Abstract
Becoming a father for the first time might cause great changes in a man’s identity and lifestyle. Teenage fathers must strive to balance two competing roles: the teenage role and the father role. The current study design followed grounded theory methodology to gain a deeper understanding of how Thai teenage fathers reason about becoming and being a father from a gender equality perspective. Participants were selected from a heterogeneous group of fathers until saturation was reached (n = 25). Most of the fathers were cohabiting with their partner in an extended family. An interview guide was developed, a pilot study was undertaken, and interviews were performed on two different occasions: once during the second trimester of pregnancy and again when the baby was 5 to 6 months old. The core category, “Male breadwinners involved in parenting,” encompassed persons making the transition from being solely a teenager to being a teenage father. Most of the fathers accepted the unintended pregnancy and took on the expected breadwinning responsibility of a father. They prepared for fatherhood and changed their lifestyle. Their families provided support. Nevertheless, the fathers sought to avoid further unplanned parenthood by learning about family planning. The teenage fathers emphasized breadwinning first, then involved himself in the child and the housework. These findings provide an increased understanding of Thai teenage fathers.
Introduction
While the overall birthrate in Thailand is declining, the teenage birthrate is rising, which is a challenge in Thai society. The birthrate among teenagers in Thailand increased from 39.7 to 53.8 per 1,000 teenage women during 1990 to 2013 (Ministry of Public Health, 2015). Thai teenage parenthood is viewed as a problematic, stigmatized, and serious social problem (Health Intervention and Technology Assessment Program, 2013; Jahan, 2008; Nicaise, Tonguthai, & Fripont, 2000). A Thai study on teenage mothers reported that 59% (n = 215) felt ashamed to admit they were pregnant, and around half of them felt that others considered them as bad or impaired. More than one third of Thai fathers (n = 3,114) were reported to be less than 20 years of age (Chirawatkul et al., 2011). The nonacceptance of pregnant teenagers at school and the fact that teenagers younger than age 15 are not allowed to work, served to socially stigmatize teenagers who became pregnant before they were married (Pungbangkadee, 2008).
In Thailand, pregnant teenagers are not forced to marry, but they often have to rely on their families for support with child care as well as economically (Chirawatkul et al., 2011). Those who are employed often have unskilled jobs or jobs with low wages, for instance, as farmers or factory workers. A low rate of using contraceptives is one contributing factor to teenage pregnancy; moreover, unintended pregnancies have multiple consequences, including effects on maternal and infant health, socioeconomic status, and economic opportunities (Termpittayapaisith & Peek, 2013). In addition, around 40% (n = 26,430) of teenagers buy condoms at the drug store and only 25% reported that they received them from health care providers (Bureau of Epidemiology, 2013). According to regulations on abortion from 2005, a woman may seek an abortion for either physical or mental health reasons; however, in the latter case, two physicians must agree that the procedure is necessary (Praditpan & Chaturachinda, 2016). Since the end of 2014, legal medical abortion is possible also for teenagers, under the strict control of the Ministry of Public Health (2015), but teenagers younger than age 18 need parental consent. However, terminating a pregnancy is still viewed as a serious sin and as a destruction of human life according to Buddhist beliefs. Buddhists believe that life is a link in a chain of continuous rebirths in humans, depending on the deeds in this life or karma from previous lives (Choowattanapakorn, 1999). In other words, to carry out good deeds brings good luck, but doing bad deeds has evil consequences. According to Buddhist doctrine, an expectant Thai father should not kill animals, since killing is considered sinful and might harm the unborn baby (Sansiriphan, Kantaruksa, Klunklin, Baosuang, & Jordan, 2010). Buddha taught Sad lok yom pen pai tam karma, which means that people are responsible for their actions.
Becoming a father for the first time might cause great changes in a man’s identity and lifestyle. Teenage fathers must strive to balance two competing roles: the teenage role and the father role. Thai expectant first-time fathers reported wanting to be a good father and to modify their behaviors in order to have a perfect family (Sansiriphan et al., 2010).
