but cultural biases may undermine their impact in this specific context. Our finding also underscores the importance of institutional and social endorsement. Campaigns gain legitimacy when backed by trusted institutions such as the National Orientation Agency, the Ministry of Justice, and the Nigerian Police. Similarly, involving religious leaders and celebrities seems to amplify reach and influence, as these figures hold moral authority and social visibility. These religious leaders’ and celebrities’ endorsements appear to bridge cultural gaps and strengthen advocacy. Our finding resonates with previous studies on the role of trusted authorities in changing public norms and attitudes (Blair et al., 2021; Shah, 2025).

Our study has some limitations, which are acknowledged. This includes the small sample size and the collection of data in a single state in Nigeria. The implication of the limitation is the generalizability of the findings across other states in Nigeria. Despite the limitations, the study’s findings could be transferable to other contexts sharing similar characteristics as the present study. A principal strength of this study lies in its rigorous application of an intersectionality‑informed coproduction methodology, which directly incorporates the perspectives of male IPV survivors—an approach that largely seems absent from existing research in low- and middle-income countries like Nigeria. By elucidating the complex interplay between socio‑cultural norms, structural inequalities, and media communication processes, the study makes an original and significant contribution to the global evidence base on interventions designed to enhance help‑seeking among men experiencing IPV.

Implications for Policy

Our study has important policy implications for policymakers, including polices designed to address the adverse impact of IPV on men and foster help-seeking behaviors. Building on the study’s intersectional insights into men’s experiences of IPV, the implementation of policy is encouraged to prioritize media interventions that directly respond to the structural, social, and communicative barriers identified. Policies are also encouraged to mandate the development of tailored, coproduced media campaigns that address the economic vulnerabilities that heighten men’s risk of abuse, while simultaneously confronting the entrenched silencing and invisibility that prevent disclosure and help-seeking. To maximize reach and impact, implementation strategies are encouraged to require policymakers and service providers to utilize diverse media outlets and appropriate message lengths, ensuring accessibility across socioeconomic groups. Campaign content could also incorporate captivating, resonant messaging grounded in the lived experiences of male survivors, presented through trusted authorities to enhance credibility and engagement. Crucially, all interventions are encouraged to center relatability and cultural resonance, ensuring that messages reflect the complexity of intersecting identities and experiences. By embedding these evidence‑based themes into policy, institutions could be better positioned to deliver strong media campaigns that not only increase awareness but also actively dismantle barriers to help‑seeking for men affected by IPV, not only in the context of Nigeria but also globally in countries with characteristics similar to those of the present study.

Recommendations

In line with the study’s findings, it recommends that media campaign interventions addressing men’s experiences of IPV should prioritize messages that acknowledge economic vulnerability, challenge the silencing of male victims, and offer clear, culturally resonant pathways to support. Practitioners are encouraged to utilize short, high-frequency messages delivered through trusted and widely accessed media platforms, consistent with evidence from international public health communication research. Campaigns should integrate emotionally engaging narratives and authoritative messengers to enhance credibility, reduce stigma, and strengthen audience identification. Together, these recommendations offer a concise, evidence-informed framework for designing impactful and context-sensitive media interventions that promote help-seeking among men experiencing IPV.

Conclusion

In conclusion, this study advances understanding of male experiences of IPV by demonstrating how economic vulnerability, socio‑cultural silencing, and gendered expectations intersect to shape both victimization and barriers to help‑seeking. Through an intersectionality‑informed coproduction process, the research illuminates the forms of media messaging, authority, and resonance required to build trust and facilitate disclosure among Nigerian men affected by IPV. The insights generated contribute meaningfully to the limited global evidence base and literature on male‑focused IPV interventions and underscore the critical need for context‑sensitive, survivor‑informed communication strategies. By integrating these findings into policy and practice, governments, service providers, and advocacy organizations could develop more responsive, equitable, and effective media campaigns that enhance the visibility of male victimization and strengthen accessible pathways to support. Ultimately, the study is also significant as it highlights the urgency of broadening IPV discourse to include men lived realities and of embedding intersectional coproduction at the center of intervention design.

Footnotes

ORCID iD

Tarela Juliet Ike

Funding

The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

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Terminating the Revolving Cycle of Silence: A Co-Production Study of a Media Campaign Intervention to Encourage Males Affected by Intimate Partner Violence Help-Seeking in Nigeria

Abstract

Keywords

Introduction

Method

Ethics

Participant Demographics and Sampling

Data Collection

Data Analysis

Findings

Economic Vulnerability and Harmful Gender Stereotype as Precipitating Factors to Abuse

Silence and Invisibility

Media Outlet and Length

Captivating Messages

Authority and Trust

Relatability and Resonance

Discussion

Implications for Policy

Recommendations

Conclusion

Footnotes

ORCID iD

Funding

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

References