Gender Within Families
The roles, responsibilities, and functions of parenting are changing. The task and responsibility of providing for one’s family financially has traditionally been assigned to fathers; conversely, the task and responsibility of providing child care has traditionally been assigned to mothers (Maurer & Pleck, 2006). Men are expected not only to be family breadwinners but also to participate in child care tasks with the mother (Henwood & Procter, 2003; Lamb, 2010; Premberg, Hellström, & Berg, 2008). Lamb (2010) conceptualized paternal involvement as comprising three parts: engagement, accessibility, and responsibility. Engagement concerns fathers’ direct contact with their child through shared activities. Accessibility refers to fathers’ availability for interaction with their child, whether this interaction occurs. Responsibility refers to the role of fathers in ensuring their child’s needs are taken care of, such as by taking the child to day care or providing for the child financially.
In the Nordic countries, policy makers have strongly supported shared or equal parenting. The Swedish model encompasses a family policy which encourages shared child care between mothers and fathers (Almqvist & Dahlgren, 2013). Increased father involvement is also the case in the United States, although not to the same extent as in the Nordic countries. One study reported that while being a “good” father was still connected to being a breadwinner, men were also expected to shoulder more responsibility for child care (Marks & Palkovitz, 2004). In another study, teenage fathers stated that providing for the family was the primary role of fathers (Paschal, Lewis-Moss, & Hsiao, 2011). However, 77% of teenage fathers in another U.S. study would not raise their child the same way they had been raised themselves (Lemay, Cashman, Elfenbein, & Felice, 2010). The major focus for many fathers in the United Kingdom was described as shouldering the provider burden for their families (Chin, Hall, & Daiches, 2011).
In Asia, the breadwinner role remains important for men’s identities, and men’s involvement in caregiving activities still remains low compared with Western societies (Yeung, 2013). Although many traditional elements of family organization are changing, the family is still the source of how Thai children learn codes of behavior that guide them throughout their later life (Limanonda, 1995). Thai society adheres to the Buddhist religion, which emphasizes harmony, compassion, caring for others, and responsibility. The core ideology of family roles and duties has remained relatively constant (Hoffman, Demo, & Edwards, 1994; Yoddumnern-Attig, 1992). Traditionally, Thai fathers have been expected to be leaders and protectors of the family as well as providers, whereas Thai mothers have been expected to be housewives and to take care of the children (Yoddumnern-Attig, 1992). Girls and boys have different roles and are differently treated in Thai culture through direct and indirect messages conveyed by parents and relatives. Teenagers have reported that women perform most of the household work. Outdoor chores and typical labor tasks such as farming, carrying water, and cutting down trees are reserved for men (Soonthorndhada et al., 2005).
Since 2008, governmental campaigns in Thailand have introduced parenting classes to prepare parents for their new role and to encourage men to be involved in child rearing (Ministry of Public Health, 2012). Couples who work as government officials, state enterprise employees, and private employees have 90 days of maternity leave and, from 2010, 15 days of paternity leave (Department of Labour Protection and Welfare, 1998). This policy does not cover agricultural work, and teenagers younger than 15 years of age are not allowed to work. Those who are 15 to 18 years old are allowed to work if it is not harmful to their health (Department of Labour Protection and Welfare, 1998). In line with this, most teenage fathers paid more attention to the traditional gender role of breadwinning than to deepening their involvement in child rearing. Teenage fathers and adult fathers have been reported to be equal when it came to sharing child-rearing responsibilities with partners (Sriyasak, Almqvist, Sridawruang, & Häggström-Nordin, 2015).
Several studies have mentioned the relationship between masculinity, paid work, and housework (Cooper, 2000; Hoang & Yeoh, 2011; Townsend, 2002), drawing on the classic theoretical formulation of Connell (1992, 1995). Connell (1995) and others (Brines, 1994; Show & Gerstel, 2009) suggest that men’s involvement in gender relations at home, especially parenting, provides an important (re)construction and expression of various masculinities. Masculinity can be exemplified by two major models for how men combine family and paid work (Gerson, 2010; Show & Gerstel, 2009): the neotraditional model of masculinity in which men put their breadwinning first and rely on their partners for caregiving (Gerson, 2010) and the egalitarian model, which entails sharing child care or household responsibilities and paid work equally with their partner. Men living by the latter model want to have a modern lifestyle regarding gender issues (Cooper, 2000; Damaske, Ecklund, Lincoln, & White, 2014). Research from the United States and Thailand indicates that fathers are expected to be the main provider of the family (Paschal et al., 2011; Yoddumnern-Attig, 1992). In addition, their parental involvement depends on the policy and cultural context. Meanings and ideologies of fatherhood are shaped and constructed by societal and cultural processes (Cooper, 2000).
The transition to fatherhood is a period of multiple changes. Furthermore, studies on parenting have devoted more attention to mothers than fathers. Therefore, many aspects of non-Western culture in upper-middle income countries (World Bank, 2016) like Thailand need to be explored and understood from the point of view of teenage fathers during their partner’s pregnancy and early fatherhood. Little is known about how Thai men think and reflect about fatherhood; therefore, the aim of this grounded theory study was to answer the question: How do Thai teenage fathers reason about becoming and being a father from a gender equality perspective?
Method
Study Design
Grounded theory methodology was used to gain a deeper understanding of how participants reasoned about becoming and being a father from a gender perspective. Grounded theory methodology is well suited for investigating complex multifaceted phenomena such as social issues. The purpose of grounded theory is to comprehend people’s feelings, behaviors, and actions, and to describe the stages, phases, and processes of a particular experience (Glaser & Strauss, 1967).
Study Setting and Participants
The participants were recruited either through a district hospital or at primary health care centers in a rural province in Western Thailand, chosen because it has one of the highest adolescent birthrates (Ministry of Public Health, 2015). The inclusion criteria were being a first-time father, being younger than 20 years of age, and cohabiting with one’s partner. When the first interview was finalized, the initial analysis started and new participants were selected with different ages, geographical locations, socioeconomic status, and educational level, to introduce more variety into the sample (Glaser & Strauss, 1967). Selection of a heterogeneous group of Thai fathers continued until saturation was reached (n = 25). All were cohabiting with their partner in an extended family, except one who lived in a nuclear family. Participants’ ages ranged from 16 to 19 years (Mean = 17.27 years) and all were Buddhists. More details about demographic characteristics of the participants are presented in Table 1. Interviews were conducted by the first author in Thai; they lasted about 45 to 60 minutes and were recorded with a digital recorder. Participants could choose where to be interviewed, and in most cases, they chose a calm place in their home. The data were collected on two different occasions: during the second trimester of pregnancy and when the baby was 5 to 6 months old. The second trimester was the time when they began bonding with the fetus (Draper, 2002); the period after childbirth was chosen to give participants time to become accustomed to fatherhood, since parental involvement for first-time fathers has been reported to increase gradually between 3 and 6 months postpartum (Ohashi & Asano, 2012).
Demographic Characteristics of Participants.
Procedure and Data Analysis
The interview guide was developed from the research question and tested in a pilot study with three teenage fathers. The semistructured interview guide served as an aid in the interview process (Table 2). The processes of collecting and coding data took place in parallel, as is characteristic of grounded theory. The procedures for data analysis followed the work of Strauss and Corbin (1990). Interviews were transcribed verbatim into Thai, and NVivo10 was used to organize data (QSR International, 2010). The first step in the analysis was open coding; the first author reviewed the transcripts and field notes and wrote memos on concepts that emerged between the initial defining of categories and the first draft of the completed analysis. A professional interpreter translated the open coding from Thai to English. The non-Thai speaking authors read and commented on part of the interviews. The process of open coding was double checked by both Thai coauthors to reduce the common risk of translation distortion (Squires, 2008). Similar concepts were grouped through data reconceptualization into a more abstract level called a category (axial coding), summarizing the content (Table 3).
Core Questions, Excerpts From the Two Interview Guides.
Examples of Citations, Open Coding, Subcategories or Variations Within Categories, and Categories Emerging From the Interviews.
The second step, axial coding provided a holistic view of the findings, describing “causal conditions, actions, intervening conditions, and consequences” (Strauss & Corbin, 1990, pp. 96-97). “Causal condition” refers to an event that leads to the occurrence of some phenomenon. “Action/interaction” refers to the strategies devised to handle a phenomenon under a specific set of perceived conditions. “Intervening conditions” help facilitate the strategies taken within a specific context. “Consequences” are outcomes or results of actions and interactions. The constant comparative method of analysis was performed while coding and analyzing the data; the author looked for patterns by comparing incident with incident, incident with category, and participant with participant. During the third step, selective coding was performed to select the concepts relating to the core category. In the last step, a preliminary model was formed by relating categories together (Figure 1). Both memos and diagrams were useful in all stages of the analytical process.
The process of transition to fatherhood among Thai teenage fathers.
Research Ethics
This study was approved by the Ethical Committee of the Public Health Office in the relevant province in Western Thailand (PB0027.005/3539) and by the Swedish Ethical Board in Uppsala (Dnr. 2012/556).
Results
Core Category
The core category, “Male breadwinners involved in parenting,” encompasses all data from the interviews with the participants when they made the transition from being solely a teenager to being a teenage father (see Figure 1). Most of the pregnancies were unplanned, but the fathers accepted the unintended pregnancy and took on the breadwinning responsibility. The participants prepared for fatherhood when becoming a father and changed their lifestyles accordingly. In most cases, their families provided support. Nevertheless, the teenagers tried to manage the father role and sought to avoid further unplanned parenthood. In the analysis, the transition to fatherhood was shaped by the societal context, including factors such as family, lifestyles and social values, traditions, religion, educational system, legal regulations, and the gendered patterns within the family.
Acceptance of Unintended Fatherhood
In the couples where the pregnancy was unintended, all fathers accepted it and took on the responsibility of being a father because their partner’s pregnancy was already a fact. The decision to keep the baby was based on legal regulations, the significance of Buddhist beliefs, and societal expectations to show responsibility.
Lack of Concern About Contraception
Most of the participants were unconcerned about contraception because they had had sexual intercourse many times without their partner becoming pregnant. Some participants, however, reported that their partner got pregnant even though they used a condom, as one father-to-be stated as follows: “We had sexual intercourse many times; sometimes I used a condom and I didn’t think that she would get pregnant” (F 17).
Realizing the Significance of Buddhist Beliefs
All the teenage fathers were Buddhists and reflected on the religious principles embedded in Thai culture. Most were concerned about religious beliefs and therefore did not want their partner to have an abortion. The participants believed in a Buddhist sin called bap and looked on the fetus as human being. As one father-to-be expressed as follows: “I have to keep the baby. The baby is our flesh and blood and I didn’t think of doing an abortion; it’s sinful or ‘bap.’ I didn’t want to kill the fetus” (F 06).
Showing Responsibility as Expected From a Traditional Father
All participants felt that they should take responsibility as is expected of a traditional father and accepted the unintended pregnancy. The participants also followed a societal tradition recommended in Thailand, a ceremony for a couple which is a part of a wedding. By following this tradition, the participants helped the partner’s family accept the pregnancy. For instance, a father-to-be reported as follows:
When I found out that my partner was pregnant, my parents told me to take responsibility and they would talk to my partner’s family about performing a [traditional and informal] Thai engagement ceremony to save face for them [the partner’s family]. (F 09)
Preparation for Fatherhood
The teenage fathers reflected on adjusting to becoming a father, which involved new duties and coping with a changed lifestyle. Bonding with the fetus during their partner’s pregnancy gave them a sense of being a father, as did support to their partner during pregnancy and childbirth.
Sense of Being a Father
The participants bonded with the fetus when they felt fetal movements. Most of them reported truly understanding the meaning of the word “Dad.” Some got this feeling during the first trimester, some in the second trimester. One father-to-be reflected as follows: “The word ‘Dad’ means something and I felt a feeling of responsibility. For example, I feel attached to the baby and will share the responsibility with my partner” (F 04).
Transition and Change of Lifestyle
All participants faced many other changes in their daily life when becoming a father. For example, the participants changed from son to father or from student to working person. They prepared themselves to be a father by changing their behaviors and adapting to their new situation. They attempted to cut down on smoking or cease altogether, and stopped going out drinking with friends as exemplified by this father:
I’ve changed my habits. For example, I was always out at night and came back home in the morning. Now, I’ve stopped going out, and work hard for my child and my partner. I rarely smoke because my partner wants me to cut down or stop. I plan to do what my partner asks. (F 22)
Support to Partner During Pregnancy and Childbirth
During their partner’s pregnancy, most participants helped in taking care of her by nurturing her and providing emotional support. Their reason for doing so was a concern for her health. They took care of their partner during the prenatal period, as this father told, “I took care of her by buying good food and milk before I went to work. Moreover, I prepared milk before bedtime and let her sleep with music to reduce stress” (F 18). Furthermore, the young fathers also supported in childbirth by taking their partner to the hospital when she was in labor, as one father reported, “When my partner had labor pains, I accompanied her to the hospital. I also stayed with her for 2-3 days at the postnatal ward” (F 07).
Managing Fatherhood
The ways teenage fathers managed their fatherhood included having their own fathers as a role model, by being breadwinners as their main responsibility, and they also developed an awareness of family planning. The main concern of most participants was first, being a breadwinner and, second, taking care of the child.
Own Father as Role Model
After becoming a father, most participants learned the fatherhood role by imitating the example of their own fathers, which included choosing to do good things. Many wanted, like their fathers, to be the main family breadwinner. One father reported as follows:
I was impressed by my father, who was a good father and took care of his family. I was raised very well and taught to be a good person, to avoid alcohol and drugs. He took responsibility, and did everything for the baby and the family. (F 05)
Male Breadwinner Involved in Parenting
Most of the teenage fathers felt a societal pressure to be a breadwinner. They worked hard to provide financial support for their family. The fathers wanted their partners to take care of the baby and manage the household economy. Most of the teenage fathers cared for their child by playing and talking with their babies after work or on days off. For instance, a father stated as follows:
We didn’t divide the chores. Mostly, I went to work and she took care of the child and did housework. About washing dishes and cleaning, I helped her when I didn’t go to work. Mostly, in the evening I played with him [the baby] or sometimes helped him learn to walk. (F 17)
One father reported more involvement: “I helped my partner to take care of her [the baby] in the evening or at night such as preparing milk for feeding or changing a diaper because I am going to work at daytime” (F 14).
When asked if the participants thought that child care or housework would make them lose their masculinity, most of the participants answered along the following lines: “I don’t think that housework and child care made me lose my masculinity. We have to help each other to raise our child because he is our son” (F 03).
Awareness of Family Planning
The unplanned breadwinner responsibility made the fathers aware of their own part in parenthood by highlighting the importance of efficient family planning. Most of the young fathers were concerned about their living expenses and having to take responsibility as a family breadwinner. One father reported as follows: “I don’t want to have another child now. I have to focus on caring for the first child. Having a child increases the cost of living, so we plan to use contraceptive injections” (F 12).
A Supportive Family
The participants reported various forms of support from their family both during their partner’s pregnancy and after the baby was born. Families provided physical, emotional, material, informational, and financial support. For example, one father stated as follows: “I think my partner’s mother is the most helpful person. She helped by taking my partner to the antenatal clinic when I was at work. She also sometimes offered me money when I was short on it” (F 21). Interestingly, some participants were concerned about raising the child independent from their parents. One father reflected as follows:
I want to go to school but I’m afraid that no one will raise the child because my partner has to continue school. I would like to raise my child more independently. Because we have our own family, we need to help ourselves as much as possible. (F 02)
Discussion
The primary goal was to gain a deeper understanding of how teenage fathers reason about becoming and being a father from a gender equality perspective. The fathers accepted the unintended pregnancy and took on the breadwinning responsibility of a father. The participants prepared for fatherhood when becoming a father and changed their lifestyle accordingly. In most cases, their families provided support. Nevertheless, the teenagers tried to manage the father role and sought to avoid further unplanned parenthood. The analysis revealed that the transition to fatherhood was shaped by the societal context, such as family, lifestyles and social values, traditions, religion, educational system, law, and the gender pattern within the family.
The causal condition, “Acceptance of unintended fatherhood,” addressed the participants’ experiences starting from when they first learned that they were, unintentionally, becoming fathers. Apart from being illegal, religion was a reason for not wanting their partners to have an abortion. Most of the fathers had previously been unconcerned about contraception, but they recognized the significance of Buddhist beliefs and showed responsibility in accordance with Thai societal expectations of a traditional father. This finding is supported by earlier findings that teenage parenthood was associated with low rates of contraceptive use (Termpittayapaisith & Peek, 2013). An English study investigating ethnic minority young people also reported that becoming a young parent resulted in taking increased responsibility (Higginbottom, Mathers, Marsh, Kirkham, & Owen, 2005). Participants also expressed feelings of maturity and concerns about financial issues (Higginbottom et al., 2005).
In the current model, the subcategories: “Sense of being a father,” “Transition and change of lifestyle,” and “Support to partner during pregnancy and childbirth” jointly constitute the category “Preparation for fatherhood,” reflecting strategies used by participants when they unintentionally became fathers. These findings are supported by results from a Thai study that first-time fathers modified their behaviors, for example, by taking increased responsibility at home, economizing and saving, and reducing or quitting smoking and drinking (Sansiriphan et al., 2010). A supportive family played a vital role in the transition to fatherhood among the teenage fathers. These findings correspond with a previous Thai study reporting that extended families assist in providing care when the teenage father lacks confidence in doing activities with the infant (Chirawatkul et al., 2011). In Thai society, younger persons have to show respect to the elderly or authorities by listening, being obedient, following suggestions, and refraining from arguments. These practices affect teenage boys’ self-confidence to take on the new role as a father. However, some teenage fathers wanted to be independent from his or his partner’s parents, especially when it came to child rearing. Teenage fathers are still in the process of forming their identity, finding a direction in life (Steinberg, 2011).
There were also teenage fathers who managed fatherhood by using their “Own father as a role model,” “Male breadwinner involved in parenting,” and “Awareness of family planning.” The participants represented a new generation, and after the transition to fatherhood, the majority emphasized breadwinning first and, second, taking care of the child and housework. However, most of participants did not think that engaging in caring for their child or housework would make them lose their masculinity. This is in accordance with the neotraditional model of masculinity where men primarily are concerned about their breadwinning role and rely on their partners for caregiving (Gerson, 2010). Normally, many less educated, low-to-middle-class fathers must work long hours to provide for their families (Marks & Palkovitz, 2004). Because most teenage mothers stayed at home and therefore unavoidably were the primary caretaker and did the housework, teenage men and women, in their roles as parents, became unequal. As a result, teenage fathers played quite a small role in child rearing. In line with this, most teenage fathers paid more attention to the traditional gender role of breadwinning than to deepening their involvement in child rearing (Sriyasak et al., 2015). In Thai society, as in many Asian countries, the notion of fathers as breadwinners is still dominant (Chin et al., 2011; Chirawatkul et al., 2011; Yeung, 2013). The subcategory, “Awareness of family planning,” illustrates that most of the teenage fathers were keen to use an effective contraceptive to allow space between possible future children.
It is interesting to note the development among fathers-to-be from lack of concern about contraception to awareness of family planning, including spacing of children, when becoming a father. Most of the teenage fathers realized the increased cost of living when having to take responsibility as a main provider. It is important for health care providers to inform young men about contraceptive use in order to prevent unintended pregnancies.
Strengths and Limitations of the Study
The use of grounded theory as the methodological approach added strength to this study. In order to strengthen methodological trustworthiness, the researcher used a reflexive process to provide a way to control bias and be aware of preconceptions. Hence, a useful preliminary model was generated from the study. The findings help fill knowledge gaps about teenage fathers in rural Thailand, and could be employed as baseline data for providing services that meet the needs of teenage fathers in the near future. Data trustworthiness followed Lincoln and Guba’s (1999) work. Credibility and dependability were confirmed as the first author read the transcript and coded the data independently before discussing codes and preliminary categories with the fourth author, who is an expert in grounded theory, until they estimated that more than 90% agreement was reached. To further enhance credibility before the second interview, the analysis process was discussed with team authors until consensus was reached, and dependability was achieved through member checking, asking participants to give feedback on the transcript from the first interview. The study was designed to collect data from the same teenage fathers at different points in time. This was done to determine the congruence of the studied phenomenon over time. The researcher kept the raw data, memos and field notes, data reduction and analysis products, data reconstruction and synthesis products, process notes, and existing relevant literature to improve the confirmability of the results. Using theoretical sampling helped obtain transferability, which refers to findings in the study that can explain similar situations. This study recruited cohabiting teenage fathers in a rural area that has one of the highest adolescent birthrates in Thailand. The construction of the emerging model could have been different if the authors had interviewed teenage fathers living in other contexts (e.g., living in an urban area, living in an area with low teenage pregnancy birthrates, or living in a nuclear family, etc.). Another limitation was that all the participants lived in an extended family; furthermore, they all lived in the same geographical area in Thailand, limiting the possibility to transfer the results to other parts of the country. In future research, it might be useful to include the perspectives of both teenage mothers and fathers, since they influence each other’s thoughts and reflections.
Conclusion
The purpose of this study was to capture how Thai teenage fathers reason about becoming and being a father from a gender equality perspective. The study addressed causal conditions, action/interaction strategies, intervening conditions, and consequences within the sociocultural contexts, including factors such as family, lifestyles and social values, traditions, religion, education system, gender patterns within the family, and the law. Three categories emerged, namely, acceptance of unintended fatherhood, preparation for fatherhood, and managing fatherhood, which cover the transition experiences from receiving the news of pregnancy until the baby was 5 to 6 months old.
A preliminary model was developed to illustrate the basic social process. “Male breadwinners involved in parenting” illustrates how the Thai teenage fathers adapt to the situation by changing their lifestyle and strive to care for their families, primarily by taking on the breadwinner role but also taking care of the child and doing housework. It provides useful information for health care providers to gain a deeper understanding of teenage fathers’ experiences of becoming a father and to provide care tailored to their specific needs. The couples’ families play a vital role in helping teenage fathers successfully pass through this transition. Professionals are recommended to provide health education for teenage fathers, especially from pregnancy until the child-rearing period. Services for this particular group should be launched and organized systematically to enhance the quality of care for teenage fathers and to promote the infant’s well-being and future development.
This study aims at contributing to the number of very few qualitative studies that are starting to investigate teenage fathers from a gender perspective lens of non-Western culture in upper-middle income countries. Future research could be explorative from a cross-cultural perspective, meaning that the next step could be employing the model in different contexts.
Footnotes
Acknowledgements
The authors are grateful to the teenage fathers for their participation in this study.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: The authors are grateful to Praboromarajchanok Institute for Health Workforce Development; the Ministry of Public Health, Thailand; Prachomklao College of Nursing, Phetchaburi, Thailand; and the Women’s Health and Reproductive Rights Foundation of Thailand for partial financial support.